In August, 1863, Japan took stock of itself, in the wake of its exhausting, but pride-swelling war with Russia, one of the Great Powers of the barbarian west.
Liberals, Socialists and Anarchists now made up 15% of the Daimyo – an astonishing number, considering how conservative the Japanese were. Fortunately, the Liberals and Socialists were on opposite sides of the political spectrum, and Conservatives and Reactionaries still held not only all the power, but most of the confidence of the Emperor (who was known to have voiced pro-liberal views on occasion – usually when he was thinking about technology or modernization projects).
There were even rumored to be a large concentration of Jacobins within the population, in pockets where the people had been corrupted by the ideas of the westerners. It was our understanding that the Jacobins of France had murdered their Emperor and sliced the heads off of their enemies, so this was a movement we were determined to root out and crush.
We were just barely able, now that the war was over, to balance our Imperial Budget, without impossible taxes upon our population. The Emperor was happy that our Administration and Education Budgets were high. That was how we would become a major nation, he said.
Indochina was still teeming with Western soldiers, who seemed intent on causing as much misery as they could to the local populations. Would there be any countries of Asia left to stand with Japan against the barbarians, if this went on much longer? We would prefer, of course, not to partner with the Chinese – that might well prove to be an anchor chain on our foot, and we might well become with them as the Russians would have had us. Inferior and obedient. Arrogant Chinese.
Finally, in May of 1864, the turmoil and killing was done. France annexed most of Dai Nam as her new colonial territory, gaining a foothold that much closer to our homeland.
We decided we could not, probably, treat all Europeans as equally bad. Since the French and British seemed to be rivals, of a sort, and since British India and Singapore were further from Japan than the new French territory, we chose to become more friendly with them. We also improved our relations with the United States, which seemed to have rejected some of the ideas of European barbarism and set up an independent country of their own. They seemed no threat to us, especially since they seemed to be involved in some sort of civil war.
But the Europeans seemed entirely incapable of keeping their hands off of Asian territories, no matter who they were. The British declared war on China, again, in September of 1864. Their war would concentrate, again, in the far hills of western China. But the Dutch were able to seize the Portuguese colony at Macao. So now a relatively benign neighbor, Portugal, was replaced by a country that already held enormous portions of the spice islands far south of Japan.
We began to wonder if, perhaps, it might be better for us to conquer the vulnerable parts of Asia before the Europeans got around to it. We have been increasing the size of our army and navy. Ostensibly to defend Japan’s shores against these foreign enemies. But an army can be used for different purposes, also. And perhaps they would benefit from some combat experience outside of Russia, in a more controlled environment.
Quickly, by October of 1865 (a year after the start of the war), the British had ripped yet another chunk out of China’s western lands. The Chinese Emperor, perhaps wisely, used this second humiliation as the occasion to try to unify his remaining lands more fully, by ceasing centuries of distrust and hatred between major population groups.
As if they could not help themselves, with idle hands, the Europeans – the French again – soon started another war in Asia. Siam was their target – the ancient southern kingdom. Britain had already supped on part of their country. Now, we feared, the rest would fall, which would solidify French presence in Asia.
The closer the Europeans came to full involvement in Asia, the stronger the voices of those who wanted to conquer became, and the more confused our internal debates about whether it was either wise or honorable.
In the summer of 1866, we achieved a tremendous advantage against our primitive neighbors, which only increased the volume of such debates. Korea or even China could not hope to stand up against us now, with our western-style weapons! We immediately began forming elite units of soldiers, called “guards”, as is the western habit.
And yet, the Emperor still counseled caution. The task of modernization still had some ways to go. Our increasing communication with the Americans had convinced him that we needed to embrace a more benign level of respect toward our own population – to respect “the rights of man”, he said. This, he added, would bring us closer to the level of sophistication of the foreigners – taking the best, and rejecting the worst, of their nature. (Naturally, Rights of Man is important also because it’s part of the Westernization requirements, and helps trigger the Meiji Restoration event).
In August of 1867, the Emperor made his move against the Shogun and the Daimyo. He put forward that his full imperial powers over the shogun were to be respected, and it would have been an insult toward the Emperor (normally expected to be silent in overt matters) to refuse. The court approved the document, and Emperor Mutsohito became Emperor, in truth as well as in symbol.
He immediately purged the Shogunate faction from the Daimyo, replacing them with members who pledged support to the Emperor. The Imperialist Faction was not as reactionary as the Shogunate Faction had been, and more open to change and modernization.
The word went forth that we would begin building factories, as the Europeans did. The first would produce Luxury Clothes. Some Capitalists came forward, and said that to support the Emperor in his vision, they would produce two Glass Factories. Soon, more were planned – at government expense, and private – including a Lumber Mill, two Canned Food Factories, and more Luxury Clothes Factories. Sometimes the Emperor questioned the wisdom of choices made by the Capitalists, but it was their money – far be it from him to dictate business decisions to them. The Emperor also called upon the people to prepare to leave their farms or mines and work in these factories.
Before long, we had implemented mechanized mining processes, and our coal and iron ore production improved. The Emperor also emphasized improvements to our navy – embracing western ideas of how to organize and operate our ships. Eventually, we would be able to build ships like the Russians had.
The transformation of our industry had resulting transformations on the opinions of the people and the new Daimyo, in 1868, reflected this, in small part. Conservatives, who had always enjoyed a clear majority, were now reduced to just 54% of the body, while Socialists and Liberals both gained.
And yet, even as we reveled in the heady changes that were metamorphosing our country into a modern Asian image of the European states, we were reminded once more just how critical this process was.
If we did not modernize rapidly enough, the will of the Europeans would be imposed upon us. And that hurried our steps and quickened our minds to our tasks.