Lecture Eight: A Nation Once Again (1863-'64)
"Mon centre cède, ma droite recule, situation excellente, j'attaque" Ferdinand Foch
The collapse of the houses of Savoy and Bourbon signalled the end of Italian opposition to Papal rule but one significant obstacle to unification remained. The armies of the Austrian Empire were only beginning to take to the field with the intention of reversing Papal successes and restoring the status quo. This determination to oppose change, in lieu of offering alternative solutions, was classic Austrian policy from the days of Metternich. The dogged intransigence of Vienna was simultaneously the greatest threat to the Papacy and its greatest source of support. The Austrian armies which continued to occupy both Milan and Venice served as the only real unifying factor amongst the various Italian regions and war with Vienna was genuinely popular. The ink was hardly dry on the Treaty of Rome before agents of the Vatican had contacted the remaining Piedmontese and Neapolitan regiments and begun to lobby for their support against the Austrians. For the most part these soldiers had little loyalty to the old regimes and Rome offered them an alternative to a future of banditry. That is not to say that these shattered formations did not demand a price for their service - in order to secure the loyalty of the Neapolitan aristocracy, or at least the officers of the Royal Guard, Pius IX personally promised that the large estates of the south would not be abolished. This drew protests from some of his more reform minded advisers but was a decision borne of necessity. Elsewhere the divisions originally commissioned by Cavour of Piedmont were hurriedly handed new banners and directed towards the Austrian border as their brief periods of training came to a close.
In 1863 the border was nothing less than the Quadrilateral - the four great fortresses of Mantua, Verona, Peschiera and Legnago*. It was this intimidating defensive line that ensured Austrian control over the provinces of Lombardy and Venezia and guarded the Western approaches to Austria itself. It is little wonder that the Papal generals, commanding troops of dubious training and loyalty, looked to the coming battles with trepidation. However a fortress is of little use if it is not left garrisoned and General Sabbatini, now commanding all Italian forces in Piedmont, was quick to identify a weak point in the line. The rapid collapse of the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont had left the western flank of the Quadrilateral exposed as the Austrians overcommitted themselves to the assault on Parma. It was Sabbatini who took the gamble of abandoning his garrison duties in Turin and racing towards Milan with his Esercito Italiano. There he found a fortress occupied by a mere hundred Austrian soldiers, who promptly surrendered on April 19 1863. The Italian army was rapturously received by the local population and the liberation of Milan, alongside victory in Parma, was a huge boon to the Papal cause that was widely trumpeted by its propagandists. It was little wonder that the reconstructed armies of the peninsula, now marching under the tricolour of Papal Italy, were in high spirits as they assembled on the border.
Italian soldiers outside a recently captured Austrian redoubt
Sabbatini's aggressive advances recommenced on May 6 with the beginning of the general May Offensive along the Quadrilateral. This was the first major operation for the new Italian army and its objective was the dislocation of the Austrian armies from their fortified positions. To this end it was agreed that Esercito Italiano, and associated divisions, would stage a strong offensive through Bergamo and Brescia in an attempt to "turn" the Austrian defensive line. The danger was clearly perceived by Vienna, and the mountainous passes of Bergamo were hurriedly reinforced. These arrived just in time to stymie the Italian offensive in the province and the fighting in Bergamo would continue for some months. As Imperial regiments were committed to this bitter battle, the Esercito Pontificio spearheaded a general offensive along the rest of the border. Through June and July significant victories were earned in both Brescia and Verona. This opened a gaping hole in the Quadrilateral and the Austrians proved quite unable to seal the rupture. The situation was masterfully exploited by the Papal military leadership and its divisions raced forwards into the unprotected Austrian rear. Their purpose had become nothing less than the encirclement of Bergamo and the recovery of Venice.
Both objectives had been met by September 1863. Over fifteen Austrian divisions had been encircled and destroyed in Bergamo, albeit with horrendous Italian losses, while the Esercito Pontificio had advanced along the coast without incident and liberated Venice on September 7. The summer of campaigning had effectively destroyed the Austrian army in the field and it wasn't until the next year that the advancing Italian columns would face renewed opposition. Bozen, Udine, Idrsko, Treviso and Trieste all fell before January while the first months of 1864 saw the occupation of Innsbruck, Lienz and Pola. The May Offensive had exceeded the expectations of even its most optimistic of planners and delivered the Papacy a potent propaganda weapon - under its guidance the Italian people had achieved in less than a year that which had eluded previous rulers for centuries.
The Italian May Offensive: Arrows show an initial thrust. The red and blue lines indicate the furtherest Italian advance and the final borders respectively.
It was news that the Vatican needed, for its most dangerous battles were being fought some distance from the battlefields of Lombardy. The war with Austria had been accompanied by a less public or bloody, but just as vicious, internal struggle within the new Italian state. Specifically the question revolved around the form that this new state should take. The Treaty of Rome had established Papal rule throughout Sardinia-Piedmont and Two Sicilies but was, perhaps inevitably, vague on details. It was not clear as to whether the Vatican commanded the rights of a victorious nation or was merely the first state amongst equals. Belying previous talk of an Italian Confederation, the Papal aides were determined to ensure that Italy was to be a unitary state ruled exclusively from Rome. Inevitably this caused conflict with local interests who had no desired to fall under such an autocratic regime. The liberals and workers of Piedmont in particular were deeply unhappy when the Papacy acted to abolish their hard won victories, in the form of the
Statuto Albertino**, and the region was tense despite the raging war with Austria. The October rising by four thousand mill workers in Savona did not spark a general revolt but it was enough to convince Rome of the threat to its authority. Victory at Bergamo allowed several divisions to be withdrawn from the war in Lombardy and committed to police duties throughout the realm. Of particular concern was Piedmont and Sicily; the latter of whom gave rise to a sizeable revolt in Palermo in December.
These domestic troubles were obviously of concern when it came to concluding the war. Despite this, and the stiffening of Austrian resistance, there were plenty of victory-drunk cardinals who greatly desired a final settlement of the Italian Question with the annexation of a huge swathe of land, including much of Austria's Adriatic holdings. The realists amongst the hierarchy recognised that this would require nothing less than a march on Vienna itself and argued that the social troubles at home precluded any further offensives. As the debate raged on it fell to Napoleon III to once again involve himself in the situation. His mediation resulted in the Peace of Villafranca-Zürich whereby Austria renounced its possessions of Lombardy and Venezia in exchange for peace. After some continued debate amongst the Church Pius IX finally accepted the treaty and it was ratified by both parties on February 21 1864. Villafranca-Zürich continued to leave some Italians living under Austrian rule, an increasingly unacceptable scenario, but it was by and large a satisfactory conclusion to the war that greatly enhanced the prestige of both Napoleon III and the new Italian state.
-----
* This imposing defensive line dated back to the early 18th C and was an obstacle to Napoleon himself. It remained the strongest fortification line in the world until its fall to the Italians in 1863. The role that these redoubts played in securing Austrian control of the regions is vividly illustrated in "Butt, I., (1860), The History of Italy, from the Abdication of Napoleon I, London"
** "Smith, D.M., (1997), Modern Italy: A Political History, Yale" devotes a chapter to the evolution and influence of the Piedmontese constitution. While Sardinia-Piedmont could only be called a democracy in the loosest possible sense of the term, the constitution, reluctantly granted by Charles Albert in 1845, was cherished proof of the political clout of the liberal classes.