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1964 - Blood on the Pearl River

"[...] Although the Republican Chinese government has been intent on maintaining the farce about its supposed non-involvement in the chaos gripping the Qing Empire, the situation on the ground leaves no doubt about the reality of the situation. Thus in light of recent events, it is the view of this department that steps have to be taken to curtail their actions in hopes of stabilising the position that our Empire holds in China. [...]"

The economic recovery as well as halting the Russian advance at the Amur River had seen general interest increasingly turn back to more day to day issues. The conflict increasingly began to fade into the backdrop, even as the 'fruits of the conflict', as casualties had begun to be euphemistically called, could be seen in every town across the Empire. The continuing instability in China however meant that such an illusion would not last. Although Manchuria and the Qing had received the lion's share of attention when it came to coverage and troop deployments, the situation was far from stable in the Legation Cities. Whilst cooperation with the underbelly that truly ruled had helped maintain order in the cities, the situation in the coastal cities was far from stable, given that it primarily arose from the fears of some Triad groups about their future under Republican rule. Others groups however saw the change in government as their chance to make it big, meaning that from time to time incidents would arise between different organisations. The struggles that would more often than not quickly degenerate to violence, would result in the appearance of certain gaps, where none ought to exist. Although these gaps rarely existed for long, the simple fact that they appeared at all would mean that those willing to risk life and limb could hope to gain greatly, much to the nuisance of the Japanese and urban authorities. Although most of attempts to take advantage of these gaps would fail due to bad timing from time to time a few would succeed. This included a number of attacks on high ranking officials, both local, mob and Japanese, as well as succeed in sowing general unrest in the cities. However all of these events would pale in propaganda value compared to the events of the 4th of July 1964.


klil5V3.jpg

Trade mediation as well as the centralisation of much of the industry in China had seen the
Legation Cities keep pace with the rest of the world, even as much of China struggled to keep up.
This had also the negative effect of greatly growing Republican sentiments in the cities.

Given the coastal nature and relative stability of the Legation Cities, the primary Japanese military presence in these locations was largely limited to naval as well as aviation assets. Although most of it was concentrated in Shanghai and the Yangtze delta, given the importance of the city in the efforts to pacify the Qing Empire, smaller detachments were also present in Fuzhou, Ningbo and of course Hong Kong. The proximity of the latter to the Republican capital had caused something of a boom for organised crime in the city, as well as creating the sharpest divide between Republican and Imperial aligned criminal groups. In an effort to mediate the conflict, as well as gain a bigger chunk of the pie, Yakuza groups with ties in Hong Kong had been attempting to mediate the situation. The death of one such high ranking official early in July had however sent the city spiralling into conflict and created one of the aforementioned windows. Shortly before midnight an explosion tore through the hull of the Akitsu Maru, killing five crewmen. The ship quickly began taking on water before settling at a depth of about 6 meters. The presence of a landing ship belonging to the Imperial Marines would later lead to many a question, but for the moment its sinking became something of a watershed moment. The public back home was treated to footage, photographs and interviews from the moment that they awoke provoking understandable outrage and a demand for answers. Other simple aspects such as the fact that being sunk in port meant that she could be raised and towed back to the Home Islands with ease were also largely ignored. The event seemed to vindicate the claims of the China hawks, who accepted it as if a gift from heaven itself. The leak of an official inquiry on the very same day that it was published also aided in pulling more of the public to the side of the China hawks, given the ambiguous wording suggesting support by state actors as being responsible for this attack by divers.

YuMRQP1.jpg

Prior to the incident in Hong Kong the Akitsu Maru had had a colourful career.
Starting life as a passenger liner, before coming under the control of the Army, where she
gained her name, before finally ending under the control of the Navy and the Imperial Marines.

Despite public opinion increasingly siding against the Chinese Republic, the Ikeda cabinet remained conflicted in its stance towards the Guangzhou government. All transient hostility aside, the fact that Republican China was an increasingly important trade partner formed the basis of most cabinet thinking. Ever since its liberation from Germany in the late 40s, Southern China had transitioned into a very sizeable export market for the Yen bloc, even surpassing the Japanese guided north prior to its collapse. The resource shortages that followed the outbreak of the China War only exacerbated the importance of the South China in the eyes of Japanese bureaucrats, as Republican exporters swooped in to fill the gaps left by their Northern compatriots. All this meant that even as Japanese forces clashed with Republican forces, be they guerilla or regular, across the remains of the Qing Empire, there existed a mutual understanding between Guangzhou and Tokyo.

However for an increasing number of people in the Ikeda cabinet, the attack on the Akitsu Maru was a flagrant violation of said unofficial contract. Voices demanding retribution had become harder to totally ignore, even as the Ikeda cabinet attempted to maintain the image of peace, stability and co-prosperity prior to the Olympic games. Still suspecting that inaction would only be attributed to weakness and hoping to quiet the hawks, both in government and the public, the armed forces were tasked with determining targets within the Republic of China that played host to the so-called National Liberation Front of North China. Out of these targets the few that were deemed important enough to announce yet irrelevant enough to not risk outright war were picked for a retribution operation. Thus although achieving few actual strategic goals, the bombing runs were carried out to much fanfare across the Empire by both naval and land-based aviators. The Japanese gamble had worked, although the reaction in South China was far from pleased, it remained generally muted. Although there was no shortage of hawks in the Republic, open war against the Japanese was still seen as too dangerous given the obvious imbalance in most domains.


EqudFS2.png

Trade with China although massively profitable for nearly all Japanese businesses
had become a millstone around the neck of its war policy.

Prior to the Pearl River Delta Incident, the name by which it would become famous in history, more than 200,000 soldiers from the Imperial Japanese Army had been deployed in China. This made it the single largest active foreign deployment of the Imperial Armed Forces with around 12% of active duty IJA servicemen, excluding reservists and garrisons, being engaged in China. Over the next few months, the number of IJA forces in China would more than triple reaching around 600,000 before the end of the year. The massive surge in troops would help the Japanese, as well as the reconstituted army of the Qing, in their initial recovery efforts of Republican held territories across Northern China, where the Japanese would once again witness similar events to the early attempts at stabilising the Qing. Although their efforts may have forced the retreat of larger formations into the coastal enclaves or further inland, where terrain better favoured the Chinese defenders, it did little to hinder resistance of the general populace that they now found themselves ruling over. Indeed the surge of Japanese troops deployed to China only served to weaken the grip of the Qing government as more of its loyal rank and file was stretched wider across the lands that it held dominion over. The inherent Qing reliance on warlords meant that after the collapse of the central government and the months of Republican control that had followed, few had remained committed to the Imperial cause. That is if they had been committed to such a cause in the first place. This meant that despite the reconstitution of its power apparatus, most of the cadre of the Qing state could not truly be relied upon. The deepening shortages of nearly all consumer goods, as well as the associated surge in the importance of organised crime syndicates, would only serve to worsen the situation of loyalty to the central government. The loose loyalties of officials, and criminal syndicates, also meant that in some areas, where visits by patrols were an uncommon event the Republicans continued to cling onto power without much resistance.

XtCPuB3.jpg

Recruitment of women proved an especially effective tactic for the Republican guerilla forces,
as their Imperial counterparts initially proved much less suspicious of them.

-----------------------------------------
July


July 4 – The sinking of the carrier Akitsu Maru by explosives whilst in port at Hong Kong is publicised across the Japanese Empire.
July 14 - 158 people are wounded and 19 firefighters perish in the Shinagawa Katsushima warehouse fire.
July 21 - Slovak nationalist forces launch an uprising causing chaos in the rear of the Hungarian forces to the adverse effect of the frontline situation.
July 27 – Aircraft from an IJN carrier group bomb suspected camps of the National Liberation Front of North China inside the Republic of China in retaliation for the attack on the Akitsu Maru.

JzDuXfp.jpg

Air group of the carrier Seiryū preparing for a strike
at a suspected NLFNC training camp in Hainan.
August

August 3 - Judith Graham Pool publishes her discovery of cryoprecipitate, a frozen blood clotting product made from plasma.
August 6 – The International Telecommunications Satellite Consortium begins active operations after the first successful satellite transmission between Japan and Germany. The first uplink passes on information about the Stanleyville hostage crisis.
August 21 – Race riots begin in Singapore between ethnic Chinese and Malays,
August 24 - At a speech in New Orleans, Chairman Browder announces the beginning of the so-called Socialist Education Movement, in an attempt to rid reactionary influences within the new American government.

b051PkM.jpg

German paratroopers observing the corpses of executed hostages. Swift intervention by
German troops saved most out of the more than thousand Europeans captured by African militants.

-----------------------------------------

Now I owe you a Race to Harbin/Third and final chapter of the Manchurian Question, it will likely be coming next, hopefully I managed to pass the block. Since we're technically going back in time, it won't be a regular post.

Indeed. It seems I am reading about Vietnam.
In three words, yes and no. Let me explain in depth a bit, the Japanese youth through out their education have been fed a narrative of what the Empire is and how good it is, not just yarns of patriotism and how great it is to give your life for the Emperor, but also of the 'benevolence in bringing the light of civilisation to Asia and Asians'. One could even call it a holy mission. They've also been told stories about democracy and how the Japanese people have a say in running their country through elections, a right not afforded to all their teachers might've implied pointing to the behemoth behind the Pacific and the other beyond the Amur.

Now the story works for a lot of people, however not all. Some notice it earlier, some later that some pieces don't seem to line up. What holy mission was there behind reducing Sydney to an atomic crater for example. Why is it that even though the people have a say, their voices aren't listened to, at least when they're taking the matter into their own hands. A whole generation of young idealists brought up during the Japanese rise to power, when everything was seemingly going great are meeting reality and struggling to change it. The boom time has also caused a massive expansion of people being able to send their children to University, a place where at least nominally, the government can't truly control what you do. So like minded individuals band together since there is strength in numbers.

Whilst yes, there is a perhaps more than a splattering of Vietnam thrown in there, I would choose to interpret it as a normal reaction by parts of a generation demanding that reality conform to the story that they were brought up hearing.
 
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Kurfürst

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I don't know if I missed it or not, but you Japan does have a draft, right? So a LOT of conscripts are deployed to China now. That will have repercussions, I would say.
 
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Aussie Perun

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I don't know if I missed it or not, but you Japan does have a draft, right? So a LOT of conscripts are deployed to China now. That will have repercussions, I would say.
There are 1.67 million active duty IJA personnel according to the post, not including garrisons (who would be a substantial force all of their own).

The Navy could have anywhere from 400,000 (peacetime standing) to 1+ million (if it never really shrank from war standing). That puts the Japanese armed forces on par with the post demobilisation Soviet Armed forces of 1948 I believe.

90-100 million Japanese on the home islands (yes I know I'm excluding volunteers from Korea or the wider Empire).

Japan is probably running a mobilisation figure of what, 3% of total population on those figures? Those would be a very large number for a peacetime, all volunteer army in a nation that is experiencing an economic boom (and thus lots of other opportunities for young men).

Unless you're doing careful unit selection and only sending selected, contractor only units to China then yes, I'd say that the draftees are over there in good numbers.
 

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I don't know if I missed it or not, but you Japan does have a draft, right? So a LOT of conscripts are deployed to China now. That will have repercussions, I would say.

The Empire does indeed conscript, its model is inspired by the Prussian conscript system after all and in reality it is the only way that it would manage to maintain a force large enough to hold down its dependencies should the need arise. Conscription is more or less the law of the land in this world, not that our own world was that much different at that time. Of the existing states only the Australians and New Zealanders don't conscript and that has to do with the decisions of the AI as well as the Japanese desire to keep them under their thumb.

Coming to China, of course there are conscripts in China. The perceptive among you might have noticed slight allusions to it inside the word salad posts. Occasional deployment of conscripts there has been the norm due to the simple reason that the Army, as well as the Navy, have run on conscripts since the Meiji era. This was true before things started going really wrong and it is especially true now, where the demand for troops to keep the clown car together has spiked noticeably.

There are 1.67 million active duty IJA personnel according to the post, not including garrisons (who would be a substantial force all of their own).

The Navy could have anywhere from 400,000 (peacetime standing) to 1+ million (if it never really shrank from war standing). That puts the Japanese armed forces on par with the post demobilisation Soviet Armed forces of 1948 I believe.

90-100 million Japanese on the home islands (yes I know I'm excluding volunteers from Korea or the wider Empire).

Japan is probably running a mobilisation figure of what, 3% of total population on those figures? Those would be a very large number for a peacetime, all volunteer army in a nation that is experiencing an economic boom (and thus lots of other opportunities for young men).

Unless you're doing careful unit selection and only sending selected, contractor only units to China then yes, I'd say that the draftees are over there in good numbers.

3% is around an accurate estimate. The needs of an Empire, like that of Japan, necessitate a sizeable force in standing. Not necessarily 2.8 to 3%, but a large force nonetheless. The fact that much of the non-core parts of the Empire have enjoyed quite a degree of military autonomy, has been partly responsible for keeping the number of Japanese boots on the ground lower than potentially expected. Something to note however is that the armed forces haven't really been on a peacetime footing, post-Treaty of Nagasaki, for a few years now. Although you could potentially call it the peacetime footing by now. This is due to the fact that the aforementioned reliance on native self-management only really works as long as there as long as the natives stay in line and don't start destabilising their own non-core regions en masse, something which very obviously isn't true. China has been sizzling for a while now and the Japanese brass haven't not been oblivious to the situation, just unable or unwilling to really stop it.

They have however engaged in a slow and steady expansion, something over which they do have sway, in a hope to react and stop the debacle when it happens. This is not only down to China, but also the Red Yankee Giant sharpening his daggers and laughing menacingly behind the Pacific. The policy has actually been fairly simple and in the case of the Army has relied mostly on 'reactivating' units by staffing them with B-rank conscripts, ie men that would usually avoid the draft. Thus although the Army hasn't necessarily grown on paper, in reality it has grown both in active divisions and men. However most of these reactivated divisions do not have 100% of their troops. Some might only be short some hundreds, whilst others might only have tens. The Soviets with their second and third echelons work well as a parallel for visualising this. These units are cheaper to maintain than full on units, whilst also offering faster mobilisation and reaction. The economic boom has also meant that the annual increase in the Army budget has not necessarily been an issue. The shortage of men on the labour market has also seen more women enter the working force, in some cases temporarily in some for a longer period.

Lack of time to focus on it, has almost certainly cost reader awareness of it as it has likely fallen victim to the 'bullet point issue'. Given that the Army one received no specific focus on it and the initial mention of the 'reactivation' was tacked on at the end of a fairly pivotal chapter - the American invasion of Mexico. The Navy one got off a bit better, but still not by lot.
 
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Since I had lost track of the AAR I started reading it from the beginning, by 1960 right now and gotta say I really really like the depth of this world. It's so fascinating and from what I see, the Chinese situation keeps getting interesting, will speed-read it as soon as I can. :) KR-Cold War is always something that attracts my attention so badly. :p
 

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In three words, yes and no. Let me explain in depth a bit, the Japanese youth through out their education have been fed a narrative of what the Empire is and how good it is, not just yarns of patriotism and how great it is to give your life for the Emperor, but also of the 'benevolence in bringing the light of civilisation to Asia and Asians'. One could even call it a holy mission. They've also been told stories about democracy and how the Japanese people have a say in running their country through elections, a right not afforded to all their teachers might've implied pointing to the behemoth behind the Pacific and the other beyond the Amur.

Now the story works for a lot of people, however not all. Some notice it earlier, some later that some pieces don't seem to line up. What holy mission was there behind reducing Sydney to an atomic crater for example. Why is it that even though the people have a say, their voices aren't listened to, at least when they're taking the matter into their own hands. A whole generation of young idealists brought up during the Japanese rise to power, when everything was seemingly going great are meeting reality and struggling to change it. The boom time has also caused a massive expansion of people being able to send their children to University, a place where at least nominally, the government can't truly control what you do. So like minded individuals band together since there is strength in numbers.

Whilst yes, there is a perhaps more than a splattering of Vietnam thrown in there, I would choose to interpret it as a normal reaction by parts of a generation demanding that reality conform to the story that they were brought up hearing.

Thank your for this deep explanation. It all makes better sense now. :)
 

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The Manchurian Question (Part 3) - The Race to Harbin

The Race to Harbin, alternatively known as the Amur Operation or Operation March Storm, marked the final stage in the relatively short conventional conflict in Manchuria and the beginning of the quagmire that would characterise the period following the invasion of Goguryeo. Whilst Japanese reserves were tasked with mopping up the encircled infantry forces around the Liaodong peninsula, its armoured spearhead continued the advance relatively unimpeded. Although elements belonging to the defeated forces of the Korean warlord, that had managed to flee to the foothills of the Changbai mountains, continued harassing Japanese rear elements, heavy Japanese harassment precluded reformation to offer conventional resistance. This was strengthened by the fact that although the local population was far from pleased at the arrival of Japanese occupiers, with an unknown departure date, few were willing to rally to the defence of the rapidly collapsing state. This however had little to do with any fears of retaliation by the Japanese. Rather the aggressively pro-Korean policies of the leadership of Goguryeo, which exhibited itself more frequently as overt xenophobia than not and which had seen Chinese blood spilled for Korean ambition, had destroyed nearly all belief in the state among the non-Korean population. Instead local populations began to increasingly form territorial militias in an attempt to resist foreign domination, as well as the remains of the central government. Although the struggle with the resistance groups would become a defining part of the much longer non-conventional part of the Manchurian Pacification Campaign, its most glorious victories would take place amidst the collapse of Goguryeo. In an event, which Korean nationalist groups refer to as the 'betrayal', the garrisons in the Western part of the rapidly collapsing Manchurian state were overwhelmed by, or switched sides to, Republican forces, that had deemed that the Korean cause no longer beneficial to their cause.

Whilst the Republicans were turning on the Koreans however, the Race continued. Although the Russians stood more than 100 km closer to the city than the Japanese, the Russians faced a number of obstacles the Japanese no longer did. The leadership of Goguryeo had been rather cautious to Russian invasion and thus the well-equipped Russian border garrisons had been left untouched and deemed strong enough to repel any invasion from the North. In reality however, the wavering loyalty stemming from being kept unaware of the situation down south, compounded by Russian propaganda as well as their already wavering allegiance to the Manchurian state, meant that the border forces were more likely to greet the Russians as liberators than offer stout resistance. Many units deserted almost full cloth with their equipment and would form a rather important source of equipment for resistance fighters across North Eastern China.
Russian forces were also hampered by worse terrain and generally weaker infrastructure, given the sparser population density along the Russo-Manchurian border. The issues stemming from weaker infrastructure were also compounded by differences in rail gauges, lack of locomotives as well as partisan attacks by groups operating from the Khingan mountains. Although the Russians may have been greeted as liberators by some, not all had forgotten their actions during their previous 'visit' to the region, nor were many Republican aligned forces that pleased by yet another foreign force invading China. Still similar to the Japanese, the partisans would primarily become the concern of slower moving rear elements, whilst the Russian vanguard cut its way towards Harbin at a considerable pace, considering the terrain. Russian use of cavalry in support of its armoured forces would prove vital in negating some of the issues that a motorised force, like that of the Japanese, would face in a region like Manchuria.

Although the Russo-Japanese advance on Harbin was widely followed by the public in both countries, there was a considerable amount of fear among the leaderships of Japan and Russia as to what would happen, when the two forces would meet once Goguryeo ran out of bodies and land to trade for time. Although Russian forces in Manchuria, and along the border, still outnumbered the Japanese forces in the region, the rapid Japanese advance, having nearly reached the gates of Changchun, which showed no signs of slowing down forced the Russians to negotiate. A small unofficial conference was convened on the 24th of March, where Russian and Japanese officials hoped to hash out the future of Manchuria. No sooner than it was convened however did the meeting already threaten to breakdown, as the Japanese proved rather adamant in their demands that any negotiation be preceded by a full Russian withdrawal from Manchuria. The Russian side however demanded the handover of those responsible for instigating the Vladivostok Christmas Massacre as a condition of their withdrawal. The two groups seemed irreconcilable, yet the threat of war breaking out between them meant that neither was willing to be responsible for a breakdown in negotiations. Thus slowly, but surely a compromise was reached under which the line of advance for both forces would be set along the Songhua river, a tributary of the Amur, and would run up to to the Mongolian border. The deal also specified a Russian withdrawal, once the leadership of Goguryeo was handed over. In exchange for this the Russians would pay compensation for the damages they had caused during their stay in Manchuria. Due to the unpopularity of negotiations, the deal was kept a secret from the public. However both in Russia and Japan, even those that knew of it were far from pleased. Those on the Japanese side argued that the deal seemed to legitimise the Russian presence in Manchuria, whilst for the Russians, who had never intended to leave Manchuria, the deal seemed to hand over Manchuria without a fight.

The new frontier would however prove to be the only part of the deal that would actually honoured. Under the deal, control over the southern portions of Harbin fell to the Japanese whilst the Russians would control the northern portion of the city, later renamed Novy Harbin. Due to the clear line of advance, the Russians to slow their attack to try and solve some of their supply shortages, clear in the belief that the Japanese would deliver their prize straight to them. The Japanese force would however continue their assault unimpeded and reach Harbin on the 3rd of April. The city boasted quite a sizeable garrison of diehard loyalists to the Korean warlord that had managed to reconvene in the city to push back the invaders, even as the majority of the residents themselves had fled. Using the urban terrain deftly to their advantage, the Koreans even managed to hold off the Japanese armoured forces for a short while. However, the difference in numbers, as well as specialised equipment, quickly began to show as the Japanese infantry overwhelmed them after bitter fighting that would see most of the remaining defenders of the city, as well as some civilians that could not flee, put to the sword in a bizarrely cheerful manner. In the chaos that ensued upon the Japanese attack, the Korean warlord as well as his closest advisors, went missing. Japanese efforts to follow up on potential leads or find the corpses of the leadership of Goguryeo resulted in no official findings. The failure to hand over those responsible was not met positively in Moscow. The Russian diplomats wasted no time in berating their Japanese counterparts for being untrustworthy, unreliable as well as spreading reports of varying credibility about the conduct of the Japanese forces in their conquest of Harbin. Japanese attempts to pass off other Koreans as those responsible for the event did little to help their credibility and cemented the Russian decision to remain in Manchuria, leading to the Amur Stand-off. s

-----------------------------------------


Since I had lost track of the AAR I started reading it from the beginning, by 1960 right now and gotta say I really really like the depth of this world. It's so fascinating and from what I see, the Chinese situation keeps getting interesting, will speed-read it as soon as I can. :) KR-Cold War is always something that attracts my attention so badly. :p

No worries, glad to have you back.

Thank your for this deep explanation. It all makes better sense now. :)

No worries, if anything else feels a bit... rough around the edges, don't be afraid to ask.
 
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Can we have a map of East Asia or the world?
 

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State of Goguryeo?!
Woah, that part was so impressive, hadn't expected it at all. It was a nice touch to have an event resembling Zhang Zuolin's demise, still reading but I'm honestly surprised by the sudden apparition of Goguryeo, -hoping they get to free Korea and Transamur and proclaim Balhae- haha.

Almost reached the last update, once again, this is an amazing AAR. :)

EDIT: Oww, sad to see Goguryeo gone, wondering about that Amur standoff.
 
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One newer than this one? At least parts of it will probably come after the next post, probably the full thing though.
Good to read that. I was wondering how Machuria nad Transamur look like after the recent events.
 

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1964 - Olympus of the East

The resounding, although inevitably hollow, victories that had defined the Japanese campaign during the first two-thirds of 1964 had fed the opinion among the general public across the Japanese Empire that the end of the conflict was near, if not already at hand. Many believed that the remainder of the conflict could be handled with ease, even as the number of Japanese boots on the ground continued to surge to numbers previously considered unbelievable. Yet, the development of the of the grim quagmire, that would define the remainder of the China War, was of little concern to either the press or the public as 1964 marked a number of tremendous celebrations for the Japanese Empire. Although not living up to the sheer media circus that defined the run-up to the wedding of his older brother, the Crown Prince Akihito, the wedding of Prince Masahito and Princess Hanako would see considerable coverage both foreign and domestic. The former especially due to its proximity to the event that had glued all eyes on Japan. Despite its generally middling performance in athletic competitions, the Japanese government had taken a great interest in the Olympics following the 'second modern rebirth of the movement, as the post-Syndicalist War era had begun to be called. Although the Games had already been of interest for the Japanese government even during the interwar period, the reunification of the global athletic movement following the return of the Syndicalist states, had turned the event into a preoccupation among some Japanese officials eager to prove the dominance of the Japanese model over its Western counterparts.

However, despite or perhaps because of the huge splash that it had made in the 1948 Amsterdam Olympics, the Japanese had subsequently struggled to gain the hosting rights for the Games. Although the family of Olympic nations had grown explosively as a result of decolonisation, its organisational side still continued to be dominated by Europeans. Despite the ideological rivalry, Westerners Capitalist or Syndicalist still held most of the sway in the organisation, a tradition that not even Revolution could shake. However more than anything else, those sentiments proved to be motivation for the Japanese, who saw it as their chance to demonstrate that they had surpassed the West. The the Japanese Olympic Committee wasted no effort and fought tooth and nail losing many bitter battles, yet every failed bid lead them closer to the Olympics in Tokyo. Their efforts finally proved successful under Kōno Ichirō, the Prime Minister at time and Minister in charge of the Olympics under the Ikeda cabinet, who provided no small amount of government and personal backing in ensuring that the next Games would take place in Tokyo. The joy among the JOC was palpable, when the 55th meeting of the International Olympic Committee confirmed the Japanese right to host the games in 1959. Although the instability following the outbreak of the China War had raised some questions about the safety of athletes, as well as some other concerns brought up by a few fervent Sinophiles, Tokyo wasted no less effort in maintaining their grasp on the Games as they had expended in gaining them. Even economic instability would not get in the way of expending funds in assuring the international community that it was still suitable to host the Olympics in Japan.



OfIdd1V.jpg

Although most articles were targeted at other foreign language papers,
some domestic foreign language papers also recieved attention, as the voice of Japan abroad.


Although a sizeable chunk of money was spent on media offensives and other methods of 'motivation', it was dwarfed by the amounts spent domestically. Although handed out prior to the economic crash, the funds proved great stimulus given that they were not just targeted on creating new sporting venues or lodgings, but also on massive urban renewals as well as wide-ranging infrastructure expansions with deadlines just before the beginning of the Olympics. The former would see vast swathes of Tokyo, but also smaller chunks of other major cities rebuilt, whilst the latter would see the expansion of both rail and motorway to meet the expected increase in demand, including the hotly discussed Shinkansen network which began operation just 9 days prior to the opening ceremony. The projects themselves were however without controversy as they were often conducted with little concern for locals, wasteful spending or other limits afforded to more thoroughly planned projects, that together with the outbreak of the China War had caused a split in public opinion towards hosting the Games. However, the closer that the day of the opening ceremony got, the quieter those voices became. The bullet trains would however not be the only display of Japanese technological prowess, as deals with international partners ensured that for the very first time the Games could be broadcast globally instead of sent by tape, and the Olympics first saw the use of things that we take for granted these days, such as photo finishes and a new timing system that started with the starter gun and ended with touchpads.

Whilst much of the presentation would focus on the modern Japan and its supposed surpassing of the West, more traditional aspects would also recieve much promotion, even as urban renewal in the lead up saw some of the old fade. No expense was spared on the lavish ceremonies, promoting Japanese traditional cultural, or the demonstration sporting events, featuring traditional martial arts. The 1964 Olympics would also mark the asendance of judo into the rank of medal events. Although the Japanese atheletes excelled in it, earning all but one gold medal which went to Dutchman Anton Geesink, the public imagination in the Home Islands would be captured by two ballgames, baseball and volleyball. Whilst the latter would become infamous across the rest of the world for the disqualification of the Bulgarian, Romanian, Bohemian and Hungarian men's teams following repeated fights on the pitch, in the Home Islands the game would gain fame for the Japanese stand against its traditional rival - Russia. Taking place at the height of the Amur Stand-off, the victories by both the men's and women's team against the Russians strengthened a sense of national pride and superiority over their foes among the Japanese public. The finals matches between Japan and Russia are also credited by some historians in causing no little spite among the Russians as well as strengthening their national resolve to not give a step back in Manchuria, ironically inspired by the loss of a set by
the Russian women's team.



GJekPQI.jpg

The Japanese women's volleyball team, nicknamed Oriental Witches following their 24 consecutive victories
in Europe in 1961, were hailed as national heroes after their strong showing against the Russians.

The Japanese fixation over volleyball can be at least partially explained by their showing in the other ballgame. Although 1964 would mark the start of volleyballs' career as a medal event, baseball would remain naught more than a demonstration event even after the Tokyo Olympics. The lack of a medal however did little to dissuade public interest towards the match as it too saw the Japanese stake national pride at a double header against yet another rival - the AUSS. Given the similarities that saw baseball adopted as something of a national sport in Japan and given the recent tensions with the Americans, the fixation with the match was not at all surprising. Playing to a packed Meiji Jingū stadium all-star Japanese amateur and student teams faced off against an American all-star team gathered from across all national universities. The Japanese student team surprised everyone, even themselves, with their stunning 1-1 tie against the American titan, whilst the amateur team would bitterly have to admit to a 1-0 defeat after a nail-biting ninth inning ended in the American batter striking out whilst all bases were loaded. It seemed as if, the conflicts that had seen North America violently torn apart and then equally violently stitched back together had wounded, yet not killed American baseball. This came as surprise given the inauspicious start that the sport had enjoyed during the Reed era.

RgM6KZO.jpg

Although they did not win, the Japanese matches against the Americans in
baseball caused worries in the AUSS about Japanese capabilities in other regards.

However even amidst the celebration, a storm was brewing. On the 9th of September, Prime Minister Ikeda had been admitted to the National Cancer Centre for chronic pharyngitis. His actual diagnosis would be kept from the PM due to the potential instability it could cause and would initially only be made aware his most devout disciples, Ōhira Masayoshi and Maeo Shigesaburō, as well as the Cabinet Secretary. Although adored by the public, the Prime Minister was still prone to gaffes from time to time and it was feared that he might cause a scene that might sour the Games. Despite the utter secrecy, the visit to the cancer centre lead to rumours among party rank-and-file that the PM's love of heavy drinking and copious smoking had finally caught up to him. Seeking to quash it, the doctors that were knowledgable of the condition that Ikeda was in were convinced to take part in the political chicanery as they appeared at a press conference on the 25th of September announcing that the PM was fine, but had been treated for non-threatening precancerous symptoms. Although those in the know stayed mum about the true nature of his condition, tensions within the Rikken Seiyūkai continued running high as Ikeda had never necessarily been popular among certain groups in the conservative caucus. However given that their position in the party had greatly weakened in the electoral wave that had brought many of the yet extra-parliamentary supporters of the PM into the Imperial Diet and considering the popularity of his policies among the public, the conservatives lacked the ability to really threaten a unified liberal caucus. However, even in their weakened state, their support would still be vital in maintaining party unity in these difficult times. Thus Kōno Ichirō, the most trustworthy and most importantly the leader of the largest conservative faction was included in the conspiracy. Ikeda would learn the truth about his condition on the 12th of October, after Ōhira and Maeo had approached Hiki Yoshisato, the head of the NCC, to suggest that the PM retire after the closing ceremony. Learning of his condition as well as the political games ongoing behind his back shocked, but did not surprise the elder statesman. More than anything however in his waning state Ikeda remained adamant that his ideals continue to live on after him.

Yz7xDSG.jpg

Ikeda Hayato checking into the National Cancer Centre on the 9th of September.

The closing ceremony of the Tokyo Olympics on the 24th of October, would mark the final full day of the Ikeda premiership. The following day would see a number of high-ranking party officials, visit Ikeda in the hospital after the latter had invited them to visit in a letter expressing his desire to announce his resignment. Lying in his sickbed the PM reconfirmed his desire to resign and laid the announcement at the feet of the party leadership. In this moment however he requested that the gathered leadership respect and support his choice for a successor to maintain party unity. The Ikeda years had seen the continued rise of bureaucrats into ever higher public office, most notably Ōhira Masayoshi, Maeo Shigesaburō and Satō Eisaku, who were all seen as contenders for the role of prime minister. Ikeda had however also seen the rise of more unlikely fellows such as the vehemently anti-Ikeda Fujiyama Aiichirō or the maverick Tanaka Kakuei. The fading of the Ikeda increasingly brought the unhappy marriage within the party increasingly to the light as Ōhira and Maeo, his two closest allies and most likely heirs began to openly bare their fangs, against the other most likely heir Satō. Hoping to maintain the unity of the party, and thus that of government, in light of the situation in China, Ikeda had decided to force a compromise candidate on them after he had learned of his disease. Given the high chance of internal struggles among his most likely heirs, Ikeda instead reached out to the father-in-law of his nephew, Tanaka Kakuei. Thus, when most other ranking party officials were making themselves known to the public during the different ceremonies at the Games, the two men hatched a scheme. Despite or perhaps due to his backgroundIkeda had begun to see Tanaka as the only possible man that could replace him.

His appointment as finance minister had caused no little amount of outcry among more traditional politicians, but his fervent pursuit of Ikeda's policies and his own personal charisma had made him rather popular among the liberal caucus. His membership in the Satō faction was also a bonus, as it made the move seem less like playing into the hands of Ōhira and Maeo. It is likely an understatment to say that the party leadership and his presumed heirs found Ikeda's choice shocking. However given that none of them found it in themselves to refuse the the wish of a dying man, both groups reluctantly conceded to his wishes. For Ōhira, Maeo and Satō, who all believed to be exercise quite a bit of control over Tanaka, the decision came easier than for the conservatives, who in private consultations questioned why they ought to back this 'farmhand', whose past was more accurately described as a 'black mist rather than chequered', given his multiple corruption charges. Yet, factional loyalties, kept the majority of conservatives from backing the rebellious Fujiyama Aiichirō. Although some RSK parliamentarians still doubted the lobbying by the PM's former heirs, now hopeful puppet masters, as well as later the open support of Ikeda brought those few that yet doubted quickly into line. Thus, at the party conference on the 9th of November, the 46 year-old Tanaka Kakuei, lacking any rivals, was confirmed as the second youngest Prime Minister without a single ballot being cast.


j2Cpa3T.jpg

Tanaka Kakuei pictured together with Satō Eisaku. Although angry for being passed over,
Satō wasted no time in trying to extend his control over Tanaka.


-----------------------------------------
September


September 15 - In Iwatsuki City, Saitama Prefecture, an IJAF helicopter crashed killing 6 whilst carrying attendees to a funeral for an earlier helicopter crash on September 10 that killed 8.
September 16 - The Mount Fuji Radar System is completed. The complex is the highest weather radar and can observe weather systems more than 800 km away.
September 17 - The Tokyo Monorail is opened, linking up Haneda airport with central Tokyo.
September 28 - Tokyo District Court rules that the rights of Arita Hachirō have been violated by writer Mishima Yukio's book 'After the Banquet'.

nRC1jNk.jpg

The arrival of the dome of the Fuji Radar. Although officially a weather radar, its picture also
became a part of the Japanese aerial defense system thanks to the large swathe that it covered.

October

October 1 - Tokaido Shinkansen, the first high-speed railway in the world, is opened. Resulting in a large scale revision of timetables.
October 10 – The 1964 Summer Olympics are held in Tokyo, Japan, the first in an Asian country.
October 16 - The Republic of India succeeds in its first atomic bomb test in the Thar Desert, becoming the fifth atomic power.
October 25 - Prime Minister Hayato Ikeda announces his retirement the day after the closing ceremony of the Tokyo Olympics due to health issues.

vaCpO4a.jpg

The inauguration of the first Shinkansen line from Tokyo to Osaka, although going massively over
the budget due to the short deadline, the bullet train became a symbol of Japanese modernity.

November

November 1 – Mortar fire from Republican forces rains on the Nanchang Qingyunpu Airport, killing four Japanese servicemen, wounding 72 and destroying five jet bombers and other planes.
November 9 - Finance Minister Tanaka Kakuei becomes the leader of the Rikken Seiyūkai having gained the support of most of the major factions within the party.
November 12 - The first Japanese nuclear submarine the I-600 of the Type-G class submarine is put to sea in Sasebo.
November 17 - Sony releases the industry's first home video tape recorder 'CV-2000'.

56IEMYM.jpg

The type G, short for genshi-ryoku sensuikan, would quickly rise to become an important part of the
Japanese naval and atomic arsenal, especially as the number of atomic powers continued to increase.


December

December 3 - American backed Syndicalists announce their victory and the end of the more than 2 year long Dominican Civil War that has see tens of thousands dead. The Dominican government sets about rebuilding the country along American lines.
December 15 - The Uji Maru, a Japanese fishing trawler, disappears with 33 crewmen aboard off the coast of Portuguese Angola. Rumours quickly arise that the Japanese ship had been involved in smuggling efforts and was sunk due to that.
December 17 - The wedding of Prince Masahito Hitachinomiya, younger brother of Crown Prince Akihito, and Princess Hanako occurs.
December 31 – 'Kōhaku Uta Gassen' celebrates its 15th anniversary with performances by singers from the early years. The year also marks the first colour broadcast of the show.

MOohLfG.jpg

Although broadcast in colour just like the Olympics, shortages in colour televisions as well as money,
meant that most families still enjoyed the new years broadcast in black and white.

-----------------------------------------


Since the 2020 Tokyo Olympics are up and coming, I find it that I managed to time this... somewhat well. It is strange how many similarities there were with our 1964 Olympics and the up and coming 2020 ones, but eh c'est la vie. Righto questions and answers then.

State of Goguryeo?!
Woah, that part was so impressive, hadn't expected it at all. It was a nice touch to have an event resembling Zhang Zuolin's demise, still reading but I'm honestly surprised by the sudden apparition of Goguryeo, -hoping they get to free Korea and Transamur and proclaim Balhae- haha.

Almost reached the last update, once again, this is an amazing AAR. :)

EDIT: Oww, sad to see Goguryeo gone, wondering about that Amur standoff.

Thanks, not to bum you out but Goguryeo was never going to stick around. Even if it had not become openly hostile to two of its three main neighbours, the state would have likely collapsed in on itself as a result of a Han coup. The Koreans are after all naught, but a minority in Manchuria. A sizeable minority, but a minority nonetheless. As to the Amur stand-off consider it a lukewarm border war.

Good to read that. I was wondering how Machuria nad Transamur look like after the recent events.
Well Manchuria has been levelled pending recreation and some regions of Manchuria and the slight expansion of Transamur is down to delegating the administration of some the regions to the Transamurians since they had advanced into the regions with the support of token Japanese forces after they had pushed Goguryeo back.
zglZA1G.png
 
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State of Goguryeo?!
Woah, that part was so impressive, hadn't expected it at all. It was a nice touch to have an event resembling Zhang Zuolin's demise, still reading but I'm honestly surprised by the sudden apparition of Goguryeo, -hoping they get to free Korea and Transamur and proclaim Balhae- haha.

Almost reached the last update, once again, this is an amazing AAR. :)

EDIT: Oww, sad to see Goguryeo gone, wondering about that Amur standoff.
In my mind, the "Korean warlord leader" of Goguryeo was always this guy:
190px-Kim_Il_Sung_Portrait-2.jpg
 
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I see LOL smileys... Well yeah come on, all the facts fit!

He's of the right age, and in OTL his family left Japanese ruled Korea in the 1920s for Manchuria. He joined the Manchurian exile organization of Korean communists in the 1920s, became a leader in the 1930s, led (according to DPRK mythology) attacks on Japanese in Korea from bases in the Manchurian Changbai mountains. OTL may diverge from TTL after that - OTL the Japanese pressure on Korean partisans forced those to move to the USSR far east and Kim went through their political and military schools before being hand picked as future leader of North Korea in 1944. In TTL there's no soviet union to go to, but then again Japanese control and persecution may not have been as heavy in OTL so why wouldn't he continue to be a leader of the Koreans in Manchuria up to and including leadership of their nationalist "Goguryeo" project ;)
 

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I don't necessarily disagree, I just found it a bit of a funny idea. Not because he would be a bad potential leader for a Korean statelet in Manchuria, but because I wouldn't necessarily see him as a leader of what amounts to little more than a Korean junta, young officers with an axe to grind have a tendency of doing things like this in a time of chaos after all. This meant someone that could believably have joined the Fengtien organisation due to one reason or another, but also someone that bore a grudge against the Japanese that they were willing to act upon. I do think that Choi Hong Hi was an interesting choice in meeting these criteria. I did consider Park, Paik and a few others that served in Manchukuo in OTL, but they felt a bit too pro-Japanese in this regard.

But back to Kim, if he has survived up until now and continued his career as an insurgent, instead of say fleeing to the Republic of China and avoided the call to return home from said Republic, I would imagine him as something along the lines of Ahmad Shah Massoud, but Korean and Communist. In this case he may have very well cooperated with the government of Goguryeo against the Japanese, but as a powerful insurgent leader rather than than a head of state.
 

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I don't necessarily disagree, I just found it a bit of a funny idea. Not because he would be a bad potential leader for a Korean statelet in Manchuria, but because I wouldn't necessarily see him as a leader of what amounts to little more than a Korean junta, young officers with an axe to grind have a tendency of doing things like this in a time of chaos after all. This meant someone that could believably have joined the Fengtien organisation due to one reason or another, but also someone that bore a grudge against the Japanese that they were willing to act upon. I do think that Choi Hong Hi was an interesting choice in meeting these criteria. I did consider Park, Paik and a few others that served in Manchukuo in OTL, but they felt a bit too pro-Japanese in this regard.
Oops did I miss you giving the name of the "Korean warlord leader" of Goguryeo as Choi Hong Hi? I thought he had remained unnamed. :eek: Founder of Taekwondo, ROK general,champion of inter Korean understanding? Sounds like an awesome guy.
But back to Kim, if he has survived up until now and continued his career as an insurgent, instead of say fleeing to the Republic of China and avoided the call to return home from said Republic, I would imagine him as something along the lines of Ahmad Shah Massoud, but Korean and Communist. In this case he may have very well cooperated with the government of Goguryeo against the Japanese, but as a powerful insurgent leader rather than than a head of state.
Yeah, I think in this world where Korea is still under Japanese rule, the exile opposition and resistance would be ideologically a lot more eclectic than what we OTL had in Korea (two armed camps strictly enforcing their ideology on people)

That being said, on a scale of 1 (Slovakia during Czechoslovakia) to 10 (Rohingya in Burma), and the OTL pre WW2 situation is a 6, how good/bad is the political situation of the Koreans now in the story?

Are they integrated or have their own, co-equal institutions by now? Do they get to vote in Japanese elections? Does the police regularly round up and arrest political protesters? Is it legal to advocate in public for Korean independence from Japan? Are Koreans represented among the top police, administration, and industry leaders?
 
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Oops did I miss you giving the name of the "Korean warlord leader" of Goguryeo as Choi Hong Hi? I thought he had remained unnamed. :eek: Founder of Taekwondo, ROK general,champion of inter Korean understanding? Sounds like an awesome guy.

You likely did indeed and yes he is. For me ticking the arrest for anti-Japanese agitation, real or imagined, when he got drafted OTL convinced me that he might be a fitting choice.

Yeah, I think in this world where Korea is still under Japanese rule, the exile opposition and resistance would be ideologically a lot more eclectic than what we OTL had in Korea (two armed camps strictly enforcing their ideology on people)

That being said, on a scale of 1 (Slovakia during Czechoslovakia) to 10 (Rohingya in Burma), and the OTL pre WW2 situation is a 6, how good/bad is the political situation of the Koreans now in the story?

Are they integrated or have their own, co-equal institutions by now? Do they get to vote in Japanese elections? Does the police regularly round up and arrest political protesters? Is it legal to advocate in public for Korean independence from Japan? Are Koreans represented among the top police, administration, and industry leaders?

Indeed... Of course a lot of this is going to still rely on what the states that are possible and willing to struggle with the Japanese believe in. The ones in Russia are likely a more eclectic camp, but firmly capitalist. Same with those in China, except not so firmly capitalist any more. Contrast that to those in America, or perhaps Britain for some odd reason, who more firmly toe the party line with maybe slight deviations.

As to Korea, your pre-war question is a bit difficult, but I would guess that the 6 is for after the military government more or less took power over the Empire. In that case I would probably give it either a 4 or a 5. The quick answers are kind of both, not in Korea, not regularly in most cases, no and sort of. I hope that the reasoning in the following ramble will satisfy your interest in it deeper.

So to try and answer your questions longer. Koreans living in 'naichi', which I have copped out and replaced with Home Islands for ease of understanding, ie who have a 'domestic household registration/naichi koseki', which is what the Taiwanese were asking for their whole island in the first part of Ever Radiant, are legally equivalent to any other imperial subject. Voting, draft as well as all the rest that is expected of and afforded to ethnic Japanese would be expected and afforded to them as well. There of course exists a difference between what the letter of the law says and what reality reflects, but eh just like in our timeline that is life. For your interest, there is an independent member of the Diet of Korean heritage, Park Choon-Geum/Boku Shunkin, that has been a Diet member for the 4th district of Tokyo since 1932. However back to those in Korea.

They, and indeed everyone that live in the 'gaichi' ie those with an 'overseas/gaichi koseki', lack the aforementioned rights and duties - for ease voting and draft. The best explanation to this is that Korea is still a colony - 'gaichi' due to its instability, and lack of Japanisation, but we'll get to that. The colony does however have a degree of self-administration, in the form of elected local assemblies, the 13 provinces that make up Japanese ruled Korea, however final say in the country lies within the hands of the appointed Japanese Governor-General, a military man given the degrees of instability in the region. Also, laws that Tokyo adopts are supreme to whatever local governments may come up with. Self-administration however also exists in areas outside the political sphere. There exist local organisations to most national organisations that are technically separate legal entities, but the flow of bureaucrats from between them means that the central government still technically has say of what happens. As examples, for broadcasting instead of the NHK in the 'naichi', Korea has the CHK. Instead of Japanese National Rail it has Korean National Rail and so on for banking, post and telegraph, police and technically also the army.

The question of integration or co-equality falls mostly under that, however the question of Japanisation remains. Unlike Taiwan, Korea has a fairly long cultural history which is something that the Japanese are not going to be able to swipe under the rug. Various scholars have pioneered Korean studies and Korean has undergone orthographic reform. However amidst this Korean language in education has been limited to Korean lessons with medium of instruction for other subjects being Japanese, now whilst it doesn't necessarily produce the best taught children and leads to quite a bit of spite, it does in some ways serve the goals of Japanisation, as do campaigns suggesting adoption of Japanese style names and customs. Given that Korean itself is however not banned, Korea has however proved unsurprisingly resistive to efforts to Japanise it. However integration is after all a slow thing and Taiwan is more an exception than the rule. More and more Korean kids are however entering the education system and through it more and more of them are learning to think in Japanese and after the 2.5 decades that Korea has spent under Japan, schooling rates in it are finally catching up to those in the 'naichi'.

Onto internal stability, over the recent years despite the agitation and attacks by lone wolf groups Korea as a whole has been relatively quiet. Had it not been for the Goguryeo incident, it is very likely that it would have stayed quiet for a while longer. The appearance and the continued existence of rather well armed guerillas near the Korean border however means that things are going to get slightly more interesting. As a slight spoiler, I can however reveal that the interesting times would have been ahead regardless. This is due to the simple fact that 'warrior traditions' or not, it is much easier to send boys into death, whose family cannot afford to come and protest the Diet or give a right bollocking to their Diet member.

The economic downturn has also hit Korea quite a bit, however considering that the region is still primarily a region which exports resources like food and raw materials it has been hurt less. The 'naichi'/'gaichi' question also plays a role here, as trade unions are only legal in 'naichi', but not 'gaichi' which has to a degree dissuaded organised protests. Goguryeo has however torn up that whole independent, or at least more autonomous, Korea topic once again, but the application of martial law has slightly put that topic on hold for the moment. Due to being 'gaichi' the region however also lacks kenpei, a product of the 3.1 Uprising and the discovery that finesse not brutality is needed to really keep the people in line, and thus order is ensured through a police force, which is largely made up of locals. As to protests themselves, they are allowed outside of martial law times, if the government has been notified and necessary permission received.

Finally to Korean representation among the elite. In addition to the aforementioned Diet member there are a few other remarkable people, although they're mostly intellectuals. Whilst there are high ranking Korean police officers, they're an extreme rarity given that the Japanese are not willing to relinquish the top of the police infrastructure in Korea no matter how loyal the Korean might be. Rank and file as well as 'middle management' are however more or less the norm. As to industrial leaders, the policy of 'agriculture for the colonies, industry for the home islands' sort of stops them from rising, but some have made it through. Hinting at individuals such as Shigemitsu Takeo and Lee Byung-chul. Whilst the latter would be no where near as successful as he would in OTL, the trade between Japan and Korea allows for those able to play their cards right to make a nice buck. As does managing the growing network of pachinko parlours and restaurants.

I hope this answers most of your questions and that it didn't get too ranty.
 
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I hope this answers most of your questions and that it didn't get too ranty.
Thank you!! Indeed that answered them all. :)

So basically, Korea is the pliant, subservient colony that Japan always wanted? Koreans have Japanese language shoved down their throats in school and wherever they interact with the government, and they answer to Japanese top bosses in the administration, in commerce, and in the person of a governor, who can overrule every political decision taken by elected Korean bodies, and who wears a military uniform and who is tasked with applying military solutions to certain problems that might occur. And Korea's economic relationship to Japan is like that of the American colonies to Britain right before the independence war? All of this, at a time when decolonization is the fad of the day, and ever growing numbers of Koreans themselves can read and write pamphlets, newspapers, and history books.

Sounds indeed like "interesting" times are really ahead for Japan in Korea!! :) Interesting in the Chinese sense, that is. :D Thank you for elaborating, I appreciate insights like that!!!
 
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Thank you!! Indeed that answered them all. :)

So basically, Korea is the pliant, subservient colony that Japan always wanted? Koreans have Japanese language shoved down their throats in school and wherever they interact with the government, and they answer to Japanese top bosses in the administration, in commerce, and in the person of a governor, who can overrule every political decision taken by elected Korean bodies, and who wears a military uniform and who is tasked with applying military solutions to certain problems that might occur. And Korea's economic relationship to Japan is like that of the American colonies to Britain right before the independence war? All of this, at a time when decolonization is the fad of the day, and ever growing numbers of Koreans themselves can read and write pamphlets, newspapers, and history books.

Sounds indeed like "interesting" times are really ahead for Japan in Korea!! :) Interesting in the Chinese sense, that is. :D Thank you for elaborating, I appreciate insights like that!!!

Localised entirely within your kitchen.

In a sense yes, in another no. I wouldn't necessarily call the Korea as a whole pliable. Just a significant amount of the population that for whatever reason sees it more beneficial to collaborate with the Japanese than to rock the boat. The hangover from the economic boom that Japan experienced as well as other concerns might of course change that, but at the moment, much of the population seems to not necessarily be interested in rocking the boat, at least currently.

As far as language is concerned, yes schools but most of their influence on education in Japanese given that that is what the Empire needs. However given that an Empire also needs to communicate with its subjects and that a significant amount of the administrative burden on lower levels in Korea is on the shoulders of Koreans means that the administration is in reality bilingual although officially just limited to Japanese. Bosses is right in broad strokes, not necessarily commerce since that depends on partners, but in broad strokes yes.

I wouldn't necessarily call it that of America under Britain, economically speaking. Taxation without representation and whatnot does exist, but Korea is much more tightly woven into the Japanese Empire than the American colonies were to Britain, just a product of the times is all. There is a significant movement of people between the two states with Koreans moving to the interior territories to work, just as some Japanese move to the external territories for whatever reason they have. The late period of the British Empire once colonials actually became able to take advantage of the ability to move around is a decent example in this regard.

Decolonisation is also a tricky bit, since in reality whilst the non-colonised states and Syndicalists push that policy in the indirect sense, they do themselves engage in different variants of colonialism. You see that in Asia with all the major Asian powers and in Africa, where the north has seen local rulers pliable to the Sand French replaced with local rulers pliable to Washington and London. Not to even mention the German colonies in Africa, which still continue their service to the metropole now under a thin veneer of being local. This is also before we get into non-overseas colonies, ie Mitteleuropa, Russia outside of the Slavic core and yes to a degree the Americans across the Caribbean and Mexico. There is also no international organisation or will really pushing for decolonisation, the Germans are just applying what they've learned in Europe to Africa and then Asia in an attempt to make their colonies slightly less of a drain on the coffers.

However yes, as I suggested earlier interesting times are indeed ahead. The question of course is what the Koreans are going to do about being more or less treated like second class citizens.


P.S. I forgot to mention this in the previous post, but the House of Yi, the royal family of Korea in name, still exists and is fairly throughly intertwined with the Imperial Family and Japanese royalty. Just food for thought.
 
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1965 - Black Veil (Part 1)

Although by the beginning of 1965 the size of the Japanese deployment had more than tripled in comparison to the start of the previous year, the growth of its deployment had not necessarily had the results that government officials had expected. Rather than fade in the face of this clear display of Japanese superiority of force, the Chinese partisans had instead intensified their efforts in 'expelling the Imperialists'. Even as Japanese patrols became a more regular occurrence across the Chinese countryside, the amount of ground that the soldiers needed to cover had also grown exponentially meaning that the time these patrols spent anywhere remained rather brief. All of this together meant that outside its strongholds, Qing rule remained rather nominal thing. Although Qing officials, acting on the advice of their Japanese handlers, had enacted two major policies to try and strengthen their rule, both had proven largely unsuccessful. The efforts to resettle disloyal subjects to places, where they could be more effectively observed, modelled on the New Towns of the East Indies Revolt, proved out of touch with the local situation. Rather than targeting a minority of wealthy European settlers with suspect loyalties, often to the benefit of the natives, the actions now primarily targeted a rooted mass of Han tenant farmers and in some cases landlords. The actions, which in some cases targeted entire villages for resettlement, proved massively unpopular with the rural population provoking revolts and leading to the project entering a state of limbo. Decisions to form militias in rural areas to maintain order proved similarly unsuccessful although officials often remained unaware of it as militias in some regions were fully made up of the partisans themselves or cooperated with them to maintain a false impression of stability. Due to the failures of these policies, as well as a general Japanese distrust of most Qing officials, the Japanese increasingly began to sideline Chinese officials and rank and file in affairs concerning the enforcement of Qing rule. Despite, or perhaps because of this, the situation in China only continued to worsen. Attacks on Japanese bases, even those considered highly secured, and other safe areas would become a semi-regular occurrence during 1965 and Army spokesmen began to increasingly struggle in their attempts to convince the public that these were little more than isolated incidents.

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Mortar attacks on airfields became the favoured tactic of Chinese guerillas,
as it allowed them to cause damage with high costs as well as weaken Japanese morale.

Amidst all this, the Japanese military leadership had still not lost faith that a significant show of force might convince some, if not all, Chinese partisans to give up the fight. The debate on what was to be done and who would be responsible for this action to topple the internal resistance in China became rather intense, at least according to the memoirs of those there at the time. Whilst the sweeping action that had returned Beijing to Qing control was still considered a rousing success, even the Army could not deny that without additional deployments it had its hands full with stabilising what it controlled, in the name of the Qing, as well as deterring further Russian meddling in Manchuria. The fleet arm of the Navy also proved incapable of directly influencing the conflict in China, for understandable reasons. Given that the Japanese government felt reluctant at pouring more men into China, as well as somewhat suspicious of the Army, and that it still refused plans put forth by the Navy to blockade the coastline of Republican China attention fell on the overwhelming air advantage that the Japanese had over the guerillas. Even though the role of the Air Force, as well as the air arm of the Navy, in realising the subsequent show of force would quickly become undisputed, the form that the show of force would take was still the subject of much contention.

Initial plans dating back to the late 40s, where instability following the emergence of the Chinese Republic had lead some Japanese planners to consider that the two nations might end up in an all out war, saw a gradual and sustained bombing of all of China, barring urban areas, Macao as well as the regions currently under the control of the Japanese or their allies. However, as the war never came to be those plans had been filed away and not addressed for decades until being brought before cabinet, where they were torn apart due to humanitarian, feasibility and economic concerns. The feasibility aspect became the primary subject of debate among high-ranking military officials, who suggested the plans to be totally unrealistic and little more than a cash grab. They pointed to the fact that the IJAF lacked the number of bombers necessary for the effective realisation of the plan both in the 1940s, when the plans were devised, and now in the 1960s. Concerns were also raised about potential Chinese retaliation in response to these actions, citing similar worries during the retaliation for the Akitsu Maru that had lead to the decision to target marginal targets, that would almost assuredly drag the Empire into an all out war with the Republican government. Additionally, the 'burnt land' parts of the plan, which would take advantage of the Japanese atomic arsenal, reportedly horrified cabinet members, as well as the Emperor himself, leading to, depending on perspective, the resignation or sacking of Genda Minoru, the Chief of the Air Force General Staff.


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Japanese air planes bombing bridges along suspected transport links between Qing and Republican controlled territory.

Although subsequent memoirs from those that lead the sacking campaign of Genda have put a lot of focus on the humanitarian concerns, other memoirs including those of the sacked Air Force General himself have suggested that cabinet members seemed more focused on the blowback, both political and economic, that the Empire and they themselves would endure as a result of it. The truth was that open conflict with China was not in the interests of cabinet, given that the calculated costs as well as the demand for men that such a conflict would require came into direct conflict with the plans of the Tanaka cabinet to still achieve the 'Income Doubling Plan' set forth under Ikeda. Given the closing time window, as well as the continued sluggish economic recovery, the Japanese state planned to restart the growth of its economy through massive construction projects. The crown jewel of which would be the plan to link all major cities by Shinkansen. The covert demand for an increased budget by the Air Force also fell into conflict with it. Whilst air planes would have a place in this building bonanza, the analysis by MITI officials suggested that more could be gained by supporting the growth of both domestic and international air travel, leading to a liberalisation of passport laws, than through the supersizing of the Imperial Air Force. Despite the sizeable amount of detractors to these massive building tenders, given the exorbitant costs of the line linking together the three major metropolitan areas of Tokyo, Nagoya and Osaka in time for the Olympics as well as suggestions that it might lead to the economy overheating, the 'Tanaka building scheme' proved extremely popular among the populace living outside the Japanese urban core. Some commentators have even suggested that it is to be credited as one of the reasons for the Rikken victory in the 1965 general election, which proved highly contentious given the the slower than expected economic recovery as well as a large mobilisation of voters by a growing anti-war lobby. The election would however not be the only contentious political event in the first half of 1965.

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Although their number of seat numbers of both parties changed little, the redistribution as well as
increase in the number of seats saw the Rikken Seiyūkai plummet in relation to their socialist rivals.

Whilst Tanaka had already achieved a degree of notoriety, especially at the start of his stint as Finance Minister, the presence of much larger personalities in cabinet, such as Prime Minister Ikeda, meant that the public knew precious little about him. His seemingly overnight rise to the position of prime minister meant that he quickly became a subject of overwhelming public interest. Given this, it did not take long for his 'dark' past to come to light, just as some in the conservative wing of the Rikken Seiyūkai had predicted. Whilst some aspects of his past endeared him to the public, such as his role in saving the failing Nagaoka Railway, others only served to assure public notions about his questionable suitability for office, such as his more than regular role in a number of corruption and bribery cases. Still it is very likely that few would have really batted an eye at his criminal past, given that due to its long period in power many high ranking Rikken Seiyūkai members had been accused of shady dealings, had there not been an unfortunate conflux of events. The 9th of March marked the 20th election of the chairman of Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly, a position with access to quite a lot of funds as well as prestige. However, given the dominance of Seiyūkai on all levels of politics, the event represented little beyond a struggle for power between different factions of the RSK, where competitors often pulled out all the stops. The same was true this year, where through the use of bribery, Koyama Sadao beat out his two competitors and rose to the position of Chairman. However, his role would be short-lived as police soon arrested one of his supporters who had been tasked with the handling of said bribes a mere 6 days later. Koyama would only manage to serve as Chairman for close to a month, as on the 16th of April police arrived in the Assembly chamber to arrest him on suspicions of graft and bribery. The arrest of such a high-ranking politician provoked quite an outcry in Tokyo, which had already seen 6 high ranking city officials convicted due to corruption charges since 1963. The case itself would eventually implicate 13 Metropolitan Assemblymen, including Koyama and his two competitors in the race, lead to a voluntary dissolution of the assembly and result in growing distrust within the public of the Imperial capitol towards the Rikken Seiyūkai, however the Japanese political elite would have likely shrugged these aspect off had the media houses not notice public interest in stories of political corruption, provoking some in the media to take matters into their own hands.

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The Black Veil scandal, as the events following the dissolution of the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly
would be known as, would put the highly managed relationship between press and politicians to a test.


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January


January 9 – The Japanese Imperial Navy and Air Force begin a campaign of aerial bombardment on the Chinese interior.
January 13 - The Tanaka cabinet announces plans for linking all major Japanese cities by Shinkansen alongside other massive infrastructure projects.
January 18 - The YS-11 begins commercial operation with the first flight being conducted between Taihoku to Fukuoka.
January 24 - The State of Manchuria is founded with its territory encompassing the Japanese controlled territory of the former Fengtien Republic. Unofficially the Qing government lashes out at the Japanese for continuing their policy of dividing China.

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Planned extent of the Shinkansen network as announced by the Tanaka cabinet. The network once more raised
the question of a tunnel between Japan and the mainland, but was eventually rejected as yet unfeasible.

February
February 2 - Centroamerican forces declare victory in the Honduran Civil War, although pockets of resistance remain within the country and continue resisting the Centroamerican government. Honduras officially ascends to a constituent state of Centroamerica.
February 4 – Around 500 Korean partisans seize control of the town of Fusen in Kankyō-nan Prefecture pillaging the town before retreating back to the hinterlands.
February 14 - A Nakajima L2D belonging to All Japan Airways disappears over Shizuoka Prefecture after having taken off from Osaka International Airport.
February 21 - Rikken Seiyūkai retains control of the government, but sees its majority lose ground as Taishūto capitalise on the slower than expected recovery and worries about China.

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Picture taken in a training camp of the Free Army of Honduras. Although the Centroamericans had managed to overwhelm them in the end, the backing of the United Provices of Central America allowed the Honduran army to continue their struggle.


March

March 4 - The Italian Federation declares itself sovereign from the Austro-Hungarian Empire and enters into negotiations with its southern neighbour. Austria invades Italy a few days later, resulting in the entry of both Italian states to the Danubian War.
March 8 - The Intelsat I communications satellite is launched. It becomes operational May 2 and is placed in commercial service in June.
March 15 - Austrian diplomats succeed in negotiating the entry of the Kingdom of Greece into the war in exchange for handing back the Ionian islands. Greek forces achieve great success in advancing over the loosely defended Bulgarian border with many Bulgarians cheering the return of Tsar Simeon II.
March 20 - 'N'avoue jamais', sung by Guy Mardel wins the Eurovision Song Contest 1965 for France.

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The Greek entry into the conflict, upended most planning by the Belgrade Pact resulting in the
deployment of chemical weapons by an increasingly desperate Romanian force.

April
April 3 – The world's first space nuclear power reactor, SNAP-10A, is launched into low Earth orbit by the Japanese Empire.
April 16 - The arrest of the chairman of the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly on suspicion of bribery triggers the Black Veil scandal.
April 17 – A protest spearheaded by the Democratic Youth League of Japan against the China War draws around 5,000 demonstrators in Tokyo. The protestors burn draft cards and march a massive urn to the Army Ministry.
April 24 - Syndicalist Haitian officers ignite a coup against deeply unpopular president Élie Lescot inspired by the success of the Dominican Revolution and set up a provisional government.

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The coup in Haiti solidified American domination over the Caribbean, practically turning the sea into an American lake.
The developments were met with nervous gazes across South America, but most of all in Bogotá, Caracas and Managua.

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