1965 - Black Veil (Part 2)
The scandal in Tokyo would not remain the last that year. Even as Kasumigaseki was labouring hard to work out legislation allowing for assemblies to dissolve themselves, young reporters put their ears to the ground and began listening. In truth, what they heard was nothing that had not been floating around some press club or another for some time now and by the 1960s all major Japanese political players had become rather adept at using reports to try and topple their rivals with the 'Shipbuilding Scandal' in 1956 being the most recent and successful application of it. Yet, most of these scandals went unmentioned or reported, barring major opportunities and power struggles within the system. Most older journalists were often fearful of being cut off from not only their information sources, often senior officials, but also the social networks they had built up in press clubs causing them to restrain themselves and act when told. Although true among parts of the new generation entering journalism, many there to shared the ideals of liberty as those protesting on campuses and in the streets. Despite this, many tried to sneak past the press barons that they worked for to pierce the 'Black Veil' that covered the backroom of Japanese politics few would prove successful. Despite their good instincts for stories, it would take more than just determination to get their stories past with those that refusing to drop stories often seeing less than comfortable foreign postings land on their tables. Instead those with guile and a bit of luck would succeed. Such as in the case of Arafune Seijūrō, the transport minister at the time. Beginning already in early April, the minister was in hot water over a statement that he had made to journalists that visited his house, boasting his ability to control the trains to benefit his constituents. As the crisis in Tokyo continued flaring calls to investigate his actions in the Diet became ever louder and in an attempt to avoid this Minister Arafune announced his resignation on the 3rd of May, following consultations with senior party officials. In a press conference addressing his resignation, the minister denied any wrong doing on his behalf, but called this a necessary step to return stability to government.
Although Arafune would never hold another cabinet position, he would maintain close ties with
Prime Minister Tanaka, whose eventual faction he would eventually back in exchange for benefits to his constituents.
Despite the best intentions of Arafune, his resignation would however not make things simpler for the ruling party as his subsequent regionalism in speeches to his constituents continued to baffle the media at large, which now felt a bit more free to print his sayings given that the cat was out of the bag and the man out of office. Despite reflecting negatively on the party, none of the leadership felt a particularly strong urge to call Arafune to order. Although senior party officials, as well as his own faction leader, did privately advise him to tune his statements down, none of them was willing to be responsible for rebuking him. Attempts by the various faction leaders to pressure the Prime Minister also proved unsuccessful, with Tanaka proving very headstrong in his reluctance to call the former minister to order given his own very strong regionalist tendencies. Due to this, as well as Taishūtō remaining surprisingly quiet on the subject, the burden of reaping the benefits from these indiscretions fell on the Kōmeitō as well as the Kyōsantō. Even though the two parties stood worlds apart, one a nominally Buddhist party standing for the Soka Gakkai and the other a Syndicalist organisation, the two would push hard on the subjects of clean government and attract quite a bit of support among idealists. They would not have to wait long for their next target, as the stabs into the veil now increasingly began to reveal what lay behind. On the 6th of June, Tanaka Shōji, no relation, with his closer associates and family were arrested on suspicion of illicit dealings with state land that were later revealed to have been sold to fund campaigning. In his role as head of the Audit and Administrative Committee of the House of Representatives, the Diet member had enjoyed a lot of control over the proceedings and thus deemed liable. Whilst initially arrested for just that case it later emerged that he had also been involved in numerous cases of blackmail and revealed to have rather deep links with the criminal underworld. In the investigations Arafune's name would once more surface, but later be discarded. The same luxury was not afforded to Tanaka, who was under police investigation. Hoping to save the party from being associated with such criminal affairs, Tanaka was expelled from the party following his arrest and convinced to retire from the House of Representatives on his own accord on the 30th of June.
A Niigata native like the Prime Minister, Tanaka's position as head of the Audit Committee gave him plenty of chances
to extort those people under investigation for his own profit, earning him the nickname Match-Pump Tanaka.
Even as the revelations arising from the investigation into the Tanaka case continued to amaze the public, as well as invite a number of demonstrations to Nagatachō, they would be met in kind. The revelations of a conservative, Tanaka, and a centrist, Arafune, as corrupt had made many with those leanings suspicious of the liberal wing of the Rikken Seiyūkai. Turning the usually quiet dog days into a media whirlwind, as buckets turned to sieves overnight with July seeing a number of lower ranking liberal Diet members, as well as bureaucrats of that leaning, being accused in articles of impropriety. The liberals responded in kind and the prime minister proved incapable of calling the party to order. In many ways, the political crisis has been later called a timed charade as it worked great in turning public attention away from the ongoing military crisis in China, which increasingly had the cabinet worried. The increased amount of Imperial soldiers in China had seen the casualty rates increase by almost 9 fold, in comparison to previous years, to say nothing of the Chinese troops despite their relegation to secondary roles. The Imperial Armed Forces had lost around 9000 men by May of 1965 alone. In comparison, in the preceding three decades that Japanese forces had been present in the Qing Empire, the casualties of the China Expeditionary Force had amounted to little over 20 000 men, which included those lost in the offensives of 1964. The growing casualty rates, along with the actions taken to make the public very aware of them, also began to worry military officials given that the casualty rates approached the most combat intensive months of the East Indies Revolt or the Australasian Intervention with seemingly no end in sight. In an attempt to combat public awareness, cabinet considered many possibilities yet few seemed truly appealing or explainable to the public. Thus
despite both conservatives and military officers voicing their displeasure at what they saw as the undermining of the traditions and fighting spirit of the Imperial Army as well as the policy of conscription, the Tanaka cabinet appeared before the Diet with a plan to introduce voluntary service across the Japanese held colonial territories, such as Korea, the parts of the Indonesian archipelago still under Japanese control or Tasmania. The conservatives continued making their displeasure heard in parliament and although the policy would pass, with the help of some Taishūtō members as well as an independent Diet member of Korean origin, rumours seemed to suggest that whilst they had lost the battle the conservatives would not give up the fight.
Japanese propaganda posters used to encourage the volunteers program in Korea. Although disguised under idealistic
imagery of unity, the volunteers more often than not remained segregated to their own units
and more often than not thrust into tasks deemed too dangerous for regulars.
Following the revelations in the Tanaka Shōji investigation, as well as the open season that followed, a few conservative Diet members close to the disgraced Tanaka Shōji had pushed some younger journalists belonging to the Bungei Shunjū in the general direction of Prime Minister Tanaka Kakuei. Given his colourful background, as well as his reputation among political circles as a brilliant fundraiser for the Satō faction, many suspected that his finger prints could be revealed on this case as well. However, the journalists proved as unsuccessful in this regard as the Japanese police had proved, however in their investigation the journalists did discover something that the police had either ignored or overlooked. Thus in the final days of the summer of bickering that would likely have characterised the 'Black Veil' scandal had Tanaka not been the Prime Minister, the conservatives surfaced with their ace in the hole. On the 26th of July the Bungei Shunjū published an article detailing how businesspeople close to the Prime Minister and, as would later be revealed during an inquiry, he himself, through the person of a geisha, had profited by buying up land in remote areas through shell companies prior to the announcement of massive infrastructure projects. Even though these actions by themselves were not illegal, the hints of corruption combined with the internal struggles within the party resulted in the conservatives as well as some centrist, backed by most of the opposition, in opening a public inquiry on Tanaka. The death of Ikeda Hayato on the 13th of August slowed the proceedings to a crawl, however following the funeral it picked up again and soon the committee had decided on their first witness Satō Akiko, no relation, who served as Tanaka's secretary and treasurer of his electoral support committee. Even as internal inquiries and consultation with the police revealed that the accusations would not amount to anything criminal as well as Satō, Ōhira and Maeo assuring Tanaka that he still had their support the Prime Minister felt conflicted. Whilst his choice of a female secretary had provoked a number of rumours, given his questionable approach to monogamy, neither press nor even other politicians truly knew for certain that the two were indeed in a romantic relationship. Thus whether out of love, blackmail or pity Tanaka felt that he could not let her take the stand, even if it cost him his position as prime minister. In exchange for his resignation, a deal was reached in the backrooms of the Seiyūkai, where the conservatives would drop the inquiry and both sides would put aside their internal struggle for the moment de facto ending the 'Black Veil' scandal.
Tanaka Kakuei and Satō Akiko, following Tanaka's fall he would increasingly attempt to gain control from behind the scenes.
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May
May 8 - Japanese forces in Manchuria capture Russian operatives acting under the guise of soldiers from Transamur with weapons and munitions thought to be headed for Korean guerillas in the Changbai mountains.
May 16 – Close to 5,000 Republican guerillas mount an attack on Linqing, overrunning its military headquarters and the adjoining militia compound. The guerillas are eventually beaten back by arriving Japanese forces.
May 27 – Internazionale beats Benfica 1–0 at Camp Nou, Barcelona and wins the 1964-65 European Cup.
May 29 – German astronaut Eberhard Eimler becomes the first human to walk in space after leaving his spacecraft for 12 minutes.
Despite their successes, the German space program had increasingly come under pressure for its exuberant spending.
June
June 1 - More than 200 people are killed and around 300 people gravely wounded in the Yamano coal mining explosion.
June 6 - The All-Japan Football League, the second national league of a team sport in the Japanese Empire, is founded. Just like the baseball league that preceded it, the league is highly tied to the zaibatsu, who own most of the teams and supply the players. The inaugural champions are the Hiroshima based Toyo Industries team, which wins 12 and ties 2 of the 14 matches they play.
June 18 - The Tanaka cabinet announces the Volunteers program, which opens the door for loyal subjects living outside of the Home Islands to volunteer for service in the Japanese Army. The policy is dated to begin in 1966 and is touted as an important step in bringing the various peoples' of the Empire closer together.
June 26 – The Karachi Accords mark the end of the Maldivian Emergency. The island chain is divided between the German-backed Sultanate of the Maldives in the North and the Indian-backed United Suvadive Republic in the South.
Although the Karachi accords maintained a place for Germany in the Maldives, the proximity of India
to the islands saw German economic dominance wane, just like it had in Sri Lanka.
July
July 14 – Dutch soldiers crush an American backed coup in the Territory of Curaçao, whilst guerilla attacks intensify in Surinam.
July 24 – The Hiroshima Committee of Soldiers Mothers begins publishing the names of each soldier from Hiroshima that has died in China in the morning edition of the Chūgoku Shimbun in an attempt to draw attention to the growing amount of casualties. Due to the cheap cost as well as difficulty in suppression, due to the patriotic tone, the custom slowly begins to spread across the nation.
July 26 – An article in the Bungei Shunjū details how businesspeople close to Tanaka, and indeed Tanaka himself, had profited by buying up land through paper companies prior to the announcement of construction tenders during his stint as Finance Minister.
July 29 - An 18 year-old boy from Zama, Kanagawa Prefecture goes on a shooting spree killing a police officer and injuring another with a rifle. The boy then steals the handgun of one of the officers and makes his way to Shibuya, Tokyo by hijacking 4 cars. The police capture him after a firefight in which 16 people are injured.
Dutch soldier interrogating captured prisoners in Surinam, as the last European nations in the Americas
the Dutch had come under intense pressure from the Americans both diplomatically and more covertly.
August
August 3 - An earthquake in Matsushiro-machi, Nagano Prefecture marks the beginning of the Matsushiro earthquake swarm, which lasts for about five. The close to 1 million earthquakes produce a total sum of energy equivalent to about a M6.4 earthquake.
August 14 - Small demonstrations breakout in the Portuguese colony of Macao demanding reunification, but are quickly suppressed by the Portuguese Army. Fears of a repeat of Goa leads the Salazar government to approach the Japanese for assurances.
August 27 - Le Corbusier goes missing whilst swimming in the Caribbean and is never heard from again. Barred from architecture by the Germans following the collapse of the French Commune, the Frenchman had emigrated to America in the late 40s following an invitation by Chairman Browder to rebuild America, but had allegedly fallen out of favour with party officials in recent years and even been denounced as a reactionary in the Young Syndicalists Daily as part of the Socialist Education Movement.
August 31 – A demonstration for clean government takes place before the Imperial Diet in Tokyo in advance of the planned Seiyūkai leadership election. The demonstrators call for an end to corruption and new elections to expel those suspected of corruption.
Bogged down in the Colonial War in Africa, the Salazar government could hardly afford another quagmire.
However, its requests for guarantees to assure its rule were not met kindly in Tokyo, which had long
regarded the continued Portuguese presence in Asia as an affront to its geopolitical ideals.
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And the veil keeps slipping as the Seiyūkai turns on itself, what is to come next. I do apologise for the high repetition in last names in this post, but it could not be avoided. Now onto the comment.
And while Japan is embroiled in the Chinese quagmire, the Yankees extend their grip even further...
It's as if the giant is waking up, yet what happens when it does.