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To the Vicomte de Bessin

((@DensleyBlair ))
CHER BESSIN -- I hope that this letter finds you well and seek your forgiveness for having delayed in writing to you following the chaos which culminated in the overthrow of the monarchy and the installment of a republic in France. Having received your telegram respecting your daughter, my sister-in-law, and her children in the event of untoward circumstances, I reiterate my unalterable pledge to do the utmost in ensuring their safety and comfort.
Much has changed. Lécuyer dead, Lévis absconded to London, Lievremont exiled to distant Algeria, the King too evicted from the throne. Yet, with fears of further civil strife allayed and a semblance of order once more taking hold in Paris, I should hope soon to quit the city in favour of the countryside, which may furnish an opportunity for quiet relaxation. It is matters of commerce which yet detain me in the capital; an unsteady Bourse verging at any moment to tumble.
Circumstances unfolding as they have, I encourage you not to regret the manner in which the events of recent recollection have transpired. Had I the ability of clairvoyance, I should wish to proclaim in earnest that the worst is over, but I cannot pretend to know the future nor presume any ability to make an impression upon its course. I therefore can repeat only the words conveyed by way of my previous telegram: Trust in God. Deus spes nostra est semper.
And know as well that you may rely upon our enduring friendship, which through the years has provided me with unalloyed joy and great solace when confronted with the vagaries to which life’s narrative is prone. Je vous prie d’agréer, Monsieur, l’expression de ma haute considération.



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Private - @m.equitum

To the Prince de Polignac

Your Highness - As you are almost certainly aware the recent events in Paris and victory of Monsieur Bonaparte over the erstwhile Ministry has seen numerous charges of treason brought against former ministers involved in the hostilities which have rocked the capital of our fair nation over this past week. Whereas I shall not speak to the guilt nor innocence of anyone else, I have had the fortune to be acquitted by the court of charges brought against me and my conduct as Minister of the Marine. In all it's mercy the courts and new Government has bestowed upon me the gift of life, relieving me of the Ministry and allowing me an honourable retirenment.

Whereas that may be it ofcourse brings with it an abrupt end to our mutual partnership regarding the Société des forges et chantiers de la Méditerranée. I have no reason to believe my successor will choose not to continue the profitable relationship enjoyed between yourself and the Ministry, but I find it prudent to inform you of this by my own hand.

As such it is my intention to retire from the capital as I suspect there is little sympathy nor use for me in Paris. Before returning to Brittany and considering my future I seek only to consider that of my son Joseph, who I humbly ask you continue to show your patronage towards.

I thank you for the kindness you have shown myself and my family. I wish you the best in the future in the hope that we may one day speak again.


Vallée


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To M. Vallée

((@Vals ))


M. VALLÉE -- Please forgive the delay in replying to your letter of November; I am pleased to learn by it of your safety following the great convulsions which gripped the country. I am further given to understand from your letter that certain charges initially brought against you have since been abandoned, and am gratified to note the decision of the newfound Republic in this regard.
I shall, from the outset of my reply, endeavour to set your mind at ease with respect to your son’s sustained employ with the Messageries Maritimes. He continues to demonstrate great promise and abilities, not only in naval matters but also, increasingly, in administrative affairs. I should hope to provide you a full account of his accomplishments on the occasion of our next meeting, and add by way of recent anecdote a remark made by a senior official in the company, who noted that the ledgers maintained by the young Vallée were of exceptional quality, pointing both to his attention to detail and marking him as a trusty overseer of company assets.
Knowing that you wish to keep abreast of naval matters, and trusting that my letter finds you in brighter spirits than the dark and uncertain moments which necessitated your retirement to Brittany, I draw to your notice the recent launch of a passenger steamship by the Compagnie générale transatlantique, a sister-concern of the Messageries Maritimes. The vessel, designed for passenger comfort, is one which I hope will meet with success upon her transatlantic voyage later in the year.
Whereas a vessel may ply a customed journey across the sea, the fate of the country is not so readily charted. I should look to rely as ever upon your counsel and friendship, which has long served as a great and illuminating pharos; veuillez agréer, monsieur, l’expression de mes sentiments distingué.



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Somewhere near Constantine, French Algeria

The news coming from Paris was bleak, made even more so by the sudden defection of the army in Algeria. Chef d'Escadrons Beau de Rohan had been appalled to find many of his fellow soldiers suddenly supporting the treason of those back home and preparing to sail to the continent to overthrow their divinely appointed monarch. What kind of men were these that they would abandon their oath and duty at the slightest agitation in the capital? Where was their loyalty to France and her king when they most needed it?

Despite how much it irked him to disobey orders, Beau knew he could not follow in the footsteps of the others. He would never turn against His Majesty and betray his oath to the Crown. Unlike these traitors, he would stay true and hold out against these radicals that sought to spread discord. Yet remaining in his position in the army would be impossible, for the traitors that now led the Army of Algeria would either lock him up for obeying his king over them, or they would execute him. He would not be able to defend his king under either circumstance.

With his mind made up, Beau rallied his men one evening and told them of his plans. He was to ride out during the night without announcing his departure to his superiors and thus become an enemy of this rebel state attempting to form in Paris. For those men who held their loyalty to king and country first and foremost, they could join him in this self-imposed exile. It was a dangerous plan telling them this, but Beau trusted every single one of them. He had fought beside them for years, always leading from the front, bled for them even, and not one amongst them could deny his courage.

When the time came to leave, Beau was not surprised to find his entire battalion, all 500 of them, ready to follow. They had not adopted the name the Riders of Rohan for nothing. Thus they mounted up, grabbed as much supplies as they could carry, and rode out into the desert. For a time, they would live as rebels, raiding towns and outposts for supplies, harassing the false republic’s settlements, until either the treacherous republican forces came after them or they found passage out of Algeria. From there who knew where fate would take them, or if they would even remain together. All Beau could think of was making this republic and all those responsible for the monarchy’s fall pay, and when the day came that his rightful king called for aid, Rohan would answer.

* * * * *

((Private – Henri de Rohan))

Petit nabot,

Know that I send this letter to you not out of any sense of brotherly love, but because recent events warrant our communication. The events in Paris have reached my ear and I am appalled to learn of the treachery of the French people, who would so callously throw away good governance and their god-given monarch over a few minor reforms. It never fails to astound me how easily Paris succumbs to radical elements the moment a few disgruntled radicals take up arms.

I do not know why I belabour you with these points that you surely care not for. You have always been an insidious weasel, hiding in the shadows and waiting to pop out when there are juicy morsels around for you to snatch. First you steal my inheritance, and now I do not doubt that you will find a way to prosper from the fall of the monarchy. Some would call it resourcefulness, but I know it is just the actions of a man lacking in morals or conscience. No one else may be able to see it, but I have always known the true you.

I know I cannot not prove it yet, but I cannot shake the feeling that you are somehow responsible for the chaos that ensued in Paris. One day I will find the truth and there will be a reckoning. God will judge you for the many sins you have surely committed, but I will be the one there to carry out His sentence.

Le vrai chef de la maison de Rohan,
Beau de Rohan, Prince de Guémené, Duc de Montbazon, Duc de Bouillon, Seigneur de Clisson

* * * * *

((Private – Beau de Rohan))

Mon cher frère,

It is with great relief that I received your letter. I know of your predisposition towards the monarchy and likelihood to fight against this new republic, and thus feared you would find yourself either incarcerated or dead. The fact that you still yet live gives me hope for our family and its longevity.

Speaking of family, who you seem to have forgotten to inquire about, you will be happy to know that your wife and children are well, all things considered. You even have a new son, who Charlotte has named Julien-Fernand in your absence. While she would never dare to show it, I know that she is worried that her children will grow up without a father. I will ensure to inform her that you live so as to ease her conscience, even if we both know you will not be returning to France any time soon. I would consider helping arrange for your family’s departure into exile, assuming you ever choose to put down your arms against the republic and settle down somewhere for the sake of your family, but it would seem that Charlotte intends to remain in France despite your absence.

Do not worry though; I will make sure your wife and children are properly cared for. I am a dutiful brother-in-law and uncle, and I will take extra care to ensure the future Duc de Montbazon is groomed to take your place one day. But think on the positive side of things. Now that you are separated from your family, you are free to engage in as many dalliances with young whores as your heart desires. I know how fond you are of sins of the flesh, after all.

I do not know when you will receive this letter, for I have no way of ascertaining your current location, and addressing this letter to some sand dune in the middle of Algeria would likely see this lost in the mail. As you have undoubtedly discovered by now, I have sent this letter to our cousins, the Rohan-Rocheforts, in Austria. I imagine that given time, you will find your way to Henri’s court in exile like a dog obediently following its master, and thus be likely to seek a home amongst relatives. You are nothing if not predictable, brother. When you finally receive this, I welcome your response and will be ready to update you on the state of the family you so callously left behind.

Ton cher frère,
Henri de Rohan, Prince de Rohan
 
((Private - @etranger01 ))

To His Excellency, President Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte

It an honour I doubted I would bestowed again in my lifetime, to recieve a letter from the President of France. I understand the chaos on the Bourse as a consequence of the rumours of the appointment of the Commission forced the Ministry's hand. I humbly accept the appointment to the Labour Commission. I have included the provisional results of our negotiations in a sealed letter to your office.

For the Republic,

Achille Bonhomme
 
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We, Antonio, by Grace of God and Will of the Nation, King of Spain; King of Castile, of León, of Aragon, of the Two Sicilies, of Jerusalem, of Navarre, of Granada, of Toledo, of Valencia, of Galicia, of Majorca, of Seville, of Sardinia, of Córdoba, of Corsica, of Murcia, of Menorca, of Jaén, of the Algarves, of Algeciras, of Gibraltar, of the Canary Islands, of the East Indies and the West Indies and of the Islands and Mainland of the Ocean Sea; Archduke of Austria; Duke of Burgundy, of Brabant, of Milan, of Athens, of Neopatras and of Limburg; Count of Habsburg, of Flanders, of Tyrol, of Roussillon and of Barcelona; Lord of Biscay and of Molina; Etcetera., in exercise of our duties under Title IV of the Constitution, and upon the advice of our Ministers, appoint D. Salustiano de Olózaga y Almandoz as our Minister to the French Republic.

Signed,
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---

A letter of instruction is sent to Olózaga;

Dear D. Olózaga,

Having sought the consensus of my Ministers and having attained it, we have seen it most fitting to send you once more to Paris to represent the interests of Spain. These are crucial times and there is no better man for the task at hand than your distinguished person. Given the recent unpleasantness surrounding the Monarchical principle in France I urge you to take the utmost care as not to inflame the prevailing popular sensibilities. You must instill within your staff a need for prefect neutrality when it comes to the question of those who man the chancery and act of a similar mind towards hiring the domestic help in your residence.

Encouraging the current French regime to maintain the calm, pacific foreign policy of its predecessors shall be your main aim. We have had a long run of peace in Europe, with no conflicts breaking out between the great powers. The maintenance of that peace is essential to our efforts to rebuild the reputation and prosperity of our nation. We will adopt a policy of strategic patience with the current French regime to achieve those goals.


With my regards,
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"Every multitude is like the sea which left to itself is naturally motionless, till winds and gales excite it."
Thus said Livy in his History of Rome, supposedly paraphrasing the speech Scipio made
to his troops in Spain upon hearing of treason.

The epigraph, followed by his own commentary penned years ago, was on Jean-Paul’s mind as he arrived in Algiers, soon to be led to some God-forsaken parcel of land within the départment. The sea excited his vision; his mind was heavy with too many racing thoughts of France. Thoughts of Hélène, of Isidore, of Camille; an estranged wife, a hopeful son, a worried brother. Thoughts of Henri; more than a King, a friend, and how did it all come to this. Thoughts of Minerve, papa et maman, and the gorges of la Cesse, where he and Camille used to play. Thoughts of home. As vivid as ever, nevertheless, not supposed to be his momentary reality.

But Jean-Paul had been hardened by life and circumstance. Arriving at the penal complex, he took quick notice of the fiirst chambers he saw; simple, of course. He greeted the guard: they are courteous just enough, perhaps. It mattered little. Other than the abnormal heat for the early spring, it seemed to be little of special notice. The other prisoners seemed oblivious. He cared little, as well.

The next day, he was allowed to halt and contemplate the small plot within the quarters for a while. And then it came back to him. Perhaps... yes, this beige colour, the way it disintegrates at the touch. Something felt familiar. He took some of the earth with his finger and touched it to his tongue. It can’t be… the smell and taste were unique, surely, but reminisced him of infancy. For some reason. Which one, though? The plot was mostly empty, with small weeds tangled in grass adjoining the brickwork, retaining, in darker hue, perhaps the remainder of the season’s raindrops, while slightly shaded by the patio walls and tower.

It came back to him. Retain the water, yes. His eyes saw no more of the Algerian location in front of him: they saw his father, squatting, noticing how the vine grew stronger, shouting for the boys to come and see. It was something about the draining - la Cesse felled in a noticeable drop just east of the family’s land. When he served in the Ministry of Agriculture, there were these guides… he remembered taking the Aude guide home one day. Yes! That was it! How could it be so obvious?

During that evening, he let his pen flow freely once more. The note to the commander was brief.

“Cher seigneur. There is a way to improve our condition here. I request only a small encounter in the central plot tomorrow, during light. It will become clear.”

The peasant boy was now a man; and he would farm again.


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((OOC notice for curiosity's sake:

This is owing to the presence of calcisols in both the Languedoc and Algeria. This type of soil's fertility is particularly affected by the patterns of irrigation and draining it's exposed to, and presents some characteristics that even a technically uneducated person who's used to dealing with it would recognize. Those include low levels of organic matter producing a light coloured topsoil and a bitter taste due to high pH.

Other than his background in the vineyard, at the time I looked through a guide to agri (found in Gallica) and used some of it IC, for example here: https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/foru...nteractive-aar.1019444/page-270#post-24475243 ))

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Name: Dame Hélène-Louise Lièvremont d’Hautpoul, duchesse de Fleury
Born: December 27th, 1819, age 47 (pictured at the accession of her husband to the Royal Ministry in 1852, aged 33)
Profession: Mother, noble, socialite

Bio: Born during the Restoration to Alphonse-Henri, comte d’Hautpoul and Catherine-Fanny Tournier de Monestrol, Hélène-Louise was the youngest of three daughters who enjoyed the respect and recognition owed to a name such as Hautpoul, one of the most ancient and respectable families from the Languedoc.

Her father served together with the Duc d’Angoulême, King Charles X’s heir, in the French Army, and in so doing developed close ties to Legitimist circles in southern France. After participating in the campaign of Algeria when Hélène was a young girl, and retiring to calmer provincial life, the comte d’Hautpoul was one of the main notables who rallied to a call by the bishop of Carcassonne and Narbonne to meet and provide support to a young candidate to the Chamber of Deputies: a former seminarian from the countryside named Lièvremont.

Her father’s political sponsoring of the early career of Lièvremont brought the young deputy to the family hôtel in Toulouse in many occasions; Hélène, then already 26, felt enabled by her mother’s leniency in finding the young woman a suitor due to her persuasions, which historians of the 20th century would call “an aristocratic flavour of feminism”; free-spirited Hélène was bound for more than a youngster with a château around town.

After almost a year of a semi-secret courtship known to her mother alone, the Minervois upstart was allowed Hélène’s hand; they married the 7th of June 1848, at Toulouse Cathedral. Hélène and her husband were gifted the Hôtel d’Hautpoul in Paris by her father, where the family would reside happily during the Third Restoration, and which was the first residence of their only child, Isidore Alphonse Stanislas, born 1853 [1]. The elevation of her husband to the peerage in 1863 allowed the family an even larger income, which by now dwarfed even the most well-married of her sisters; Hélène had had the final laugh in those coquettish, light-hearted sibling wars.

The comte d’Hautpoul passed in 1865, which, though sadly, allowed for Hélène to remain for a while more in the south, enjoying the teenage years of Isidore and providing him new experiences in his parents’ native land. For almost a year, they spent time switching between the Hautpoul estates around Toulouse and Carcassonne, and the Fleury estates around Minerve and Narbonne. After going back to Paris in 1866, she heard from her husband, in November, that the situation could become dire in the streets owing to political insurrection. When the first declarations were made public in November 11th, Jean-Paul rushed to the Hôtel d’Hautpoul, explained the situation, kissed his wife and hugged his son goodbye, producing a letter to be broadcasted to allies wherever she would find them.

Hélène feared she would never see Jean-Paul again. Isidore was restless in the long journey to the border. Camille was informed via telegraph. When she heard of the fall of the monarchy, she was close to Piedmont, and a circle of contacts in Turin sent her on her way to Modena. There she would meet King Henri, and receive news of the bittersweet fate of her love going to Algeria.

Isidore grew every week; she fought the tears, for she saw much of his father in him day-by-day. But there was a Providential plan for all things. For the first time in her life, Hélène had a task to fulfill all on her own.

[1] https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/foru...nteractive-aar.1019444/page-277#post-24502844

 
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Paris, Île-de-France

Henri de Rohan had returned to Paris with great reluctance. He had known that the damage to the city had been appalling, the damage to its people ever more so. Yet when a state funeral was announced for Jérôme de Lécuyer, Henri knew he had to return, if only to bear witness to Paris remembering its fallen hero. Daphnée would also need to be there for the burial of her father, no matter how painful it was to witness.

The ceremony had been a touching affair for both of them, seeing the crowds of Paris come out to praise the man they had lost. It showed that his sacrifice had meant something, that the people of France actually cared for Lécuyer. It was also a great honour to the family for Jérôme to be placed to rest in the Pantheon. Daphnée had wept throughout the whole procession, Henri holding her tight as she let out her grief.

Afterwards, they had returned to the hôtel de Rohan-Montbazon, which fortunately had avoided the destruction forced upon Paris. They did not remain long though, for they much rather preferred quiet Coupvray over Paris, only long enough for Henri to settle one last affair. Inspired by the grand funeral, Henri had decided to commission a painting to commemorate his father-in-law, his way of remembering the man who had given his life for a noble cause.

It had surprisingly not taken long to find a painter willing to complete such a commission. One Antoine Boullogne had approached him soon after, an unknown painter who had been struggling to make a living in East Paris. While Henri would have preferred someone with more renown, Antoine had stirred him with his tale. The painter had had his workshop destroyed by the royalist forces during the revolution and had stood beside those supporting the provisional government. He even claimed to have witnessed the final moments of Lécuyer, something that had so inspired him that he even offered to fulfill the commission for free. Henri refused to let the man do such work without payment, instead offering to pay for the man’s supplies and provide him with lodgings until he could get back on his feet.

Now, after only a few months, Henri had received word from Antoine that the painting was finally complete. He had returned to Paris, his wife alongside him, ready for the big reveal. Antoine had brought the painting over to the hôtel de Rohan-Montbazon and placed it on an easel in the study, a sheet carefully draped over it. After Henri had ushered his wife into the room, who was unaware what was happening, Antoine offered them a smile and went to pull the sheet aside. “I present to you ‘Remember Lécuyer’.”

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Both Henri and Daphnée stood in silence, staring at the painting as they took it all in. Daphnée seemed more surprised than anything, having had no idea what to expect, although as she realized what stood before her, tears began to form in the corner of her eyes. Henri was surprised for other reasons. He had expected something more glorious, almost to the point of deifying Lécuyer. He had envisioned an image of Lécuyer draped over the edge of the hot air balloon’s basket, bloody and clutching the tricolour, as the balloon ascended into the heavens, those below gazing up in wonder and awe as their saviour made his way into God’s embrace. Instead he was presented with something less grand, and if it wasn’t for the title, he would not even know it was about Lécuyer at all.

Yet as Henri looked at the painting more, he began to see meaning beneath. The painting style was unlike anything he had ever seen before. The buildings of Paris appeared almost as if they were made of the flames that consumed them, a mark of the sheer destruction the city had faced. As for Lécuyer, he was reduced to a mere shadow in a hot air balloon in the background. It made him think that in the grand scheme of things, Lécuyer’s death was just one of many. There were thousands that had died those few days who would be forgotten. In a way, much like the balloon, Lécuyer had escaped, while it was now the city embroiled in flames that suffered. Henri felt more reflective and morose the more he looked at the image, realizing the sheer scale of what had transpired. Lécuyer may well be remembered, but now would be the time to carry on his legacy and finally bring an end to Paris’s suffering.
 
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THE CHOULE SOCIETY
(Est. 1867)

Formed in conjunction with Henri Deflandre's Commission on Sport and Recreation, the Choule Society (fr. Société de Choule) was organized in order to provide a formal organization for the advancement of the sport and to clarify and standardize the game's play throughout France. While the sport had declined in the popular consciousness as a result of the conservatism of the Third Restoration, the November Republic's more liberal social climate once again made the "war between parishes" a popular fixture. Formerly restricted to smaller republican-leaning communities such as Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte's networks in America and England, the sport was able to reemerge with a significant measure of tolerance, if not outright endorsement by the government.

The sport had evolved somewhat since Bonaparte and Deflandre organized the first matches under its Parisian rules, a fact recognized by the new rules as implemented by the Society. But perhaps its greatest innovation was to formalize the playing of the sport. Previously there had been only loose guidelines in place for how and where choule was supposed to be played. Games of choule were usually spontaneous and when they were not, they had varied greatly from one game to another. The Choule Society offered clubs engaged in the sport the opportunity to compete as part of an official league, the first such opportunity afforded to France's nascent athletic clubs. Yet its national ambitions did not immediately materialize. In fact, its earliest membership comprised only four athletic clubs in the vicinity of Paris. While those clubs represented only a small part of France, they succeeded in demonstrating the possibilities afforded by public sport and entertainment.


RULES (1867):
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1. The size of a field shall be 100 meters lengthwise and 50 meters widthwise.
2. The soule shall be a round ball with a diameter of between 15 and 18 centimeters.
3. At the commencement of the play, the ball shall be thrown up from the middle of the ground: after every goal there shall be a pitch up in the same way.
4. A goal is scored whenever the soule is caught within the opposing team’s parish.
5. The parishes are the far corners of the field and shall be squares, 15 meters by 15 meters in size.
6. Hands may be used to pick up and throw the soule, but it may only be thrown toward a player's own parish.
7. Kicks must be aimed only at the soule.
8. No tripping up or heel kicking is allowed. A legal hit must be made with the shoulder and cannot impact the ball-carrier. However, the ball-carrier may be tackled and if he is tackled, he received a free kick from the location of the tackle.
9. Whenever the soule is kicked or thrown beyond the side flags before the parish, the team that did not kick or throw it beyond the flags must throw it in away from their opponent's parish.
10. When the soule is kicked or thrown behind either back line of the field or beyond the side flags after the parish, it must be kicked off from that line by one of the side whose parish it is.
11. No opposite player may stand within five paces of the kicker when he is kicking off.
12. Teams must be of the same size, with no more than twenty players each, and no more than ten of those players may be on the field at a given time, unless prior arrangements have been made to the contrary.
13. Players are free to substitute at-will.
14. The first team to score fifteen goals will be the winner.
15. At seven goals, there will be a break for fifteen minutes.

16. Whenever possible, each team should arrange that it wear a jersey distinguishable from that of its opponents, either by varying color or pattern.

CLUBS:
La Société Athletique du Rhin (est. 1852)
Founded by Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte himself, Athletique du Rhin faced many difficulties during the Third Restoration, during which time its commitment to civic republicanism joined together with fitness of mind and body were viewed with a great deal of suspicion. However, with the return of its founder, the club was revitalized and quickly assumed a position as one of Paris's premier athletic organizations. Formerly coached by Bonaparte and his close ally, Jean-Eloi Charbonneau, in the late 1860s Athletique du Rhin was coached by its former star player, Adolphe Gardinier. It and S. A. Parisienne traditionally refer to one another as "the club across the Seine."
La Société Athletique Parisienne (est. 1852)
Established in 1852 by prominent republicans in Paris, including Henri Deflandre, S. A. Parisienne was founded as a general-purpose athletic society, encouraging its members to take up activities such as rowing and running, as well as sponsoring equestrian events and horse races. It counts the invention of modern choule as a part of its history, although this is a fact disputed by its sister club, Athletique du Rhin. But while its rivalry with Athletique du Rhin is legendary, it too faced many difficulties following the collapse of the Second Republic. Only with the rise of the November Republic did it once again rise to prominence.
La Société d'Athlétisme d'Argenteuil (est. 1863)
Part of a newer wave of athletic organizations to emerge in the mid-1860s, S. A. d'Argenteuil was only later an adopter of choule, encouraged to do so at Deflandre's request. It was frequently noted for having arguably the best facilities of the four original league clubs.
La Société Sportif de l'Université (est. 1867)
Associated with the University of Paris, S. S. Université was founded to offer students the opportunity to develop their fitness. The youngest and narrowest in focus of the clubs associated with the formation of the Choule Society, S. S. Université only later expanded extensively into other athletic offerings, continuing to remain focused on choule alone for many years later. But perhaps it is most famous for provoking controversy within the University, leading to multiple failed attempts to ban it.
L'Association Athletique Fraternelle de Paris (est. 1867)
Founded by members of the ATF in East Paris, A. A. F. Paris was intended to attract working class youths to the labor union movement. Players would alternate between practice on the choule field and discussion of socialist literature. The club would split soon after its formation after a heated debate over parishes led to a discussion of the role of a revolutionary vanguard.
Club Athletique d'Est Paris (est. 1867)
Established in 1866 by Jean-Anne Gai out of East Paris, the C.A Est Paris began as a way for rough and tumble individuals not aligned with the ATF to play choule. The team would be the last formed of the original six of the Choule Society, and quickly developed a (at the very least one way) rivalry with the A.A.F Paris. The players on the CA Est Paris were very often either illiterate or poorly read, and clashed with the "intellectuals" of the A.A.F. Paris.
 
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Le Parade de Nadeau
(GM Approved; Nappy Approved)

The Republic meant many things to many people, and even more so for the dispirited Les Hommes. The sudden stoppage of fighting, stolen peace from the jaws of violence, left many within the brotherhood feeling robbed. Indeed, the endless cycles of Revolution have left a death-cultesque outlook within those who survived and then recruited, one unfulfilled by Napoleon's Peace. Thus, at the prodding of Gai and to ensure further rallying of the legitimist popular bulwark to Napoleon's democracy, a rally was organized. A parade, from East Paris to the Pantheon, waving the tricolour, the Red Flag, and giving many cheers for the reborn Republic.

Sold to the Bonaparte authorities as a much needed positive release (which it honestly was), and after close discussions with the Prefect du Seine, the parade began at Nadeau's old home to much fanfare. Led by Jean-Anne Gai, food and drinks were gifted, songs were sung, and much merry was had. There were no issues, as those who grew too drunk were escorted home by the LH members, and it is said that nearly three thousand souls joined the march. It ended at the Pantheon, final resting place of the late Minister of War, where eulogies to the Republic were held by notables in attendance. If any wished to see socialist agitation or public declarations of a political sort, they were sorely mistaken. This was a time to celebrate. For LH, perhaps, for a new era, having finally rallied in some regard to a principle beyond feckless violence. To the rest? Of a great man and the Republic he so dearly fought for.
 
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L’Union republicaine
The Republican Union

Recognizing the need for unity among all French people, the Republican Union has been formed to uphold the integrity of the Republic at the ballot box. The principles of the Republican Union and her platform in the elections are as follows:

  1. The Republican Union believes in and supports the leadership of President Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, the Constitution of 1866, and the eternal righteousness of the democratic Republic.
  2. The Republican Union believes in the liberal and democratic principles of freedom of speech, assembly, association, and religion. Any repression of these liberties beyond the necessary defense of life and property we hold to be illegitimate and unlawful.
  3. The Republican Union believes in the principles of free trade and economic modernization. We stand for the protection of private property and the encouragement of industry and agriculture.
  4. The Republican Union stands for the amelioration of social and economic conditions for the urban and rural populations of France. We believe that a renewal and revitalization of the city and the countryside are necessary for the prosperity of the nation and the eradication of poverty in perpetuity.
  5. The Republican Union believes in the gradual destruction of class antagonisms through the reconciliation of all France to herself. We shall accomplish this goal through reforms enacted by the republican government.
  6. The Republican Union believes that education of the people is the greatest defense against tyranny and that the present system of education in France is inadequate. We believe that free and mandatory laic primary education must be established throughout France to increase the prosperity and quality of life of all the people.
  7. The Republican Union believes in the strengthening of the military, which has been constantly misused and betrayed by the monarchical regimes preceding the November Revolution.
  8. The Republican Union believes that liberty is the birthright of all men and declares itself in favor of the establishment of a just and free World. This includes opposition to monarchical principles, ending the institutions of serfdom and noble privilege, and forswearing anti-democratic repression through the use of state power. In particular, the Republican Union condemns and despises the wicked institution of slavery and vows to oppose the slave power in all lands in which it is still found.

The Republican Union shall establish committees in all the Departments of France dedicated to the above principles and will organize their departments to select candidates in the elections that will stand upon and defend these policies. The committees will work to assist in the campaign of these candidates and will provide support and infrastructure for republican and Bonapartist organizations already existing.
 
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L'Association des Travailleurs Francais

The French Workingmen's Association emerged from the ashes of the Third Restoration as the preeminent socialist and far-left organization in the November Republic. The brief existence of the Free Cities of Lyons and Paris galvanized the far left in France, prompting the ATF to emerge from the shadows and take a more public role in advocating for socialism and social reform in France. Not an explicit political party akin to the Republican Union, the ATF was merely a continuation of the previous incarnation of the association, but in a more public and open capacity.

Still a big-tent organization of Blanquists, anarchists, utopian socialists, and proto-Marxists, the ATF was heavily influenced by the First Internationale, and was very much affiliated with the International Workingmen's Association. However, what unified these disparate organizations at the time of the formation of the ATF was an overwhelming desire to liberate the working class from the clutches of the moneyed classes, which became the central tenant upon which the ATF emerged into the public view. With the immense freedom of expression granted by the constitution of the Republic, the ATF sought to work to ally itself with a number of socialist papers with the radical left-leaning La Rappel being the primary vehicle for socialist expression. Noted revolutionary and proto-Marxist Emile Deschamps continued in his role as President of the ATF, having won reelection with the emergence of the ATF during the Revolution. Charles Bouchardon, affiliate of the IWMA and former leader of the Free City of Lyons was elected as the Corresponding Secretary, as former Sec. Arthur Veil was preoccupied serving as a Deupty Commissioner for Labor Relations under M. Bonaparte.

Although there was never an official or concrete platform of the ATF, the most common issues of importance to the ATF were as follows:

  • Liberation of the working class.
  • Universal and direct democracy.
  • Legality of trade unions and the right to collectively bargain.
  • Legality of strikes in favor of better working conditions.
  • A national minimum wage for the French worker.
  • Adequate compensation for injury
  • The implementation of an eight hour workday.
  • A safe working environment free from injury, danger, and death.
  • Separation of church and state.
  • State pensions for qualified workingmen.

Notable Members:
Emile Deschamps, President (1863-)
Charles Bouchardon, Corresponding Secretary, (1867-)

Arthur Veil (1863-)
 
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L'Association Atletique Fraternelle de Paris
A.A.F. Paris

In 1867, Emile Deschamps was reelected as President of the Association des Travailleurs Français (ATF) with promises to transform the working class into a unified politico-cultural movement. In recognition of this goal and of the growing interest in the sport of choule, ATF leaders founded A.A.F Paris the same year. The club was coached by Deschamps in his spare time, himself a former choule player. His involvement allowed him to stay attuned to the needs of the working class, keeping him grounded in the realities of the time.

The new club attracted working class East Parisian youths, developing the strength of the workers both physically and mentally. When not practicing or playing, members of A.A.F. Paris would gather and read socialist literature. Soon it became a matter of pride to enumerate all the authors one had to read to unsuspecting members in the clubhouse. "Blanqui? Of course everyone has read him, but have you heard of Karl Marx? Probably not..."

The club was soon marred by division. What was initially a friendly discussion about parish widths unconsciously turned into a heated debate about the proper role of a revolutionary vanguard. This led to the formation of L'Association Atletique Fraternelle et Sociale de Paris who would unfortunately disband before ever seeing play as A.A.F.S. Paris lacked a full team after another split, this time over electoralism, produced L'Association Atletique Sociale et Fraternelle de Paris. But A.A.S.F. Paris would also fold soon after a debate over...
 
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The Royal Palace of Aranjuez

Having recovered his health and spirits sufficiently, the Prince Royal's immediate family move into the palace that had once been assigned to the duc de Montpensier before his assumption of the throne. The area surrounding the palace and adjoining town were of a mild climate and provided ample game for hunting. It was also situated far enough from Madrid to grant him privacy but at the same time remain in messenger distance if the telegraph lines to the capitol were effected by some incident. Here the Prince Royal would engage in his hobbies--ranging from hunting, philately, and numismatics--and maintain a lively correspondence with his supporters, as well as occasionally entertain notable emigres who had followed the family into exile and decided to remain in Spain.

On this particular day the comte de Paris was fully engaged in completing his account of the recent unpleasantness in France, with a sharp focus on the military engagements that determined the course of the short conflict. He had taken over the entirety of the palace library for this project. It was past midday and he heard knock at his door; His brother, Robert, duc de Chartres let himself in.

"Your Royal Highness," began Chartres. "I have nothing in particular to report besides the fact that I am bored and therefore I am here."

"Oh?" replied the Prince Royal. "Then make yourself useful and bring those boxed materials I ordered up from Madrid and Barcelona over there to here. I am solving the puzzle of why revolution after revolution we have not addressed the issue of urban combat. Given the pervasiveness of the former secret police--no doubt retained and improved upon by the Dutch Ogre as we converse here--it surprises me they had no dedicated units devoted to riot suppression. Perhaps relying upon the regular army is the root of the problem?"

"Or perhaps we all expected the National Guard to do its job," chuckled Chartres. "We are 1-for-3 with the shopkeepers throwing in their lot with us and the total becomes null when you consider that on the occasion they did come over it was in defiance of their oaths to King Charles."

"That merely proves my point, yes?" countered the Prince Royal. "We never should've relied upon them to begin with and that is the central concept of the chapter of my account that I am presently working on. When completed it may prove useful for events that may occur here."

"How so," asked Chartes. "Weren't you the one who said we need to live quietly?"

"Live quietly, yes," replied the Prince Royal. "Do nothing and bemoan our circumstances, no. We must take an active defense of our family's interests here as our royal uncle is presently engaged in the management and operation of this nation. I have begun to think of royalty as a form of professional management, like in the best run companies of our age. Our shareholders in France threw us out but now we are presented with the wishes of the people of Spain. So, these thoughts committed to writing should prove useful if our royal uncle faces a similar situation as we faced."

"Good points, good points," nodded Chartes. "So we write treatises and polemics with vigor? We'll be like the monks at Cluny and transcribe a mountain of the written word!"

"Funny, very funny," sighed the Prince Royal and he shifted to a new topic, "Of course we must also tend to the emigre community living here. The focus of the Royalist response to the usurpers will be wherever King Henri settles his court; Perhaps Italy or Austria where we have relatives sympathetic to our plight. The majority will naturally will want to keep to him, or to our Uncles who are engaging in more pro-active actions but for those that remain here we must provide an example and retain their affections.

"I would divide those emigres that remain here into three parts; Firstly, those want to continue as usual and spend their days socializing and shaking their fists into empty air, they still should prove useful in cultivating the opinions of the people of this land; Secondly, those that wish to engage in commerce and industry as was their vocation back in our homeland, these fellows who have had their private property expropriated by the Reds can be directed to aid in the businesses of our supporters, particularly those of our royal uncle, that are engaged in industrializing Spain; Finally, there are those given to the profession of arms, men such as myself--much like the Irish Nobility who fled here from Cromwell's vengeance centuries ago--we have an opportunity to put our skills to use in our present home."

"As much as I am fond of our royal uncle I would not want to pledge my fealty to him, we are princes of France!" replied Chartes.

"That is true for us but we must be realistic about our prospects. Unless the Reds provoke the Concert there is little chance of raising an Army for France here without provoking a domestic reaction, one not in our favor. Since our royal uncle shares our blood and is of our house, I do not think he would be an objectionable Prince to serve in the interim while we await events in France," said the Prince Royal. "Nor do I think our King would object those of us in Spain making efforts to reinforce our royal uncle's influence among the military here.

"But for those who wish to formally remain in the service of France there is a way for them to also serve Spain in the meantime. I am quietly building a prospectus that I intend to turn into a fully-pledged policy proposal that this kingdom create a Foreign Legion modeled on that of France. Much like our legion, oaths would be given to the Legion and provide a place for all foreigners to render service. Some many even take the opportunity to cast off their old lives and have a fresh start; We have many friends, you and I, from are Algerian days we can recall availing themselves of that, remember? All it sometimes takes for such a beneficent transformation in ones character is service in the Legion."

"Regarding the composition of this formation, it would be a small body, two or three regiments at the most, trained to the highest standards and capable of using both the most advanced arms along with developing proficiency in less advanced but no less useful techniques of war. They would open the way for the regular army in the way the Marines cannot do because of their focus on amphibious landings and assaults. Such a force so conceived would be a boon for the maintenance of the Spanish Colonial Empire, which while diminished in its present form still straddles the entire globe and requires constant tender love and care."

"I hear Cuba is a beautiful country," mused Chartres. "Maybe I'll sign up and visit. You should remain here. Allow me the glory for a change."

"I doubt as heir to the throne of France I would be let near a battlefield anytime soon," sighed the Prince Royal. "If I should be able to make this proposal work I look forward to reading your exploits in the newspapers! It will give me something to look forward to reading while I digest the news from France. I hear the Reds are now engaged in forming athletics associations while rumors abound that food is in shortage... "
 
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Train chugging through the french countryside towards Brittany, having left Paris behind it some hours ago.


"You know this truly is delicious". Vallée looked at his traveling companion, "Though I hope you will forgive me for foregoing the milk, I fear I should be made even more of a laughing-stock than I currently am if it became known I took such a combination of otherwise exhilarating food and drink".

The young red-haired widow sitting opposite of him let out a light chuckle, clearly amused by the peculiar Frenchman taking such enjoyment in eating her childrens lunch. "It is quite a common snack amongst certain circles in London. I should love to serve you more if ever you visit, granted your wife allows it ofcourse".

A clearly thoughtful Vallée closed his eyes, imagening both the estate and wife outside of Saint-brieuc that he hadn't visited for more than a half-decade, "I think she shouldn't mind too much she is a... forgiving lady".

Taking another bite, the deliciously simple taste of jam and honey overwhelmed him. "If I do visit we would have to find an alternative for the milk though, a pinot noir I think would compliment the jam well".

Maybe retirenment wasn't so bad after all?


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Adelle Pauwels
(Minister of Foreign Affairs)

(Private -- @Firehound15)

From Pauwels

Athletes of S. S. Université

Sirs,


Through I am a man of meager means and status, as a student once affiliated with that illustrious university of yours, this old heart of mine demands that I contribute greatly to your organization. If allowed, I am willing to subsidize, from my own pockets, your adventures in the sport of Choule. What I ask in return is only a seat for myself to your games and grand victories. The energies of youth ought not to be wasted on matters of payment and finance. Go, my friends, and play the game to your heart's content.

Yours,
Adelle Pauwels
 
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ASSORTED CORRESPONDENCES OF THE VICOMTE OF MONTVICQ
~~~
Part Two: 1866-1871 - Consolidation, Spring 1867
[Hector de Montvicq, trans. James Crawford (2001)]
___________________________________________________________________________________________

The early November Republic afforded Montvicq a position in French politics that he had not had during the Third Restoration. While he had been able to influence the formation of the Levis Ministry and France's foreign policy in the mid-1860s, his role there had been constrained by ideological isolation and his diplomatic assignment to Berlin. It was during this time that he worked tirelessly to reorganize the royalist conservative network, weakened and emotionally drained by the collapse of the Third Restoration. Montvicq sensed that the smaller divisions among the conservateurs liberaux had been mostly disintegrated in appearance, even if they remained beneath the surface. Indeed, it appears that he believed quite strongly that this had created a political vacuum that a conservative opposition could fill, as indicated by his letter to the former Minister of the Navy and Colonies, dated 11 April.

. . .

((Private - @Vals))

Monsieur de la Vallée,

I write to you hoping in the hope that you remember me from our previous correspondences several years ago as well as our shared service in the ministry of M. le duc de Levis. While I am certain you do not need me to say it, I believe your faithful service to this country accorded well with your responsibilities to it. The radicals might decry it as serving the wrong master, but I see no fault in any individual's commitment to those duties assigned to him. I can only hope, of course, that the same continues to hold true now that France bears the title of "republic" rather than "kingdom."

Myself and a few other individuals, many of whom I suspect you are already acquainted with, including M. de MacMahon, have begun to plan the defense of property and the established Church against the aggression of those who seek to destroy our social order. They are same sort of men as M. Nadeau, who attempted unsuccessfully to achieve the overthrow of all manner of regimentation within the military. While I cannot fault his and their lofty and well-intentioned aspirations, I do not believe they understand the proper mechanisms of the state. They would seek to undo the entirety of our national system if they could, without considering that in extinguishing every lamp of the old order, they will plunge all into darkness.

While I must profess myself only a faint-hearted supporter of the democratic principle, I also believe we have been given no choice but to accept it. All throughout France, the political establishment of October is in retreat, shaken by the revolution and without the conviction to carry on the fight. I do not believe that things must be so. We must fight tooth and nail to stop radicalism and protect our country's prosperity and strength. Yet we must all know our limitations as individuals. Do you believe there is hope in this endeavor?

Cordialement,

MONTVICQ.
 
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Our Most Dreary Condition

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("The Eviction", by Charles de Groux)
The monarchy has fallen, and once again freedom and political liberty have swept over the land. The flight of the Bourbons was in large part due to the workers of Eastern Paris and Lyon rising up in defiance of the cruel monarchy, crying out for political and social freedom from their most dreary condition. Yet, though the bondage of political repression was removed from the working man, the bondage of social slavery, of grueling servitude to the bosses of the factory, still presses down hard on the working man. The most dreary condition of the worker is still their condition, and their political liberation has done little to alleviate their suffering.

As was the case in the Monarchy, and as it seems to be the case in the Republic, capitalist bosses and managers still treat their workers as nothing more than a means to an end, a cog in their machines to fill their pockets. As the was the case in the Monarchy, and as it seems to be the case in the Republic, the managers hold total control over their workers, as a tyrant would to his subjects, as King Henri had to France. Workers are expected to be silent and go about their grueling labor for little in return. They risk their lives to fill the wallets of the capitalist owner, and are easily discarded should the owner see fit. The owners argue that it is their business, and, like the King that was ousted, claim that their business is their domain, that they have total power over all, and that the workers should be grateful to work in their domain. Nay, I say, it is the bosses that should be grateful to their workers for contributing their sweat and blood to their wealth. Without workers, the bosses would have nothing to their wealth or name.

Workers of France, let this be known. The factories and businesses of the cruel managers and bosses are only productive and profitable due to you! The means of these owners obtaining wealth are through your work! They cannot survive without your work, and they try to deceive you into thinking they you are nothing without the owner's employment. Nay, how fast would their wealth dwindle if their workers stopped working. How fast would they become like you should no one seek to be employed by them. It is the workers that make the manager wealthy, and it is through the workers does the boss have productivity in his factory!

This new Republic, this new breath of freedom and liberty, must not be like the monarchies and even Republics of old, where capitalist enslavement of the working class rule supreme over all workers. This Republic was born from the blood of the working men. Let not the Republic fall back into the hands of those of aristocracy and industrial wealth. Let this new Republic be a new government, one that strives to ensure that all workers are treated as the key members of the economy and nation and are given their just reward for their service in creating and maintaining France. Let not the new Republic fall into the pits of anti-worker sentiment as the last Republic did, let not your cries for social freedom go unheard!

Workers of France, you created this Republic, and thus we must strive to earn our just reward from it!

-Arthur Veil
 
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Having been invited to formally open the Buen Retiro Park to the public, I was asked to present a short oration to commemorate the occasion. I thought this would be a good opportunity to reassure my subjects of my good intentions and my determination to share the heavy load of governance with my Ministers and the Cortes. I have recorded my planned speech here in my journal for posterity;

"By the will of the People, and of God, I stand before you as the representative of the Monarchical principle in Spain. In deference to those principles I open the broad expanse of this parkland to the people so that all may enjoy its comforts and its wonders. It is right and fitting that the monarch provides but the most effective maintenance of those provisions is a Monarchy advised by the People through the Vote. In this way all the problems of the nation are solved in accordance the popular benefit.

"Plainly stated, in ancient times the business of this nation would have been unable to be accomplished without the Cotres. The present circumstances as embodied in the Constitution return us to this beneficent tradition, and now that we are acclimated to parliamentary procedure, it his my hope that such issues of the present day can be identified and then solved by the Monarch--who scrupulously follows the beneficent tradition--and the free people of our nation together.

"I desire nothing but to see that our nation return to its historical course. Free from the illusions sold by charlatans who pray on the honest, industrious, people of our nation. Instead, let it be loudly proclaimed that the largest and most prosperous of nations--where order, freedom, and justice are best admired--are those that respect their history and the dignity of their people.

"So under the welcoming shade of these trees and warmth of the sun playing upon these paths, let this park be opened as a place were all people can feel welcome in this great nation of Spain."
 
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((Private @etranger01 ))

Louis Napoleon Bonaparte

Monsieur,

I would like to thank M. Le President for his confidence in my ability to lead such a vital economic commission, as you surely know, agriculture has long since been an area of interest for myself, and I indeed have been fortunate to be able to work within the Agricultural and Trade Ministry under the now deposed Tyrant.

We at the Commission, have undertaken the requisite audit of French agricultural life and the issues that are increasingly apparent in its internal relationships, and their effects on urban areas. We have thus create, what we believe to be a very widespread and thorough report on the issues at hand in Rural France, as well as possible solutions to some of the most pressing issues of our time. I hope you will take these suggestions to heart, and I am eager to work under you once more to alter these structural issues and create a truly modern, efficient and fit for purpose French rural economy.

Yours Sincerely,
Patrice Auberjonois


Following the Commissioning of a report onto the matter of how best to avert the current risk of Famine, and to avert potential future famines via decisive actions, the following has been suggested.

Short Term to Medium Term Projects

Direct Government Intervention within Bread and Flour Pricing

There is currently, in many of our cities a significant issue in the provision of Food, especially for the poorest in society. Many Bakers and thus their consumers are at constant risk of Grain rates fluctuating. It is then advisable that an organisation be established to organise primary producers, with commercial consumers to the benefit of both groups in addition to the general public.

The Commission would operate in two parts. The first section would be tasked in collaboration with the Ministry of Agriculture and Trade to monitor existing Grain and Bread prices, both domestically and internationally. Via constant monitoring of these statistics, it will be possible to with better accuracy predict grain prices domestically, in addition to assisting grain merchants and shipping companies in ascertaining whether foreign purchases will be economically viable within the coming year. The second part of the Commission will operate far more closely with commercial consumers and Producers, under the title of Caisse de service de la Boulangerie de Paris. As the title suggests, the project will be at least at the beginning focused on Paris and the Seine Department, this is due to the significant economic and political importance of tranquillity within the Nation’s capital, especially so soon after a revolutionary moment. If the project is deemed a success, then it can be rolled out to cities which historically have had similar issues with Bread Pricing.

The Caisse is to act to ensure Bread prices do not reach above the level deemed conducive to public disorder, which in Paris is suggested to be set at approximately 50 centimes per KG for First class bread and 40 centimes per KG of Second Class Bread. The Caisse, unlike previous institutions seeking to interfere with food prices, will have a much lighter touch, and will not own or sell any grain itself. It instead is to act as an intermediary between suppliers and bakers. Every baker is to be mandated to report all agreements for the purchase of flour to the Caisse, who then pays the supplier on the Baker’s behalf. The Baker is then over a set period mandated to repay the Caisse for these supplies, but are offered lines of credit to do so. Collateral will in the future be taken in the form of government-mandated surplus flour supplies. However, considering that the current situation is not conducive to the creation of a large surplus of grain, either other collateral will have to be found or the requirement for collateral temporarily postponed.

The Caisse will ensure there are no limits on the costs that be charged for so-called ‘Pain de luxe’, due to its traditional clientele being insulated by their wealth from the effects of increasing bread prices. By keeping this tethered to market forces it is hoped that Bakers and suppliers will retain confidence in the new approach to bread pricing, as well as minimise the effects of it on their income. It has been deemed necessary for the success of the project to reestablish the Octroi on grain entering the Seine Department, this when combined with payments of interest by the Bakers who are part of the program, will hopefully offset much of the costs for the government. It is not expected that this measure will ensure the Caisse will be cost-neutral, but the costs will be somewhat reduced by these measures, while also ensuring compliance and an increased work ethic from bakers

It must also be stressed that this government intervention in bread pricing is to be a temporary one when supply has regularly surpassed demand by a margin high enough to ensure favourable bread prices, it is advised that this organisation be liquidated or maintained only as an emergency department to be used in times of extreme duress. Maintaining a corps of staff closely associated with the industry, and with institutional knowledge of the issues facing French cities will be invaluable in such times of irregularity.

Increased trading links with both international and Domestic Grain Markets
Current Grain Traders, both International and Domestic are routinely criticised for their Timidity and have in some quarters become a symbol of who is to blame for recurrent Grain shortages that exist throughout the nation, however, while their Timidity is clearly not optimal, they cannot be fully blamed for their inaction. As currently constituted there are significant institutional barriers to them successfully plying their trade.

The most significant issue for Grain merchants is the current ‘Sliding-Scale’ Grain Tariff. The Tariff which bases the tariffs paid on grain entering the country, based on the current prices of Grain domestically damages the french nation in two ways. The first, is that by its nature, its variability creates uncertainty among merchants, who have at times purchased Grain from abroad to be sold domestically, only for the Tariff rate to increase while they were away, thereby turning what would’ve been a profitable enterprise into a loss-making one. Secondly, the Sliding-Scale indicates to the world how desperate France is for imports when the Scale’s tariffs are markedly decreased or even as they often are suspended outright, the international market views it as a signal of the weakness of our position. It would then be preferable to either out-right abolish the Grain Tariff or instead replace it with a much smaller fixed rate tariff. It is the opinion of the Commission that contrary to popular belief this change in the tariff structure will not have a significant impact on the livelihoods of domestic farmers, whose price per hectolitre of Grain should remain relatively stationary. It will, however, have a significant impact on both confidence in the grain market by Applicable merchants, and an increase in the amounts of Grain sold, even in Domestic settings.

It has been noted that the announcement of the arrival of Grain into French Ports has resulted in a noticeable dip in the price of Grain, far what would be expected due to a relatively minor increase in Supply. It is the belief of the Commission then, that in many cases the domestic price levels are as much based on confidence in the supposed scarcity of Grain, as they are on the actual supply. By either eliminating or permanently standardising the tariff, this inflow of Grain will provide a noticeable increase in the confidence of continued supply, especially to urban areas, and will encourage those who are ‘hoarding’ Grain, hoping for the price to increase to have their own goods enter the market, lest they are undercut by the new incoming supply.

In the Longer Term, the Government can also seek to reinforce certain Commercial links between Grain merchants and various international markets, as well as their relationship with Domestic institutions. Constant collaboration between Grain Merchants and the Government is vital for the success of both in this matter. It would be advisable to provide information collected by the state, on domestic production and prices both at home and abroad to these Grain merchants, both to allow them to both go about their business as effectively as possible but to also ensure that they are able to effectively react to Domestic demand and foreign surpluses. Thereby ensuring the best outcome for domestic consumers. Grain Merchants must also be encouraged to create Permanent presences at areas of importance to the international Agricultural trade, to ensure the rapidity of their response to changes in prices and demands. Currently, French merchants due to institutional barriers to their trade are at a significant disadvantage to other traders from the Netherlands or Britain, who have been able to successfully cultivate a relationship with international suppliers. It is also important to ensure their collaboration directly with shipping companies, especially on issues of ship capacity and Freight Rates, which must decrease and standardise to ensure the viability of French access to the international markets. It may also be possible in times of extreme duress for The French state to pick up some or even all of the costs of these freight rates, in the form of a loan or a grant, to ensure the viability of foreign imports on the domestic market.

Likewise, expansion and an increase in provisions for agricultural importation in key ports for the Grain trade such as Le Havre, Marseille and Dunkirk will reduce transportation costs notably, as well increase storage capacity for merchants in these locales, ensuring that they can store their good whiles the demands of

However it is not just changes that must come in the relationship merchants have with foreign producers, but also Domestic ones. Currently, small-scale merchants, starved of access to credit rely on often inherited trading connections and act as little more than hoarders and middlemen. With increased access to capital, it is believed by the Commission that small scale Grain traders will be able to better compete with one another, and increase their role within the market, expanding to provide a vital service as well as increasing their business connections, thereby becoming more national in scope. Likewise, further reinforcement between the Nation’s institutes d’agricoles and large scale merchants is preferable, this can take the form of Government incentives for deeper cooperation, or the expansion of Agricultural expositions, to allow the fostering of strong commercial relationships. Likewise, farmers should be encouraged to sell their goods at Markets rather than as is often done, in private deals at Farms. Public sales both allow for competition in pricing and are much more easily taxed and monitored than private commercial agreements. It is then in the benefit of all involved if sales were public and registered.

Storage of Grain often is limited by current infrastructural demands and should be expanded, especially with a focus on two different theatres. Investment in Granaries at major entrepots and areas of particular interest will allow for any shipments of Grain to be stored with minimal risks of loss, making the operation far more commercially viable than it would be with the current situation. Likewise, with Granaries located in major cities, bakers can pool together their resources in order to fulfil their legal and commercial obligations. Smallhold farmers also must be assisted in the creation of cooperative granaries, as the current situation is very unfavourable for them, with a lack of access to safe and affordable storage, they are at the whims of speculators who know the importance of selling the grain within an allotted time from harvesting, were this to change, these smallhold and cooperative farmers would see their livelihoods strengthened significantly.

Greater Regulation for Bakeries, and the closure of surplus and non-Commercially viable examples
The current situation for Bakers is not optimal for either their own benefit or for the consumer of their baked products. Currently, the market is almost wholly deregulated and oversaturated, it has been stated the average baker before they even start Baking bread is 10,000 Francs in debt. While not a rule for each baker, it certainly shows the economic hardship many of these people find themselves in.

It is thus important to create an industrial group of Bakers, through which the relevant Government Agencies can communicate and collaborate with this sector of the economy. Membership of these groups must be mandatory, and open to all who are capable of meeting the requirements. These requirements are encouraged to include Regular governmental inspection of both their facilities, stock and products, to ensure all are meeting sanitary and other legal guidelines. In addition to the submitting to the agreements and supply contracts already set out where applicable, to ensure standardisation and total buy into the necessary changes as already outlined.

However, it is understood by the Commission that not every Bakery will be able to meet these requirements, and indeed that in many cities there are simply too many bakeries. To rectify this there will be the establishment of a small levy on Bakeries to act as both a buy into the schemes already outlined, but also to assist in the voluntary closure of surplus bakeries, or mandatory purchase of closed or closing bakeries considered important for continued production. These bakeries will be operated by the Industrial Group of Bakers as they see fit, pursuant to the laws and regulations currently in effect.

The manner in which Surplus grain is stored must also change. There has been much talk in the past of the establishment of a mandatory 1-month consumption surplus, however, there is currently no well-enforced statute on the matter. It is preferable then that there becomes a mandatory surplus for each baker, as decided by their average monthly consumption. This purchase will also assist, in times of low Grain price, to artificially increase it, thus mass purchases should be halted until economic conditions are more conducive to the financial transaction that must take place. Over time this surplus should be expanded to 3 months. This length of time is considered very important, as it is widely held to be the length of time required for Grain purchased abroad to enter France and to begin circulating. A 3-month surplus then will allow for any future severe grain shortage that would previously have created famine to be almost totally offset, apart from an inevitable small increase in bread prices.

The Government, however, cannot expect Bakers to have to do it all themselves, the storage of Grain is one of the most expensive parts of the Bakers outflow of Capital, being legally mandated to hire both a storage area, guards and to have it insured. The Government could lower these costs, by subsidising these outflows, either in-part or fully. Likewise the reconstruction of Paris offers an opportunity for a Government warehouse to be constructed, in order to provide these storage facilities at a much lower cost than the private sector. If deemed that the Private Sector is more suitable for this economic activity, then Bakers should be encouraged to work together on the storage of their Grain, to both minimise their costs and to ensure some level of centralisation of the Process, allowing for the state to better protect these vital stores.

Investment in Millers
The current situation Millers find themselves in can only be that of ‘squeezed’, recent studies show that for each 157kg bag of flour refined, the profit is approximately a single Franc. Likewise, it has also been recognised that the cost for Millers increases significantly in drier years, in particularly dry years costs can be up to 2-3 times that found in Wetter ones.

Costs for Millers are passed onto consumers, both directly via increased costs to bakers for the purchase of the Flour required to bake their bread, but also indirectly through a reduction in efficiency, and a lack of commercialisation. Costs could be significantly lowered for Millers, thereby allowing increased competition in pricings, but it would require a significant expansion in both investment and access to credit. Both things that currently Millers are desperately starved of. Many such locations are still using basically the same techniques and machinery that have been in use for Centuries, a modernisation scheme is thus more than necessary if this weak link of the production chain is to be strengthened. Millers need Dressed millstones, they need modern machinery, and increasingly it is becoming necessary to invest in a steam engine. The provision of Steam engines especially is important, as it will untether production from environmental conditions when there has been a poor harvest and poor rainfall, the results currently can be quite catastrophic.

An increase of access to the largest and most prosperous mills, whether via government underwriting of loans, an expansion of banking infrastructure in rural areas or via simple government Grants, will allow for a notable expansion of their operations, with an associated reduced cost per Bag, a saving that will be passed along to consumers. Increased Lines of credit will also ease the operations of Millers. Millers by their industry’s very nature often receive payments in bulk, after the work is done and the flour refined. Affordable credit will assist in the payment and maintenance of the workforce. In addition by Mitigating these Labour costs, there will likely be an associated reduction in Prices for consumers, as well as increased security for both the Mill operator and its workers.

Likewise, Millers suffer from the same problem that afflicts farmers and smaller grain merchants, that they have yet to fully commercialise their industry. In many areas throughout France millers take on the same shipments, for the same prices every year, using the contracts they have inherited for Generations. This leads to an inefficient and ultimately regressive economic situation, one that is very much not favourable for an increased output. By integrating them better into existing institute d’agricoles, it is hoped that they will improve their commercial relations with farmers, their agents as well as Large Scale merchants and Transport interests. This will increase their greater connectivity within a wider rural economy, as well as reducing the risk of losing their small number of current contracts, in addition to increasing their financial stability.


Increasing Access to Capital in Rural Areas
Rural France is currently very Capital poor, it is estimated that the current capital per Hectare under cultivation is 400 Francs. A localised study undertaken in 1859 gave a figure of 397 Francs per Hectare resulting in the cultivation of products that could be worth 792. A significant cause for why the cultivation is currently low is the associated higher capital investments required with modernising French Farms, both through the provision of Machinery, increase access to Fertilisers and through investments in improved agricultural techniques. To many, especially larger landowners, the goal of Agriculture is to invest as little as possible per Hectare, to take as little risk in their business venture and to earn just enough money to fully fund their lifestyle. By Increasing Access to Capital and credit, especially among smallhold farmers and cooperatives, the relevant investments can be made to ensure an increase in Agricultural outputs.

One such opportunity to ensure more efficient distribution of existing Rural capital is to alter the mode of organisation of rural credit unions, back to their original intended system of ‘One member One vote’ (OMOV). There have been complaints from members within credit unions that credit unions have increasingly become tools for investment within Notable’s estates, estates which have access to alternative lines of credit and are often the only parts of the Rural economy not credit-starved. By altering the organisations to OMOV, it is believed that there will be a greater interrogation of proposed investments, and more scrutinisation of presented Business plans. Likewise, there will inevitably be more funding allocated to smaller holdings and cooperatives, who offer the most promising opportunity for significant economic expansion and output.

However, with this change, there must also be an altering of Government interactions with larger estates, who may admittedly receive a small downtick in access to credit. The Government must encourage these estates to commercialise and diversify their production, via underwriting of loans for investment into the estates, and the purchase of machinery, equipment and hiring of expertise. In addition, Favourable tax incentives must be offered to ensure that these rural notables are nudged in the correct direction and that the future focus of estates is to create a commercially viable agricultural business, not merely an estate to fund their urban lifestyles.

The government, must also through the National Credit Union Commission encourage greater collaboration between agricultural cooperatives and Credit unions, especially in secondary high value-added agricultural sectors such as dairy and meats, this will provide greater incomes to the relevant businesses, thereby allowing for reinvestment, not just in the cooperative and the constituent member’s farms, but also in the local community. By providing a greater level of income to rural farmers, the access to capital will increase, and standards of living will rise, with the goal to create a cycle of reinvestment and profit, thereby fundamentally altering aspects of the rural peasant led economy.

However it is not just Metropolitan France that offers tantalising opportunities for investment and expansion, French Algerian offers currently untapped economic opportunities if given the opportunity to grow. Currently, Algerian agriculture has a much lower productivity per hectare when compared to the Metropol, this is despite much laxer labour Laws and an associated reduction in Labour costs and restrictions that apply on the mainland. With the relevant economic investment, it is the belief of the commission that there can be an agricultural revolution within Algeria, retooling its fertile agricultural land to suit French consumer needs, and adapting and modernising existing agricultural techniques. The Commission then advises that the Central Government supports the Bank of Algeria in increasing Loan Capital, and encouraging it to expand its interests within the Agricultural sector. Currently, the Bank has been focusing on the growing industrial economy and resource extraction with French Algeria, which while undoubtedly crucial for the Colonial economy, does not necessarily provide the economic opportunity that a significant and successful expansion of Agricultural activities provides.

Relationship between Government and Industry
French Industry is crucial for the success of the French agricultural sector. Modern agricultural practices increasingly require modern agricultural methods, these methods are often reliant on state of the art Machinery. Modern machinery such as Mechanical Reapers and Threshers provide a significant increase in efficiency, and a significant reduction in the manpower required to harvest a hectare of Wheat, this reduction is very beneficial for both output, and profitability of Farms. However, despite the possible benefits of adoption, it is becoming increasingly clear that adoption of these modern practices and modern machinery is frustratingly slow, due to a combination of natural rural economic conservatism and a lack of access to the appropriate machinery.

The Commission then advises that the Government directly subsidise corporations involved in the purchase, production or importation of Agricultural machinery. It is hoped that through this act, there will be a marked uptick in adoption, as costs and the associated barrier to entry are lowered, increasing availability to rural investors. Likewise, it is hoped that by cultivating a domestic agricultural machinery industry, there will be associated benefits for both the larger French industrial sector, through the associated increase in demand for production, as well as materials needed in the production of such Machinery there will further incentive for growth. Likewise as previously stated the provision of lines of credit is vital for growth in the French rural economy, Government assistance to provide lines of credit to farmers to allow them to more easily invest in these productivity-increasing devices, will assist farmers, of all sizes immeasurable benefits. It is suggested this comes into effect by collaborating with the financial sector, as well as through the creation of investment funds and loan schemes for larger agricultural estates, who could benefit the most from these adoptions.

The Government must also seek to assist French Companies involved in the harvesting of Phosphates and Nitrates, for use as commercial fertilisers. French Algeria has been shown to be incredibly fertile land for the Harvesting of Phosphates, and by working with Domestic companies who seek to harvest both outside of the Metropol and even outside of the French state entirely. It is hoped that increasingly fertilisers can become more common, in Algeria, there is certainly a favourable combination of currently low agricultural yields and an abundance of possible fertilisers. It has however yet to be seen if this combination will be fortuitous for Algerian agriculture.

One current issue in the rural economy is that of Shipping and economic integration between provinces. It is the view of the commission that the integration of all competing railway companies into a single price model, as organised by a railway commission, whose membership is to be voluntarily made up of all current railway franchises. Membership of the railway commission would act as an agreement to follow Government Directives on pricing, construction and scheduling when necessary. Failure to join would result in the end of the current government support for that Company’s railway stock dividends, and profits, in addition to an end to any future lines or Government contracts being provided to said Company. Direct subsidies would also be offered for the modernisation and expansion of Railway capacity, on a project to project basis, in addition to general subsidies to offset lowered freight rates. In times of extreme duress, such as during a severe food crisis, or conflict domestic or foreign, the commission would be empowered to operate the railways as a national concern, directly by central government authority. Likewise in times of less extreme economic turmoil, it would be empowered to mandate lower freight rates in exchange for increased subsidies, in order to avert a possible economic crisis.


Alternative ideas to alleviate the struggle of Urban Poor Directly
There are numerous organic and worker-led movements that have arisen in French urban areas in order to naturally reduce the effects of food shortages and to create a more varied diet, many of these movements are worthy of Government support, and can with the right support act as a truly useful policy to alleviate the issue of food security that affects many of our nation’s urban areas.

One such movement is the so-called Market Gardener movement, which has been shown repeatedly to act as an incredibly useful mitigator of Urban Hunger. They have repeatedly shown small places, with the correct care and attention can produce a significant amount of food year-round, especially for fresh produce, that would otherwise be almost impossible to get within French Urban settings. Even during the worst of winter months, French market gardeners have shown themselves wholly able to grow fresh vegetables for a minimal economic investment. Small areas of as little as 3 feet by 3 feet are suitable for such patterns of Growth and have time and time again acted as a form of income for the poorest in society, especially the elderly and women, as well as the benefits to health that access to fresh produce inevitably provides.

It would then be within the government's interests, to provide the relevant equipment and space to allow for the expansion of these ad-hoc projects. Ironically the destruction of Paris offers us a unique opportunity to rebuild it. The government would be amiss if they failed to take this opportunity to provide the Market garden movement, space to breath, quite literally. Likewise, for a small cost, the benefits to these communities would be about as cost-effective as can be reasonably expected for any investment of any kind to be. Likewise, the provision of best-practice advice, and active collaboration with interested community groups, and mutual organisations would provide a serious opportunity to both engage local communities, positively with the new government, and also provide a serious health benefit to the populations of urban France associated with the success of these projects.

Likewise, active coordination with charitable organisations, individual philanthropists and local governments could provide the opportunity to assist in the provision of subsidised or even free meals to schoolchildren, the benefit would be twofold, both reducing the costs associated with parenthood, for among the poorest in French urban areas, but also providing an incentive to go to school rather than illegally working, as is too often currently the case. However, Government collaboration on feeding children is not the only thing that can be done, active assistance for local community groups eager to improve their own conditions is preferable, as it both engages communities with the government, and provides the ability to engage in self-help and self-improvement practices in both situations to the benefit of the poorest in society, both economically and socially.

Long-Term Economic changes
The Government must also stay vigilant towards and committed to favourably altering long-Term Economic trends. With the correct guidance, and investment eventually the rural economy can be slowly freed from government intervention, as it becomes far more effectively self-regulating and naturally efficient, however for this to take place, structural changes must be made.

One such structural change is the transfer of tenancies from Proportional Rent tenancies to Fixed rent tenancies. It has been stated by previous inquiries that increasing tensions between landlords and their tenants have been exacerbated, if not admittedly wholly caused by the continuance in some localities of the Metayage tenancy system. It is widely viewed that in terms of social cohesion and economic efficiency that fixed-rate tenancies are far preferable than ‘sharecropping’, both by providing encouragement to increase agricultural productivity and creating a more harmonious relationship. In addition, efforts to ensure increased land tenancy securities are also central to further increasing agricultural productivity, if tenants are confident they will maintain control over their land, they are far more eager, and able to invest in both their homes and their farms.

This change will also have to be combined with a reduction in current Absenteeism between landlords, and an increased interest in the commercialisation and expansion of Agricultural estates, as seen in England and Germany. By creating a more active, participatory relationship between Landlords, tenants and overseers, then agricultural output will be able to improve, and tensions decrease. Ultimately the commercialise of such estates are necessary if they are to survive in any form.

It is also likely that with increasing communication abilities and infrastructure, there will be greeted economic and commercial relationships directly between farmer and commercial consumers, reducing middlemen. This as a prospect is very encouraging, currently, middlemen in this process are viewed as parasitic and fundamentally offer little in the way of Economic benefits or increased value to the end product. Their removal will benefit farmers significantly, as well as commercial consumers, by increasing profit margins via decreasing costs of shipment and labour.

There is likely to be a significant increase in the availability of Animals in Rural areas, this is certainly something the government must act to encourage. Animals provide both a high value-added product in the form of milk and meat, as well as providing natural fertiliser in the form of manure to increase agricultural outputs. Increasing access to animals then at all levels of French rural economic activity is a very promising and favourable change and one that must be researched further, to determine how best to capitalise on this prospective benefit for both the rural economy and the national economy at large.
 
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