Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[Marschalk]

Law on the Safety of Mills and Factories: Oui
Law on the Licensing of Public Houses: Oui
Law on the Pensions of the Civil Service: Oui
Law on the Reduction of Cereal Freight: Oui
Law on the Concessions for Portuary Investments: Oui
Law on the Credits of the Royal Army and the Royal Navy: Oui
Law on the Grants for the Land Programme of 1856: Oui
Law on the Standardisation of Credit Unions: Oui
Law on the Subsidy for the Bureaux de Bienfaisance: Oui
Law on Grants to the Institutes d’Agriculture: Oui
Law on the Protection of French Industry, 1857: Oui
Law on Agricultural Cooperatives and their Formation: Abst.
Law on Inheritance: Abst.

[Gers]
[0]

 

[Cloud Strife]

From the Algerian Diary of the duc d'Orleans (1856, Cont.);

As the summer heat gave way to the muggy autumn, General Randon ordered an expedition into the Kabylie to show the flag. The tribesmen of the region never bent the knee to the Dey in Algeris and were certainly in no mood to obligate themselves to the French Governor-General. Our native auxiliaries hated campaigning in this region. To them, this was a land of infidels and idolaters for the Berbers of this area proved reluctant to adopt Mohammedan ways. They were more interested in what blessings the sufi holy men could provide for them than any adherence to the general principles of that faith. Perhaps if our priests could claim to summon the rain they would convert to the Latin rite?

This part of Kabylie was known as the 'realm of the Ait Abbas' and it stretched from the valley of the Soummam river to the sahel regions of the great Sahara desert. A tribal confederation dominated by the hill clan of the Abbas was what passed for government in this region. Their leaders met in the mountains of the Bibans to sort the business of the day. Some branches of this clan formerly held fealty to the Dey and others never bent the knee to him. The strongest clan leader held the title of Sheikh and the current occupant a long standing French ally. Ahmed Mokrani had formerly participated in the defense of the Dey's regime but when the Dey fell and Abdelkader replaced him in authority, he found himself outside of favor.

In order to make use of the passes in Kabylie to strike directly at the heart of Abdelkader's territory, the military administration assented to Mokrani's appointment as 'Sheikh of the the Medjana.' The new Sheikh ensured that his vassals in the area allowed the French army to pass through unmolested. Using this route allowed the French to take more effective control of the area and to link Algiers with Constantine. He never was completely trusted and slowly his power began to be put in check. At the request of the Governor-General, my grandfather the King confirmed Mokrani's position but removed the tribes of the Ouled Naïl, Aït Yaala, Qsar, Sebkra, Beni Mansour, Beni Mellikech and the Biban mountains from his control and then placed under the authority of more pliable allies.

By the time I arrived in Algeria his son Mohamed had replaced the elder Mokrani as Sheikh and was something of an unknown quantity. He remained openly loyal to France but never paid much heed to French authority outside of handing over fugitives from French justice when repeatedly pressed by the authorities in Algiers. The lands he held sway over were soil poor and mineral lacking but with a large population that looked with envy towards the riches of the lowlands. The only large scale cultivation present was the olive tree and the oil produced was of acceptable quality. Perhaps it was fortunate that their land was lacking in natural bounty, otherwise the colonists would surely moved to seize their land. Though, only a fool would try to journey into Kabylie without an armed escort, let alone contemplate bringing the numbers of settlers that would be required to defend such an outpost of civilization planted in this hostile area.

Our reception before Sheikh Mohamed was not so hostile but there was no warmth in his words either. We quickly partook in his hospitality and in return delivered the customary gifts. He had the look of a man who accepted no master and this was fine by me, so far as kept his end of the unspoken arrangement to curtail the raids against the lowlands in the areas under his control. Thus having paid our respects to this potentate we made our way to main portion of our mission and into the highlands proper.

A typical mountain pass in the Algerian highlands.​

The narrow passes that connected each valley in the Bibans range was treacherous to pass through. The green spaces ended and all that was left before us was barren rock. The occasional raiding party would attempt to swallow stragglers but myself and other officers and rankers not used such trials quickly adapted to using our more reliable firearms to ward the locals off. A particularly large raiding party's appearance saw us stumble into one of the clan wars that were endemic to life in the hill country. Hearing of our presence our local allies asked us to flush this large raiding party out of a local stronghold they were claiming. We lacked heavy cannon, for the task of transporting artillery that could bring down strong walls was a determent when campaigning in such confined spaces, but the locals told us of where and from whom we could acquire some.

Much to my surprise many of these vintage pieces held by prominent tribal leaders were of French origin. Others were Spanish and bore the arms of Emperor Charles V. The French castings dated from the time of Louis XIV and such guns perhaps were relics of the failed Djidjelli Expedition, where the duc de Beaufort attempted to capture that port as a base to fight against Barbery Piracy. The expedition failed and what war material that could not be evacuated found itself as trophies enjoyed by the native warlords. We accepted these family heirlooms and put them to use settling this local dispute in favor of those who submitted to French authority. The details of the fighting that followed are sadly not as existing as the discovery of these lost French canon, they were a textbook application of force and combined with local support we were able to capture the ringleaders and end the immediate disorder. Gifts were once again distributed in the wake of our victory to reinforce the loyalty to the local potentates and the distribution of honors petitioned to the Governor-General for those who had returned the kingdom's cannon to French possession. Though, I have no doubt more problems have arisen in that area since we have left. Definitive endings are not a prevalent feature of clan strife. It is cheap for one to roll the dice and try their luck in that land without law nor order.

Having actually seen combat, and more importantly having done splendidly at it, there were some in my command crazy enough to desire more. More glory. Or whatever nonsense. We were now two weeks into our expedition and I frankly prayed we would not see another pitched battle. We had made our point and hopefully no other local strongman would challenge our forces after hearing of the beating we doled out to those who rose against the tricolor. Thankfully the rest of our expedition was rather quiet. We left the French canon we had recovered under a small detachment that would bring the pieces back to the coast and the main body of our forces proceeded to continue our tour of the valleys.

After a month and a half of showing the flag we finally returned to our cantonment and for the next few weeks all I had to look forward to was the usual amount of paperwork needed to be filed after such a deployment.

 

[ThaHoward]

Jérôme was drowning in paperwork. With the demise of his last brother Jérôme was put as head of their family compnay and its many investments and its many branches in the financial and industrial sector. Jérôme having no education in economical and financial matters, nor any interest or nose for it, was not in his element. For the most part he did as the lawyers and the executives of the various companies said and signed their paperwork. Jérôme had nothing to do with the daily running of the business, but being the nominal owner he had to be kept in the loop some way or the other.

The first matter of the day was the acquisition of Descombe's shares in the Disney-Descombes Maritime Company (DDMC), 50% in total. Jérôme remembered Descombes and how he did not fall to elements of disorder and ordered Changarnier to restore the honor of Paris, and so he did. Jérôme had much respect for Descombes and was surprised he was into shipping aswell. Descombes had approached the Lécuyer family company and proposed that his shares was to be sold. The advisors of Jérôme told him while the DDMC was not one of the major maritime operations it was wise to "eat" up as much of the market as possible, especially in light of the recent success of the merchant operation of Polignac. Jérôme authorized its purchase and soon 50% of the DDMC was incorporated into the investment portfolio of the Lécuyer Company.

Another matter was that of Algeria. As it were Joachim had acquired lands in Algeria in hopes of it becoming the next Eldorado. Plantations was set up, even hiring American advisors in the running of said plantations. Hoping the growing of cotton would be a boon to his income there had been set up a cotton plantation and even small scale to tobacco operations. However it soon became apperant that the cotton and tobacco from the new world outcompeted their Algerian operations. It was kept around, however to a much lesser scale than usual. However there was one plantation that succeeded and that was the one who cultivated dates. But with now open hostilities in the New World and the Anglo blockade of America new opportunities arose. Already before the opening of open hostile actions several of the chiefs of the Company ordered reinvestments in their Algerian cotton operations. Now as war was engulfing the New World the cotton production had picked up in Algeria and it was their hope that with the maritime operations of the Company they would export cotton from Algeria to France and perhaps elsewhere in Algeria.

There was other minor issues that Jérôme mostly slept through or just signed off papers in automation. However what picked up his interest was the latest area of focus by his late twin (Jean-Louis). Of all things he had started to look into Fertilizer Deposits up in northern France. Jérôme had never pictured Jean-Louis much of a farmer, however he knew he was a man of great talent - especially when it came to accumulate wealth. In the diary of Jean-Louis it was "islands" of fertilizers in northern France. With both Jérôme and other men in the company having contacts in government circles knew that massive investments into the agricultural sector was in the air. Not wanting to miss out on the prospects of earning some more Francs, Jérôme authorized the Company on their plans to make substantial investments into these Deposits. He authorized operations to buy up several deposits, their associated lands, along with hiring personell and buying machines capable of extracting, processing and refining said fertilizer. With the Company setting up the needed industry, the traditional mechant and shipping arm would sell said fertilizers across France and perhaps even export it outside of France. In short the Company was to make substantial investments into the Fertilizer Deposits of northern France and then control the process from extraction, to refining, to shipping and lastly its sale. Jérôme not being a man known to fertilizers, nor general industry and business trusted his board, lawyers, engineers and various employees to fulfill the task and his late twin's last project.

Following the day of signing papers, listened to various projects and figures Jérôme was exhausted. He poured himself a glass of absinthe to recover. After consuming it he spent time with his wife strolling the garden and later taking her out in the Opera. The next day he visited the Mexican embassady, but before doing so he penned a letter.

((@Lyonessian ))

Your Excellency,

In the capacity as the nominal owner of my family company I have acquired 50% of the shares in the Disney-Descombes Maritime Company. In your capacity as the Minister of Trade I have but a simple question for you, one that concern me.

Jean-Anne Gai the recent mysterious inheritor of the other 50% have announced the DDMC will defy British blockades of America and continue maritime operations as usual.

In your capacity as the Minister of Trade I ask of the official government stance, are the French maritime operations to fall into line with the British blockade and cease our maritime operations? May even the Kingdom of France join in to the blockade of American ports? Then if the DDMC continue operations, would the company be at risk to offend either His Most Christian Majesty or the United Kingdom, and would the warships of the Royal Navy be of any threat to our minor maritime operations?

Lastly I make an informal request of Your Excellency's informal advise on wether or not we should cease our operations in America.

Sincerly,

Jérôme de Lécuyer.

 

[Marschalk]

L'UNION

ON POLITICS AND THE ARMY​

THE French Army cannot be considered to be contaminated by politicking. However, the efforts to infect our military forces by this most disastrous of the diseases have always existed, coming both from revolutionary groups and various agents of influences, wishing to gain the support of the Army for their political masters.

These efforts to demoralize the armed forces of the country are understandable, for they are made both by these who are trying to undermine the French Monarchy and these who seek their personal egoistic gain. It is also understandable that, coming from all classes of society, the rank and file of the Army does experience the influence of the various views and ideas existing within these groups. And, of course, each person has his private views.

However, it is impossible to accept the fact that such a lack of the sense of military duty is now introduced that certain so-called patriots of France believe that the destination of their political goals (be it, say, a republican or any other coup) should be reached through the intervention of the sympathetic troops. One of the tasks of the corps of officers is to assist the soldiers entrusted to their guardianship to free themselves from such misconceptions and to gain the sense of a true loyalty to the Crown and Country. But the same task lies with the whole educated society, the views of which, after all, influence the views of the entire nation. All wrong and ridiculous in the views of the educated society is often reflected in the masses of the people in a form ten times more ugly. Our educated classes, in my opinion, have not fully understood their grave responsibility before the people and themselves in this respect. The frivolous attitude of these classes towards the most important foundations of culture and morality gradually spreads dangerous ideas among the people, which, in the case of their victory, can only wipe out all culture from the face of the earth, crushing under its ruins both the educated classes and the whole nation.

One of the most dangerous manifestations of this combination of frivolity and ignorance would be the demoralization of the armed forces through involving them in party politics.The goals of propagandists trying to use the Army may be , as I have written above, manifold and different. Some may dream of military coups, others of massive revolts or even of simple lobbying. But in both case we can witness the same ignorant attitude towards the idea of military duty. They do not realize that participation in party politics is contrary to the very concept of the Army. It goes without saying that the armed part of the people, which is the Army, can easily defeat and enslave the rest, the unarmed part of it. But what absurdity, from the point of view of the civilians, would be the creation of their own enslavers? Why the Сrown and the state would need the armed forces, if they are hostile to them and instead of protecting internal peace would disrupt it due to political motives?

This is why, in my opinion, our fellow subjects of King Henri V who join the army should participate in party policies only after leaving active service, for the military banners of the Royal French Army should be a symbol of national unity.

Different views and aspirations are inevitable among different people. Some of us may be liberals, some of us may be conservatives. But the bodies of state - force publique - are representatives of its joint force and our joint force. They protect all of us, as well as our form of government, rule of law, peace and order.

The Army should be loyal to the Sovereign and Fatherland. It serves the King, who is its father and supreme commander-in-chief, and protects the domains he rules. Therefore, as the liegemen of His Most Christian Majesty and defenders of the country from external and internal enemies, the men-at-arms are carrying out a mission most high and noble. Due to their service the country is able to live in safety, develop and flourish.

These are the duties of a warrior both inside and outside the country. His responsibilities therefore are to develop as a high-quality soldier, not as a lawyer, industrialist, politician, journalist, etc. Everyone has his own profession, his own specialty, as well as responsibilities coming from them. And why should a warrior be dissatisfied with the fact that his specialty and responsibilities are among the highest and most indisputable?

If a soldier participates in conspiracies, rebellions and riots, then he, first of all, commits treason, by using the arms given to him by the King and the state against them, and secondly, inevitably destroys the armed forces of the country.

The Army is made up of people similar to all of us. They can have different aptitudes and sympathies in politics. Getting involved in politics the Army inevitably fragments itself into parties. And then unity, loyalty, camaraderie and self-sacrifice, all that values that create the Army, would definitely be destroyed. Only symbols, such as uniforms and banners, would be left then – however, the ideals behind the uniforms and the banners would be long gone. The soldiers of the King and Country could then turn into various groups of Praetorians and Janissaries, which are more harmful than useful.

God save France from such affliction. The King and his Kingdom should forever remain the only party of the Army – and then it would never be fractured by dangerous politicking or corrupted by sly seducers.

- G. de S.-T.

 

[DensleyBlair]

To the Earl of Clarendon, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
(( @99KingHigh ))

Concerning neutral shipping and the American Blockade

​

Sir,

I write to you in acknowledgement of notice having been received regarding the intention of Her Majesty's government to commence a blockade of American ports, in line with the state of war that exists presently between the United Kingdom and the United States.

I have instructed M. le Comte de Charlus, His Majesty's ambassador to the Court of St. James's, to convey to Her Majesty's government the intentions of France to remain a neutral power in this conflict. I trust that you have received this assurance, Sir, and I shall make it again here.

Recognising the unique position of neutral powers in conflicts where a belligerent power has enforced a blockade, and in response to the petitions of several concerns with interest in Transatlantic shipping, in accordance with established convention His Majesty's government intends to issue French merchants with the following advice:

1. As a neutral party in the present conflict between the United Kingdom and the United States, His Majesty's government shall act at all times in accordance with international law as concerns the blockade imposed by the United Kingdom against the United States;

2. Respecting the right of merchants to continue the trade of neutral goods between France and the United States for the duration of the blockade, as a neutral party His Majesty's government shall make no preemptive effort to block private companies from trading through the blockade;

3. Private companies are advised that all merchant ships are liable to be visited and searched by the Royal Navy, under its right as a blockading power, and should conduct business in the understanding that His Majesty's government does not dispute this right; and further that all merchant vessels are expected to comply with efforts made by the Royal Navy to enforce its blockade;

4. Private companies are advised that all merchant ships found upon search to be carrying contraband goods are liable to have their cargo seized by the Royal Navy, and their crews returned to France; and that any vessels found upon search to be transporting contraband cargo are liable to be seized by the Royal Navy, subject to British prize law.

​

It is the hope of His Majesty's government that this advice is acceptable to the interests of Her Majesty's government, Sir, and I would encourage you to make any reservations known to me at the earliest possible instance if this is not the case.

In the spirit of upholding a frank and cordial relationship between our two governments, Sir, I look forward to receiving word from you soon.

I remain, your servant,

le vicomte du Bessin
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs​

 

[Lyonessian]

Official Notice from the Ministry for Agriculture and Trade​

The recent developments of the American War, which have led to a blockade of the American coast by the British Royal Navy, have been duly received and considered by His Majesty's government, especially to the extent on which the blockade influences the trading activity of French ships in the region. After such considerations, the Ministry does so release a set of guidelines which should maintain the independence of French companies while providing the necessary information on the matter, and the policy decisions taken on the intent of preserving French neutrality in the conflict.

Considering that the Royal Navy's blockade of the American coast is lawful and has been effectively run, it is also the outspoken intention of His Majesty's government to abide by the customs of international law and respect the United Kingdom's wartime decision, considering it a valid course of action. This is an official position which does not carry official restrictions, however; the Ministry shall not restrain the action of French private companies which would trade within the blockaded area.

Nevertheless, full disclosure of the consequences involved must be openly stated. Any ships and merchant companies of France which intend on continuing normal activities through the blockade should be aware that they should comply with the norms therein imposed. Such norms consist, under normal conditions, of a visit and search conducted on every ship which goes through the blockade line; the Ministry strongly suggests that these visits and searches be allowed, and that there should full cooperation of company and crew with the British Royal Navy's officers. The peaceful resolution of these searches, resulting in lawful trade and movement, shall be to the utmost benefit of all parties involved.

However, if there should be an indictment of French ships and companies regarding contraband within the blockade line, the Ministry warns that their activities bear full responsibility to the trading organization involved. Proven possession of contraband, under the customs of traditional international law, shall lead to penalties under the British prize law codes. France shall not interfere on the imposition of justice in such cases.

The Ministry expects full compliance of French trading companies to the above advices and warnings, and hopes for a swift resumption of normal conditions which aid in the progress of French trading abroad.

Signed,
Jean-Paul Henry Lièvremont
Minister of State for Agriculture and Trade​

 

[Nax24]

Law on the Safety of Mills and Factories: Oui
Law on the Licensing of Public Houses: Oui
Law on the Pensions of the Civil Service: Oui
Law on the Reduction of Cereal Freight: Oui
Law on the Concessions for Portuary Investments: Oui
Law on the Credits of the Royal Army and the Royal Navy: Oui
Law on the Grants for the Land Programme of 1856: Oui
Law on the Standardisation of Credit Unions: Oui
Law on the Subsidy for the Bureaux de Bienfaisance: Oui
Law on Grants to the Institutes d’Agriculture: Oui
Law on the Protection of French Industry, 1857: Oui
Law on Agricultural Cooperatives and their Formation: Abst
Law on Inheritance: Abst

[Doubs]
[Défenseur des libertés, de l'économie et de l'ordre: +5 PP]

 

[m.equitum]

​

The Messageries Maritimes will continue regular commercial activities with ports in the United States of America, in compliance with the guidance promulgated by the French Government with respect to the British blockade.

 

[ThaHoward]

((Joint IC with @Vals ))

​

Château de Bagnolet.

Jérôme had kept a keen eye on the development in the New World. It was fascinating indeed, in part he supported the American experiment and to bloody the English, yet he felt much sympathy for the Mexicans and their national struggle. Several days went by discussing the war in cafés among friends and clubs with officers and gentlemen. Jérôme was expecting a guest, however this time he was not to discuss the ongoing conflict in the New World. Rather he was captivated by the book [title] written by a Captain Vallée. Jérôme being a keen supporter of French glory were naturally in favor of supporting an expansion of the French Navy - the ultimate power projection.

The valet announced the arrival of Vallée and Jérôme, who had put on his officer’s uniform and his decorations, came into the reception hall. There was already several officers present, naval and army alike, however he mostly interested in the newest arrival. “Captain Vallée, it’s an honor to meet you. How was your journey to my nephews home?” he said as he shook the hand of his latest guest.

La Vallée promptly accepting the handshake of his host with a stern smile, proceeded to respond in a friendly albeit somewhat reserved manner “Colonel Lécuyer, thank you for having me here. This is quite a residence your nephew occupies, my journey was quite fine thank you for inquiring. I don’t usually find myself in Paris, however I had some business at the Mexican embassy so I thought this would prove an optimal time to answer your invitation”. Looking across the room as he spoke the Captain took in the sight of his abundantly luxurious surroundings, and those honourable gentlemen inhabiting them, obviously this was the home of a rich and influential member of society, or so Vallée thought to himself.

“This is quite a gathering you’ve managed to assemble here, I’m honoured to be allowed to partake. The lavish life of the Parisian may seem somewhat outlandish to someone such as myself inhabiting rural Brittany, yet I can recognize that this has its charms as well” Vallée stated in a somewhat sarcastic yet friendly manner as he unbuttoned his naval frock coat, handing it to a nearby servant, in turn receiving a glass containing a dark red liquid. “Indeed, this seems to be quite the gathering of honourable gentlemen. If only they hold half the military renown that you yourself are justly attributed with then I believe we stand with a posse capable of taking over half the known world”. Lifting his glass in the direction of Lécuyer, Vallée proceeded sip some of the refreshments he had been provided with.

Jérôme was impressed by his hand shake. Jérôme could see in the eyes of Vallée, and the expression of his face that he was impressed by the interior of the Château. Personally Jérôme preferred the family’s rural estate or the properties in the Swiss alps and Catalonia. However in Paris Bagnolet was to be prefered over the cramped apartment (which was naturally much more abundant than most Parisian apartments). “This residence is on the courtesy of Adélaïde and Duc d’Neumors. My brother’s loyalty paid off”, he said as he winked. “The Mexican embassy? Interesting we may talk more on that later”, he said as he clapped the back of Vallée.

​

Jérôme listened in to Vallées remarks on the difference between life in Bretagne and Paris, he did not say it outloud but he deep down agreed to it, missing the days when he lived with his parents and siblings in Bretagne. Jérôme was honored by the words of Vallée and toasted back. “Vallée you do me great honor, but I am afraid you are too kind. However words of your latest work have reached far and wide, in military and civilian circles alike. Here, let’s have a toast to the French Navy and its expansion that is long overdue!” Jérôme had the guests mingle for a while and let several of his servants keep the guests occupied as Jérôme limped inwards to on of the lounges - he would not be humiliated in front of several esteemed officers. As Jérôme sat down the other guests came in. Vallée sat down and Jérôme pointed toward the picture of the taking of the siege of Constantine. “What do you think of this painting Captain? And perhaps the siege it represent”.

Making himself comfortable in the chair Vallée let the gaze of his dark blue eyes rest upon the painting in question, scouring it for details meticulously allowing for him to deliver a qualified verdict, having dropped his joking tone of voice he delivered his answer in a much more serious tone of voice. “I stand unaware as to the creator of this work, it appears to me to be a rather...chaotic scene we see unfolding before of us, obviously it stands to a testimony to the bravery of French soldiery and their military achievements, the uniforms are too modern for it to depict a siege during the Napoleonic Conflicts or the Spanish Intervention as such I can only assume the event it depicts has taken place within the last...ten to twenty years which leaves room for it illustrate our intervention in Italy or the struggle for bringing civilization to Algeria. The only siege assault I can think of for it to hold enough relevance to deserve such a painting would be that of Constantine”

Taking another sip from his glass of wine, Vallée slightly scratched his chin in a thoughtful manner before continuing. “This work is absolutely not meant to be a romantic depiction of the struggle our army endured there, the colours appear to be rather singular and dim, smoke obscures the men as they surge forward up and over the walls lead on by their valiant officers who we can observe in numerous locations urging their men forward. I must admit that I find it somewhat… Underwhelming? I can’t quite place my finger on it but I don’t quite think it does justice to the hardships experienced by the brave sons of France. However it may just be that the style the artist uses isn’t quite in my taste”. Having finished his assessment Vallée turned his head towards Jérôme letting off an apologetic shrug in the hope of not having offended his host.

Jérôme stroked his beard. “Interesting”, he said. “I have never been a man of arts, I enjoy your frank assessment of the painting. That is what the French military need”, he said and laughed. Jérôme mostly chatted with the other guests for a while, before he returned his attention to Vallée. “Now Captain evidently you’re a man who have great.. what can I say.. thoughts for our Navy”, he said as he smelled his red wine, swirled it and indulged it. He let out a sigh of relief and continued. “What are your current take on the government’s bills for the Navy, and what do you believe we should do to improve the Navy? Let it be expansion or modernization”, he said as he made sure his guests got more wine and added “and don’t be afraid, you’re among friends here”.

An excited look suddenly appeared on the Captains face as Jérôme lead the conversation onto a subject which - for obvious reasons- Vallée found to be of the highest interest and importance. Continuing to respond to the Colonels inquiries with barely hidden excitement in his voice “Monsieur, the Navy has been grasping at straws for an increase in her naval budget for decades. If the current bills are to pass it would prove a substantial boon to our combat effectiveness, naturally of course a natural boon that is relative to our current situation which quite frankly is abhorrent and unsustainable. You inquire as to whether or not we ought to favour modernization or expansion, I say the both as they are not non-exclusive as we can only attain a proper modernization of His Majesty’s navy through the construction of newer vessels seeing as older ships retrofitted to be compatible with steam engines will always find themselves at a disadvantage compared to vessels built with the specific intention of operating by steam”.

Allowing himself a pause in order for himself to consider his words and allow Jérôme to interrupt with further questions however as that didn’t seem to be his conversation partners intention the Captain continued on with increased vigour. “I must admit that even if these bills are to go through we would likely still find ourselves to be outnumbered in a conflict containing other great European powers. Yet these recent proposals made by the Government leaves me with hope that this is only the start of a new era for our Navy, I’d find it to be optimal if the Government would approve of a new annual budget which the Navy may benefit from dedicated solely towards the laying down and construction of new ships every year. Sadly I doubt such a concession to the Navy seems unrealistic with the current economy and political climate, especially as long as Vice-Admiral Hamelin - a man I must admit to holding no fond feelings towards - remains as Minister of the Navy and Colonies”.

Jérôme listened to Vallée and understood that the man had the interest of the Navy close at heart, perhaps his interest in the Navy transcended from being merely professional, to perhaps genuine affection. Not wishing to interrupt his guest in his long rant he listened to him and contemplated over the Navy and its needs. “Construction every year?” he asked. “What ships should our Navy get every year? And while I am in support of a general modernization of our Armed Forces I must ask this question, would this not lead to a potential cold relation with the British?” Jérôme said as he took another sip “Please don’t misunderstand me, I would like nothing more than to rival the English so that we may have a.. freer reign over our foreign policies in the Mediterranean and the Far East”. Jérôme let his guest ponder over his question before he again specified his question back to the original point so to speak. “But let us not digress into foreign politics - for now. My main inquiry is how you would envision such an annual naval expansion. What kind of ships should be laid down, and why? Pardon my ignorance on naval matters”, Jérôme leaned backwards and was listening keenly on the man having got a renewed interest in the whole matter. He was to cross his legs naturally, but the pain shot through him as he was unable to take his left leg over his right, and he was embarrassed and cursed for himself.

​

Listening intensely to the questions and conundrums presented by Jérôme, Vallée having at this point finished with his refreshment placed his glass down on a nearby table the Captain continued to answer Jérôme’s questions to the best of his abilities. “I touched upon the subject of naval construction and ship types briefly in my recently published book so it stands rather obvious to me which vessels France would be best served with, France ought to orientate her Navy around the 1st Rate One-hundred-Thirty gun first rate design presented by Henri Dupuy de Lôme, this specific design of his remains theoretical and based around lessons learned in the construction of the Napoleon class 2nd Rate ship-of-the-line which coincidentally is the other ship we ought to orientate our navy around. Henri is a genius when it comes to naval designs and has some rather interesting and revolutionary ideas he has presented in certain circles… but I digress. Theoretically his 1st Rate design ought to attain a surprising speed considering its size while also providing significant firepower, this speed is naturally due to the inclusion of a steam engine in the design. The Napoléon design employs ninety guns and relies on two steam engines allowing her to attain speeds of up to twelve knots an hour, I am rather familiar with the Napoléon design as I’ve served as France’s only vessel of tha type for the past few yea-...” Surprised by Jérôme’s sudden outbreak Vallée looked at him with worry clearly expressed in his face. “Monsieur? Are you alright? Are you in need for anything?”

“Only liquor!” Jérôme said as he laughed hoping to joke away his embarrassment, plus it had the good effect of easing his pain. “Please have a glass of your liking”, he said as a waiter offered a wide variety of drinks. “Now first and second rate ships, as you may see I am a simple infantrist, such terms mean little to me. But I suppose you know what you speak of. Both rates sound impressive, I do remember that I was impressed by your fine ship Napoleon. Its size and elegance was awe inspiring perhaps I chose the wrong branch”, Jérôme mused. “If you don’t mind me asking, what were you doing by the Mexican embassy?” Jérôme asked as he got a glass of whiskey imported from the Brits, at least they were good for something.

Nonchalantly waving away the servant in declining the offer of further refreshment - alcohol not being one of Vallée’s greatest vices - the Captain smiled half-heartedly at Jérôme’s explanation regarding his sudden outburst, nodding accordingly as it seemed to be appropriate while the Colonel spoke, and with no small amount of pride smiled upon Jérôme’s mention of the Napoléon. “Ah yes, you inquire as to my doings at the Mexican embassy? Well as the newspapers have been reporting the American Government, in a violation of Mexican sovereignty, has declared war upon Mexico due to some illusions and fabricated claims regarding American rights to the western territories. An act I myself find to be appalling, it seems this conflict with the entry of the United Kingdom on the side of Mexico has the potential to have lasting impact on the Americas. Subsequently due to feeling a moral obligation to assist the Mexicans against an expansionist power and for personal reasons as I have always had a desire to experience more of the Americas than just the French West Indies - where I spent a decade of my youth - I have been in continuous dialogue with His Excellency the Mexican ambassador and received permission from the Minister of War, to enter into the service of the Imperial Navy as a volunteer for the duration of the conflict. His Excellency provided me with a letter of introduction I am to present in Veracruz which I intend to depart for in little more than a week”. Leaning back in his chair with a smile Vallée seemed to be rather satisfied with the whole ordeal as romantic ideas of battle and glory to be won on foreign seas formulated themselves in his head.

Surprised by Vallées refusal of liquor Jérôme first instinct was to snuff, was he a bad host to his guest as he refused his hospitality? Then he figured out that perhaps it was he that had become too fond of the spirits as a means of escape since June. “Ah you wish to aid the Mexican cause”, Jérôme said and took a sip. “A noble cause against Protestant and Republican aggression. I must confide in you that the whole affair have gotten me somewhat split. On one hand I have always looked up to America, myself being a republican, albeit moderate one, before June and the mob violence during those days. America was an experiment and a dream, still France notoriously failed in such experiment”, Jérôme said and hoped he had not offended any of the royalists. “However the ongoing American aggression is based upon what? That someone made this manifest of destiny for the American people? I don’t believe they have predetermined destiny that allow them to seek out new territories in a highly aggressive fashion. I concur with your assessment in assisting the Mexicans out of a moral obligation. Perhaps the Americans will usher into a period of Revolutionary and Napoleonic like wars in the New World like our forefathers did in the Old”. Jérôme sighed and looked to the many paintings in the room. “However in another way I hope the Americans will bloody the nose of the British to put them down a notch or two and allow a vacuum in their falling power, if only temporarily, for us to seize the opportunity. Who knows, perhaps even their Navy will suffer some minor casualties”, Jérôme had himself a glass of water and added “tell me, would this be your first time in actual battle?”

Content with Jérôme’s proclamation of support for Mexico and condemnation of American aggression Vallée nodded with great enthusiasm stopping only to frown slightly upon his hosts admitting of holding republican sympathies, however Vallée would never dare to question Jérôme’s loyalty to the lawful government of France as he was aware of the man's exploits against the rabble of Paris some years prior. “The American Government bases its legitimacy upon the consent of a money-grubbing populace to submit to the republican experiment in exchange for providing them with free land for settlement out in the west in land held prior by the heathen natives. Now that their Government sees that America’s current borders shan’t be capable of supporting such a policy for all eternity they commit to atrocious acts of aggression against their neighbours in hope of attaining new land to provide an incentive for their populace to continue supporting the American experiment. I say we are well served in France with a just and righteous King to stand as a beacon of hope and provide legitimacy to our Government, for myself the restoration of the French Monarchy has put my mind at ease as I believe the French people has finally made up their mind in support of the God given Monarchy”.

​

Leaning back in his chair placing his right leg across of his left, Vallée was visibly in a state of relaxation and content with the subjects being discussed as he continued on in responding to Jérôme’s further inquiries. “I have been honoured to serve in the Navy for thirty-eight years Monsieur, ever since graduating from the Académie de marine in Brest at the tender age of sixteen. It would be amiss if I was to say I have not participated in battle before. In my youth - before gaining the honour of my own command of a vessel - I participated in numerous skirmishes both on the sea and on land against the ville and savage Barbary Pirates who proved themselves to be quite a fearsome and capable foe indeed. In 1823 during our just intervention in Spain the vessel onboard which I served found itself at odds with a number of smaller gunboats commanded by the insurrectionist liberal Madrid Government however these proved to be quite incapable of fending off one of His Majesty’s frigates. In the thirties I battled on two occasions with the resurgent pirate threat in the Caribbean in my first position as commander of a smaller vessel stationed out of Martinique”. Pausing a moment to give himself some time to think, as he reminisced his career and the military actions in which he had partaken, Vallée continued on with a serious tone in his voice. “So aye, I would say I have participated in an actual battle before, as I find every battle in which one finds themselves at risk of losing their life or limbs to be an actual one. However I shall be the first to admit that the conflict which I now stand ready to participate in will be on a much grander scale than anything I have before participated in. There is a world of difference between fighting pirates and fighting a proper Navy employed by a state who has kept it in supply, with modern vessels and powerful armaments”. Finishing his summary the Captain remained quiet, preferring for a moment to simply observe those surrounding himself and Jérôme as he waited for his counterpart to continue the conversation or engage with other guests.

While Vallée told his story the mind of Jérôme drifted away to his exploits in Algeria, as well as his father who served in the Intervention in Spain. He missed life in Algeria, even if he did not. He felt as if he had a purpose then, as he did not have now. “Please I meant no offense. I know some who seek adventure in a somewhat naive drive in a quest of glory or make a name for themself. Evidently you have seen your fair share of battle, and served your country and people well”, he sighed as he finished his whiskey, taking another glass of wine and continued “to be honest I miss my time in Algeria. It was easier then, true I am safely around my family now and life is good, but most of the issues in this state of life seem so.. trivial. In the deserts of Algeria I had a purpose and in the thick of battle everything was so simple. I miss it, even if it was quite horrible at times.” Jérôme sighed, looked over to the other guests as he leaned forward lowering his voice. “I must confide in you that I have been thinking of joining the Mexican cause myself. Both to help out our catholic brothers against the revolutionary aggression of the Americans, but also to have myself out of the current existence. To perhaps have one last adventure before I retire”, Jérôme paused and clunked his sword-cane on his prosthetic “alas there won’t be any adventure for me as in the old days where I led men in the front. I have been in talks with some figures, and there is an opening for me as an advisor, that is advising Mexican staff officers and training instructors on.. what can I say modern war. Of course it would be in the rear and far away from actual war. Your decision to join the Mexican Navy, even if you will likely see major engagements head on, have only inspired me further”, Jérôme said and he looked deeply into his liquid, being in deep thoughts - not knowing if it was the liquor or the choice ahead that suddenly put him in this state.

Newfound pity appeared in the corner of Vallée’s eyes as he listened to Jérôme and his deliberations with great care. making sure when finally he responded to the man who seemed to him on the verge of being broken that his words were strong and clear. “Monsieur, a great injustice has been done to you by fate. It seems to me that you stand in a clear predicament, heed my words Monsieur, a man must have something to fight for, and in your case I think the fire which has lead you on in your duty to France may tragically be fighting on with its last strength. Go to Mexico Monsieur you have been granted a chance to reinvigorate yourself, I believe if you do not go then you may come to regret such a decision for the rest of your life. In the service of a cause this worthy someone so experienced as yourself may prove to be a vital boon and aid to our Catholic brothers in their struggle against the ungodly Americans while also helping in ridding you of any doubts you may have considering yourself and your current… situation, such an adventure will allow you peace, and may help you more than you can imagine in the future when doubt enters your mind.”

A tear came across the corner of one of Jérôme’s eyes and a chill came across his spine. He lifted his glass. “To Mexico”, and consumed some of his wine. “Your words.. I don’t know where to begin, but you might have persuaded me. I hope we meet again, perhaps in Mexico as comrades in arms or when the both of us return to France with new stories to tell”, Jérôme said. Jérôme and the guests spent time together until the wee hours, this time in a more social setting and not the formal discussions on military matters. Jérôme had just made a major decisions and perhaps made a new friend.

​

 

[Jackbollda]

Law on the Safety of Mills and Factories: Aye
Law on the Licensing of Public Houses: Aye
Law on the Pensions of the Civil Service: Aye
Law on the Reduction of Cereal Freight: Aye
Law on the Concessions for Portuary Investments: Aye
Law on the Credits of the Royal Army and the Royal Navy: Aye
Law on the Grants for the Land Programme of 1856: Aye
Law on the Standardisation of Credit Unions: Aye
Law on the Subsidy for the Bureaux de Bienfaisance: Aye
Law on Grants to the Institutes d’Agriculture: Aye
Law on the Protection of French Industry, 1857: Aye
Law on Agricultural Cooperatives and their Formation: No
Law on Inheritance: Aye.

[something]
[+4 favorite-in-waiting]

 

[m.equitum]

Legislative Items 1856​

Law on the Safety of Mills and Factories: Oui
Law on the Licensing of Public Houses: Oui
Law on the Pensions of the Civil Service: Oui
Law on the Reduction of Cereal Freight: Oui
Law on the Concessions for Portuary Investments: Oui
Law on the Credits of the Royal Army and the Royal Navy: Oui
Law on the Grants for the Land Programme of 1856: Non
Law on the Standardisation of Credit Unions: Oui
Law on the Subsidy for the Bureaux de Bienfaisance: Oui
Law on Grants to the Institutes d’Agriculture: Oui
Law on the Protection of French Industry, 1857: Oui
Law on Agricultural Cooperatives and their Formation: Non
Law on Inheritance: Oui. (In memory of a friend)


[Haute-Loire]
[Polignac, Prince of Commerce +3PP]

 

[DensleyBlair]

To the Vicomte de Bessin
(@DensleyBlair )
​

MONSIEUR LE VICOMTE -- It is with considerable happiness that I read the official announcement of the nuptials between my dear brother, Alphonse and your lovely daughter, Marie-Joséphine.

Having known for some time of my brother’s feeling towards her, which were sparked when they were first acquainted upon your travels to the South of France, I was sure that the day would eventually arrive when the pair would be matched. Indeed, scarce little could distract Alphonse from his mathematical pursuits -- the which, even in childhood, had always consumed his interest -- save the charming Marie-Joséphine, who seemed to awaken in him a sense of romance unrivalled even by his love for Leibnitz.

Understanding that you have consented to my brother’s suit of your daughters hand in marriage, I cannot conceal the great contentment it brings me to know that our long-standing friendship should at last be brought into kinship by this union.

Monsieur le Prince,

Nothing gives me happiness as this occasion, able now as I am to reply to to your letter, Monsieur, not only as a friend but as a kinsman. Since our first meeting at your beloved Houghton during the last decade, our friendship has been a source of great joy, and I am comforted by the knowledge that this solidarity between the families Merivée and Polignac might now be recognised by happy posterity.

Your dear brother Alphonse is a man of great talent, and of far more moment a most loving and devoted husband to my dearest Josette, who will no doubt be charmed to think herself as having bested Leibniz! I should be glad indeed to have him as a son, and I look forward to a long and happy union between our two families.

I remain, your friend and kinsman,

Merivée​

​

 

[Andre Massena]

Domadeaux had at first intended to quietly follow the war from Switzerland but with the call to adventure and his emperor's permission he changed his mind. After arriving in London and paying a visit to his patron he quickly managed to secure a position as an observer for the war between the British and Mexican empires and the United States thanks to Louis Napoleon's connections. He would have preferred to aid the Americans in some way, but being an observer on the British side was much safer and, besides, he had no intention of fighting anyway.

He set sail on the HMS Conqueror, a new 101 gun ship-of-the-line. It was originally designed as a sail ship but was redesigned to include screw propulsion. The Conqueror, her captain, Thomas Matthew Charles Symonds, had informed Domadeaux, had been part of the Channel Squadron after she was first launched but was now being assigned to take part in the blockade of America, which was in desperate need of ships given the length of the American coastline. The ship was fairly impressive to Domadeaux's untrained eye and it's modern engine was a marvel.

The voyage across the Atlantic was fairly miserable, as Domadeaux disliked the naval life and long sea travel. However, it was worth it to escape the boredom of exile. Perhaps he could get a good view of some exciting naval warfare. Later he planned to attach himself to one of the British armies operating either in Canada or Texas, though for the time being there was not much of a British army presence as British forces were gradually building up their strength and the Americans had a clear initial advantage in every front. Maybe he could even get in touch with some Mexican republican exiles residing in America. Ideally the forces of the Mexican monarchists would falter and clear the way for the Republicans to take control of the country. Should that occur, Domadeaux was ready to offer his services to the movement.

For now, however, it was time to observe a war. Perhaps his observations could even help France in the future. Her military would need all the help she could get given the state she was in, after all.

 

[ThaHoward]

Two letters are sent.

((@Michaelangelo ))

Your Highness,

Regarding a request from your person to mine years earlier, I am once again ready to offer you a suggestion regarding your arms manufactory.

Recent events have opened up new possibilities in the New World. To invest in new markets and test out weapons.

In my understanding the American aggressors's service rifle is one that utilize the Minié type of munitions. The Mexicans, however, have to make due with largely obsolete rifles. As it is a war, the Mexicans naturally are in need of new weapons, and unlike the United States of America and the United Kingdom, Mexico do not have a solid native arms industry. They are, from my understanding, in need of imported weapons. As such I have two suggestions for you.

The first is that you manufacture last generation of French service rifles/muskets and export it to the Mexican Armed Forces.

The second proposal is one that might be more controversial. Here I propose that you produce the Minié rifle under license, a clone or a rifle that is of similar of our own service rifle. Firstly this have the benefit of being the state of the art rifle, making it desired by the Mexicans for its combat prowess. Secondly you as an arms manufacturer and the French Army might draw wisdom from the experiences the Mexicans do with the Minié rifle in the field of a modern war.

That way you may learn of its practical advantages and where improvement is needed. That wisdom may again be utilized to produce the next generation of service rifles. As I am to depart for Mexico I am willing to soeak on your company's behalf and report to your Highness on usefulness of said weapons.

Sincerly,

Jérôme de Lécuyer.

((@naxhi24 ))

Your Excellency,

Regarding a request from your weapon manufactory to myself years earlier, I am once again ready to offer a suggestion regarding your arms manufactory.

Recent events have opened up new possibilities in the New World. To invest in new markets and test out weapons.

In my understanding the American aggressors's service rifle is one that utilize the Minié type of munitions. The Mexicans, however, have to make due with largely obsolete rifles. As it is a war, the Mexicans naturally are in need of new weapons, and unlike the United States of America and the United Kingdom, Mexico do not have a solid native arms industry. They are, from my understanding, in need of imported weapons. As such I have two suggestions for you.

The first is that you manufacture last generation of French service rifles/muskets and export it to the Mexican Armed Forces.

The second proposal is one that might be more controversial. Here I propose that you produce the Minié rifle under license, a clone or a rifle that is of similar of our own service rifle. Firstly this have the benefit of being the state of the art rifle, making it desired by the Mexicans for its combat prowess. Secondly you as an arms manufacturer and the French Army might draw wisdom from the experiences the Mexicans do with the Minié rifle in the field of a modern war.

That way you may learn of its practical advantages and where improvement is needed. That wisdom may again be utilized to produce the next generation of service rifles. As I am to depart for Mexico I am willing to soeak on your company's behalf and report to your Excellency on usefulness of said weapons.

Sincerly,

Jérôme de Lécuyer

 

[Michaelangelo]

Two letters are sent.

((@Michaelangelo ))

Your Highness,

Regarding a request from your person to mine years earlier, I am once again ready to offer you a suggestion regarding your arms manufactory.

Recent events have opened up new possibilities in the New World. To invest in new markets and test out weapons.

In my understanding the American aggressors's service rifle is one that utilize the Minié type of munitions. The Mexicans, however, have to make due with largely obsolete rifles. As it is a war, the Mexicans naturally are in need of new weapons, and unlike the United States of America and the United Kingdom, Mexico do not have a solid native arms industry. They are, from my understanding, in need of imported weapons. As such I have two suggestions for you.

The first is that you manufacture last generation of French service rifles/muskets and export it to the Mexican Armed Forces.

The second proposal is one that might be more controversial. Here I propose that you produce the Minié rifle under license, a clone or a rifle that is of similar of our own service rifle. Firstly this have the benefit of being the state of the art rifle, making it desired by the Mexicans for its combat prowess. Secondly you as an arms manufacturer and the French Army might draw wisdom from the experiences the Mexicans do with the Minié rifle in the field of a modern war.

That way you may learn of its practical advantages and where improvement is needed. That wisdom may again be utilized to produce the next generation of service rifles. As I am to depart for Mexico I am willing to soeak on your company's behalf and report to your Highness on usefulness of said weapons.

Sincerly,

Jérôme de Lécuyer.

((Private - @ThaHoward))

My friend,

I admit that I am surprised that you recall our discussion from that long ago. I appreciate that you still wish to offer advice even after all this time. Help is always welcome to ensure the success of my family's business ventures.

The sudden outbreak of war in the Americas does indeed provide an opportunity. While I hold no interest in aiding the British, and I doubt they require any French arms, it would be foolhardy to try to sneak past their blockade and help the Americans either. The Mexicans, however, evoke only sympathy in me, what with being the victims of blatant American ambitions to control the continent. Their situation is indeed worrying, even with British aid.

I believe your first suggestion to have merit. The Mexicans are in need of imported arms, and the Rohan-Descombes Manufacturing Company is willing to provide them. However, I have spoken with my business partner and we are both in agreement that while we are willing to open a dialogue with Mexico to sell them arms, we will not commit to any such Trans-Atlantic trade if it requires smuggling or passing through a blockade. We would not wish to risk an international incident over a trade deal.

I'd gladly welcome your offer to speak with the Mexicans on our behalf. If you can both open them up to the idea and provide us with assurances that the trade would be legitimate and not be subject to interception by a foreign power, then we welcome the opportunity to assist the Mexicans. However, if some danger does exist of any of the goods being intercepted or such trade coming back to reflect poorly on France, then I think it best that we not get involved.

As for your second offer, while enticing and beneficial to the Company, I do not believe it feasible. In the time it would take to obtain a licence to produce Minié rifles, produce enough to ship to Mexico, and then send them overseas, the war could well be over. The firearms would also likely be of inferior quality since our workmen would not have time to perfect production of that particular model. I think it best to focus on those models of rifles our company is already familiar with so as to ensure we can best carry out any orders.

I thank you for so freely offering assistance to me and my business partner. Your support and friendship is greatly appreciated.

Sincerely,
Louis de Rohan, Prince de Guémené

 

[m.equitum]

​

​

To Mathilde Demidoff (née Bonaparte)
(@etranger01 @99KingHigh)

​

MA PRÉCIEUSE AMIE, MATHILDE - Knowing well the life of an exile, having been acquainted not so long ago with its joys and its sorrows, I hope that this letter finds you in good spirits and that your stay in England [a place which yet prompts fond memories] remains an agreeable one.

Having wished to have occasion to convey in person what must, on account of the expatriation of the House of Bonaparte, be set in writing, it must be said from the outset that the news I am compelled to relay to you by means of this letter is of a delicate nature.

Having laboured unsuccessfully in the aim of securing from the Holy Father a declaration as to the nullity of your marriage to Demidoff, the sustained impediments to any match between our families – to wit, the twin objections of Church and State – have together generated circumstances as to make such a union impracticable.

Whereas matters of the heart are not prone to such sensibilities, we cannot ignore the obstacles which present themselves. Constrained by sacramental invalidity and legal tenuousness, figures of lower social standing may have been given ample cause to elope, but such remedies are to us unavailable.

Alas, we must cast aside what sentiments may have been borne for one another, and, with your agreement, maintain only that friendly affection which may yet be preserved. Circumstances as they are, I ask your forgiveness and consideration. Je vous avouer que mon coeur est lourd, mais même un coeur si lourd doit se conformer à la réalité que les circonstances imposent.

​

 

[99KingHigh]

Chapter 5: Les Blancs
(June 1856 - April 1858)

The first ministry of the Third Restoration accomplished the deed long desired by the previous regimes. A provisional unification, combining all the conservative social classes, from the provincial peasantry to the grands proprietaires and the nouveaux riches, was finally realized. The Catholic Church, cast from favor in 1830, reveled in the splendors of its favor. The old religious divisions, between the Intransigent Catholics like Veuillot, and the Catholic liberals around Lacordaire, Monseigneur Dupanloup, and Montalembert, momentarily subsided. Public finances flourished, and French bonds, long feared, assumed a certain desirability. Social life resumed with the brilliance once rendered impossible by the lengthy aristocratic withdrawals from the public sphere. The Tuileries, affected by the bourgeois austerity of King Henri V, who disliked pomp and flattery, adopted a synthetic decorum of modernity and tradition. Within the palace walls the Duc de Lévis governed over the royal entourage in a manner that never betrayed the tastes of the monarch. It was a curious atmosphere—attendants like the ultra-aristocratic Prince de Polignac and the ultra-bourgeois Baron Descombes would find it in equal and opposite parts both familiar and alien. At the center of this curious fusion was the sun himself, the king, who kept in simultaneous display quotidian attire and ineffable principles. Beyond the palace walls, in the city of Paris, the extremes were widening; cholera and destitution worsened, the propertied and affluent prospered. Cities across France imitated the capital inequalities, while the provinces gasped a rare affluence.

King Henri V in the late 1850s; distinguished by his mundane attire.​

Tocqueville and Bessin ended the era of great political works with L'Ancien Régime et la Révolution and L'Ordre et L’Entropie; death and power brought that period to a close. The surveys of the acclaimed Le Play—an advocate of social Christianity heavily tinged with paternalism and traditional royalism—and the studies of the liberal Michel Chevalier, confirmed the two dominant economic thoughts, supported in varying decrees by the government. Then there were the young non-conformists, alienated by the bourgeois, who sought Bohemia in Montmartre and Montparnasse, where poverty was voluntary and aesthetic. But for many more, particularly for the artists, success depended on the king and his officials, who controlled prizes, state commissions, and the entertainment halls; outside of the royal venue success was nearly impossible, because there were few private galleries. True success was found in the elite clientele, particularly the new manieur d’affaires, who might be apathetic to culture, but required it for advancement. This was the heydey of the peintres pompiers, the sort of painting that served the consumers, and obliged the Bouvards and Pécuchets, who demanded heroic, noble, edifying, virtuous, and sexual paintings. Among these painters, who were proud of their subject and craft, were Winterhalter, the court painter, Messonnier, who specialized in excessively detailed battle scenes, and Cabanel, rising to stardom. The reprobates, decrying the mediocrity of the material artists, and reveling in their scandalous innovation, failed to reach the savouring heights of Labiche and Offenbach; the latter reached new fame with the hugely popular Orphée aux enfers. Gounod and Bizet began their triumph, while Berlioz, more a man of the Romantic past, remained misunderstood. He offered one last hymn to the King before his gradual departure. Architects continued with eclecticism and the taste for pastiche, successively building churches in Romanesque, Gothic (Sainte-Clotilde), and Renaissance styles. Sculpture was the domain of the Comte de Nieuwerkerke, the devoted friend of the king, unchallenged by competitors in his court favor. He was not yet threatened by Carpeaux. The currents of the past were not disappearing overnight; classicism lived on with Ingres, and romanticism cast a dying, even glowing light in the paintings of Delacroix and Fromentin, and in the great works of the progressive Vicomte de Hugo, who wrote Les Châtiments in famous style. Realism, born from Balzac, grew ever stronger; Flaubert scandalized France with Madame Bovary and earned a notorious and popular reputation. The courts sentenced him to six months and demanded a thousand francs. Public morality was not to be outraged in the Third Restoration.

​

Political opposition took on a nature contained within the structure: liberal Catholics demanding clerical university reforms and stronger divisions between Church and State, legitimists dreaming of old privileges and the social Monarchy, progressives pleading for structural economic changes, budgétaires insisting upon economic orthodoxy, etc. But this form of opposition survived without a universality; very few members of the chambers struck a hard-line against a ministry, and discontent found expression on a policy-by-policy basis. The less auspicious opposition, and also the dangerous opposition, were licking their wounds; republicans waited for the moment of opportunity. The mid-century decade was not a prosperous time for their movement; repression and fear massively reduced political agitation. First there was the issue of rallying, whether because of disillusionment with the republic, from opportunistic motives, or because of their appreciation of greater prosperity. Their intense and particular dislike for the national foreign policy, undoubtedly an unpopular feature of French political life (always prone to grandeur and bellicosity), limited the flow of defections to the regime. Others simply withdrew from political life. For example, the former republican deputy, Crémieux, devoted himself to his career at the Parisian bar, and informally attended republican gatherings. The demobilisation sharply reduced the contacts between the bourgeois republicans who played the traditional role in leadership positions and the working-class/peasant rank-and-file, still drawn to the République démocratique et sociale. In most communities, however, a hardcore and irreconcilable constituency, resenting the influence of monarchist notables, still responded to the mystical appeal of La Marianne. There was always a belief in a catastrophic crisis, such as a regicide, that might allow for their re-emergence. Signs of republican sentiments did not disappear. When the liberty trees were chopped down at Barjols in July 1853, people carried off the collected pieces of wood like “holy relics.” Officials disagreed whether what remained of the movement was an army without leaders or an officer core without an army. Together with the major industrial centres, Paris and Lyon attracted official concern, particularly as it became clear that the regime had failed the masses in these cities. Paternalistic economic policies succeeded to win over the people in only a limited sense as many regretted the deprivation of their electoral rights (recall that the Paris electorate had been reduced to 81,000 voters). This failure was blamed on the classe moyenne of doctors, lawyers, notaries, and small businessmen in the cities. These assumptions were justified on their supposed social relegation and anti-clericalism, and only the “legal” transition of power from the Second Republic to the Third Monarchy prevented a far more acerbic opposition from these influential groups. Parisian workers in the large industrial interests and railway companies were the new concern of the state. Beliefs varied considerably, and apathy remained the rule. In the Nord, for example, a clear distinction existed between Lille and the suburbs (where sustained democratic propaganda from Bianchi and his associates during the Second Republic left their impact), and the industrial and mining villages in the surrounding countryside, where republican intransigence was nothing but an extreme minority in the sea of popular and elite royalism.

The Utopian republic; Vive Bonaparte!​

Prefects often reported that the passions of the republicans were “compressed, but not extinguished.” They looked back to the death of Philippe VII, and by implication, the passing of Henri V, as moments of decisive opportunity, where they might spring back into action. In Lyon, the prosecutor complained that opposition existed not only in the déclassé sections and the cabarets, but among the honest workers, who were “led astray by the traditions and sermons of 1850.” His colleague at Montpellier reached a similar conclusion, but left a more debasing mark: “a republican movement of all those corrupt individuals, lost in debt or noted for their infamy...the debauched, vagabonds, the lazy, and drunkards.” Beyond doubt, police activity concentrated on the cafés, where in the last chapter, the association between alcohol, sloth, and opposition was briefly discussed. They were also tied to prostitution and other sins that provoked fiery rebuke from the Church. Various remedies were proposed. The state prosecutor at Montpellier hoped that the upper classes would set a better example. Finally, in October 1856, the government passed a law that required prefects to license drinking places, and regulated their hours. It was hoped that the motion would close those operations which posed a threat to the social and political order. In some cases the law was vigorously enforced. The legitimist historian, Arcisse de Caumont, then serving as prefect of Calvados, was absolute in his belief that alcoholism would lead to the further degeneration of the lower-classes. He closed 120 cafés and bars each year with the new powers. More commonly, prefectoral officials complained about the feeble efforts of the mayors to control the drinking life. Enforcing municipal arrêts on closing hours was very challenging, and drunken assaults on police and the gardes champêtre complicated the crackdown. However, the number of licensed established did begin to fall from 350,000 in 1855 to 310,000 in 1859.

A café outside the Paris city limits.​

A common assumption made among the educated classes and the authorities was the urban-rural distinction. In general, this understanding tended toward the accurate, but it was not absolute. The discontent of the poorest elements of the rural population, like the forestry workers of the Yonne river and the Clemency area, was emphasized. Vignerons complained incessantly about the unfair taxes on their product. Pyrenees peasants obsessed over the need to abolish restrictions on rights of usage in forests. Indebted peasants blamed the moneylenders, who became in the eyes of local authorities, “the inadvertent strength of socialism.” The prefect of the Var, the royalist and Trafalgar veteran, Jean-Baptiste de Villeneuve-Bargemon, especially voiced concerns about the tendency of republicans to self-segregate and only patronise the businesses and doctors known to be sympathetic to their cause. Reports from the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes region indicated the older peasants who had lived through the Empire and the First Restoration were far less likely to be sympathizers than younger men inspired by the ends of 1848 and 1850. Officials hoped that time and experience would mitigate these passions and efface the memories of the Second Republic. These varied “authority judgments” were based on an awareness of the symptoms and causes of unrest. Discontent was most evident during economic crises (particularly impactful between 1857 and 1858) and the final crisis of dearth (causing high food prices). Placards on the walls of the faubourg Saint-Antoine in the autumn of 1856 blamed the high cost of living on the regime and called for ‘Death to the King! Bread at 12 sous! Hang the landlords! Vive la Republique! Vive Bonaparte!” Pamphlets seized by the state proved that the republican opposition was posturing to take advantage of the situation. But it was largely defused by hefty bread subsidies, cereal reforms, and ‘welfare bribery,’ by which the government prevented disorder. This was a curious situation for the peasantry as a higher proportion of the rural population benefited from selling grain at higher prices, while those with little or no land endured deplorable misery. Against the crisis of the American War the republican militants attempted to distribute pamphlets, use funerals for unauthorized assemblies, and employed an army of voluntary associations and secret societies. Police officers were constantly uneasy about bar-room conversation, and in Paris, zealous authorities regretted the widespread dissemination of the moderate republican newspaper, Le Siècle, which dominated the market. This was an amusing claim, since the editor, Havin, was so prudent that he was accused of selling out to the government. But Le Siècle, fiercely against the Church and fiercely for nationalism in Italy and Europe, approached 50,000 subscribers in 1859 (against 8,000 for the Journal des débats and 10,000 for La Presse). The criticisms it printed concerning excessive bureaucratic salaries, which made it very popular during the brief debate over civil service pensions, were read avidly in bars, cercles, and masonic lodges throughout the country. It's articles were reprinted in provincial newspapers from the Echo du Nord to the Phare de la Loire.

A view overlooking the Palace from the Seine in 1857.​

Political exiles played their own special role. The number of exiles grew substantially between June 1852 and January 1854. Many eventually found it difficult to make a living and returned to France. Some were even prepared to spy on their fellow émigrés for regime subsidies. But those who remained in exile, and who enjoyed the requisite status, engaged in a complex revolutionary internationalism. There were bitter doctrinal disputes between the extremist Naudeist Félix Pyat (hailing Marianne in a famous letter as the “only sovereign”), and the moderate associates of Ledru-Rollin. The activities of police informers kept suspicions abound and alive in London (French diplomats had compelled an exodus of exiles from Flanders in late 1853). The exiles wallowed in a type of utopianism, predicting with regular constancy the downfall of the king. In this treacherous context, it was necessary for Bonaparte—the leader of all the factions who meant something quite different to each one—to play a game of doctrinal see-saw. This became an especially delicate affair when Pyat openly called for regicide during the 1858 election. Leading the “democratic court” in London, Bonaparte and company were best served by the “informations smugglers” who kept anti-regime literature in constant transit. Suspects were arrested across the country for these brazen deeds (including one Benjamin Clemenceau), but the Charter’s prohibition on unwarranted domicile searches severely constrained the competencies of the police. Ingeniously, copies of republican works were occasionally transported in “busts” of the king. They were buttressed by the former ultra-royalist peer, the Vicomte de Hugo, who spoke in the upper chamber and in his work Lettre au peuple, of decentralisation, direct democracy, laïcité, social democracy, the right to work, cheap credit, etc. without ever openly denouncing the “legal” Monarchy. But neither did he ever disavow the social and democratic Republic. His privileged position ensured that he could publish (albeit with some difficulty) to eager Parisians. Another feature of the effort to keep the republican memory alive was the sale of plaster casts representing the heroes of the Second Republic. Pipe bowls carved to resemble Nadeau, Deflandre, Dubois, Raspail, Ledru-Rollin, Phrygian Caps, and Bonaparte were not-so-secretly sold in three Troyes shops. Republican associations, completely outlawed, reduced the ability of militants to effectively communicate, and small groups of militants were forced to crowd into homes, cercles, and cafés to exchange visits. An extreme royalist deputy from Herault, Marie Théophile de Rodez-Benavent, convinced the prefect to rescind authorization for the Cercle de commerce at Saint Pons because its members included an excessive number of questionable “democrats.” Tighter regulation on cafés had a limited effect; in the Nord, republicans gathered in associations permissible under the law as sociable activities (choirs, cards, archery, etc). A known radical bar in Lille, under close surveillance by the authorities, who preferred to gather information, often burst into vulgar revolutionary songs that venerated regicide and terror.

The Vicomte de Hugo; author, poet, and peer.​

In a report prepared by the Minister of Justice, Roger de Larcy, the mutual aid societies were described as the most dangerous form of opposition. In Paris and the Seine only 120 of 1880 trade-based friendly societies had applied for official approval and accepted the requisite terms and official subsidies. Certainly this meant that the remainder was assuming the charges of disguised trade unions. The situation was identical, if not more extreme, in Lyons. Workers in these radical communities were extremely hostile to authorised mutual societies, and felt insulted by charity and were absolutely determined to retain independence. In Lille members of dissolved associations gathered in the famous L’Estaminet café. A committee formed in Grenoble to assist in the abolition of begging was dominated by local republicans. Evangelical protestant sects were similarly suspect. Traditional gatherings in the proletarian south like the veillées, or a drinking session, might be a reason to gather and sing subversive songs (“Long live the Guillotine!”) and dance the carmagnole. Folklore practices like the farandole and charivari continued to be used to express contempt for enemies. In addition to archaic forms of opposition, propos séditieux and placards were cautiously disseminated, praising the social and democratic Republic, Bonaparte, and any former Republican hero that best suited the pertinent doctrine. There were constant insults levied at the deaf Queen, invented rumors, and politically-motivated acts of minor espionage. All manner of disturbances were attributed to republican conspiracies; even an effort to remain discreet by a republican could be represented easily as subversion by zealous officials.

Following the Third Restoration, and the rallying of some moderate republicans to the regime, the republican movement became terribly divided. Their exclusive point of agreement—Bonaparte, when the time required him—masked deep divisions. Moderates preached continued adherence to legalism and caution, and showed a hostility to the regime and their “allies” to the left. They were themselves divided on the issue of participation; the exiles were absolute in their principled refusal to engage with the institutions of the Kingdom. By 1856 only three deputies could have been said to entertain republican views; Carnot and Hénon, who refused to take the oath, and Legrand, who “rallied” and voted with Auberjonois. With limited candidates and repression fresh in the memory, republicans made dismal showings at municipal elections. Their triumphs were often secured simply by the bluster of the regime in localities, like the popular backlash against an overzealous police commissaire in the Var. But in the forthcoming 1858 election—as the monarchy confronted new headwinds, and the repression loosened in ferocity—republicans hoped to gain their first gasp of air.

The Royalist Ascendancy ​

An alliance between bourgeois conservatism and legitimist liberalism accomplished the Third Restoration. But this fusionist coalition was an expedient in the strictest sense; most legitimists found bourgeois liberalism a quite distasteful partner, only rendered necessary by the Revolution. Contemporary historiens oisifs (noble leisure historians), like the Marquis de Belleval, correctly pointed to the clericalism of the Descombes government and the all-important concordat as the “collateral” proffered by the Orléanists. The reinforcement of the Catholic Church proved positively critical for the ‘reconciled’ alliance. For many legitimist deputies and peers, relative social isolation from modern French society prevented a thorough understanding of the issues pushed by the liberal legitimists and Orléanists; the “olive branch” of unfettered support to the Catholic Church achieved what normal concessions would fail to realize. The rhythm of life that existed in société tended to exclude them from the rest of the French community and to reinforce their aristocratic exclusivity. The less serious activities (fox hunting, receptions, and balls) were often the more important social determinants. Indeed, the winter social session was a very sincere affair, for it provided a means by which families concluded matrimonial alliances. But winter city-dwelling also meant that they were available to be enlisted by the clergy into charitable and social activities. A key portion of their connection with the “political capital” was thus inseparable from the Catholic Church, and such a cyclical relation, combined with the important pacifying effect of religion on the peasantry, made the Church an immediate asset for the ruling class to ‘rally around.’ Charlus’ “representatives” in the chambers (often overlapping with those of Bessin), like Vincent d'Audren de Kerdrel, a liberal legitimist from Ille-et-Vilaine, furiously pushed for the Concordat and a general ecclesiastical reverence. It was the resurgence of the Church, and the vigilant maintenance of public order, that glued together the Orléanists and the legitimists.

The Vicomte du Bessin, in 1858, at the age of 59.
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The “indispensability” of the Descombes ministry immediately after the Restoration could not reduce the very real prevalence of the legitimist doctrine. Royalism in its various forms—liberal and traditional—retained an obvious system of ideas. Expounded in equal prolixity by the royalist nobility and the king, the ideological contents followed a familiar path; a devolution of power from the central ministries to the local councils to create a kind of provincial aristocracy of merit by giving qualified elites “occasions to be useful...in the administration of common interests,” diatribes against the absenteeism of proprietaires, support for Catholic social action, investment in the amelioration of agriculture, and constant reminders that "revolutionary seductions exercise their ravages especially on populations abandoned by their natural protectors” (Henri V’s emphasis). The king and his councilors saw the monarchy not as a political institution, but as a symbol of tutelary authority that guaranteed the totality of social bonds required for the preservation of civil cohesion and traditional Christian morality. He expected notables to act not as legislators but as fathers and landowners responsible for sustaining a moral environment respectful of hierarchy and authority in the absence of the monarchy itself. But this was not the image projected by the Descombes ministry, and nor did the king and Lévis anticipate that their first minister would oblige this doctrine. The defense of the social order from revolutionary forces needed to prelude the recalibration of French society long desired by royalists. By early 1856, the royal councilors and the personal entourage of the king were satisfied by the accomplishments of the Descombes ministry. The Baron had constructed an excellent platform for his ‘successors’ to improve upon, and the opposition looked soundly in retreat. Unlike the June Monarchy, during which such a situation might have lasted indefinitely by the grace of a parliamentary majority, the Third Restoration revived by informal networks the old system of “royal sinecures,” [1] whereby the close friends and attendants of the king formed a court faction prepared to exert influence. In reality, only the Duc de Lévis, still serving as Chancellor of France and President of the Peers, exercised decisive clout. Working through their friends at court, Lévis and Charlus (never unaware of court intricacies) rivaled even the chambers in importance. It was to their added advantage that the parliamentary majority in both chambers subscribed to the same convictions as the court favorites.

The court faction prepared a ministerial coup d'etat in March 1856, secure in the knowledge that Descombes had admirably served his purpose. But the time for change was urgently demanded by the king’s councilors, and the sovereign was inclined to agree; his only source of reticence was his belief that the replacement should wait until after the next election. Henri V, prone to Lévis’ entreaties, was nonetheless a considerably independent monarch, and dragged his feet for two months against the wishes of his advisers. In the interim, councilors in the palace pivoted “loyal” and “royal” attention to the deplorable status of the Royal Army and La Royale. For liberal and traditional legitimists—eager for their own turn of leadership—the military condition proved to be the perfect vulnerability. The 1855 Toulon Declaration, previously the source of some legitimist discomfort, suddenly became the cause célèbre within the court party. It had the dual virtue of being very popular with the country and very popular with the king; the former reeled at the embarrassing state of the national defense, the latter dreamed of Christian triumphalism. Henri V regarded, in particular, the Christian-Islamic struggle as a continuation of the strife between the legitimate sons of Abraham and the bastard descendants of Ishmael, and his attitude towards the practical problems of the French Empire was associated with his religious zeal. He wished to see the Mediterranean Sea become a “French lake,” and the deployment of French civilization as a vehicle for crusading Christianity. Certainly his religious idealism was less pragmatic than his positions on domestic politics, and by June the court faction had won, and Descombes’ days as first minister were numbered. Charlus, operating from London, conjured up the new ministry in order to placate the supplicants of military prestige (a cause that earned his diplomatic skepticism) and catapult trustworthy legitimists into power. He deployed the old Orléanist method of the “illustrious sword” by replacing Descombes with the well-regarded fusionist, General Changarnier. Changarnier’s elevation gave the cause of military reform a serious figure. Charlus subsequently covered his doctrinal allegiances by recommending the Vicomte du Bessin, a recent rival, as Foreign Minister. By a ‘valuation’ of Bessin’s intellect, politics, and new position, Charlus imagined that authentic ministerial power would rest not with the Orléans-disposed General, but with Bessin. Both men, Bessin and Charlus, shared identical politics; only their temperamental differences widened the gulf. For the English Ambassador, pleasantly occupied in London, personal disparities were quite irrelevant as long as the channel kept them far apart.

Changarnier, the "illustrious sword" president of the Ministry.​

Changarnier, joined by Moncey at the War Office, was quite happy to busy himself with military preoccupations and reforms. Therefore, as Charlus expected, power moved decisively towards Bessin, who became universally recognized as the de facto first minister. This transition, threatened by the possible defection of the budgétaires, who feared desultory legitimist finances, was secured by the acquiescence of Descombes. His unconditional acceptance of the finance portfolio assured, at least for the moment, the pleasant continuance of parliamentary contentment. To a limited degree, parliamentary activity followed Bessin to the upper chamber, and the tone of the debates moved noticeably from loquacious examinations of budgets to grandiloquent debates on the natural verities of agriculture and aristocracy. For example, in February 1858 they sent back a proposed inheritance law to the Chamber of Deputies with revisions that protected the rights of distant relatives to inherit, and other ancient protections. The peers were covered sympathetically in the royalist newspapers, like L’Union, but bourgeois and populist publications, like the Journal des débats (on occasion) or Le Siècle (diurnal articles) expressed their reticence or abhorrence with the grandstanding of the Chamber of Peers. The deputies, in fact, if not in image, actually retained the preponderance of consequential legislative activity. But if changes in debate locality were limited against popular conceptions, the subjects of debate were in motion. The government launched into an ambitious agenda, sidelining former priorities and elevating new ones. The original railway system of concessions was set for completion in 1858 and the government paid no further attention to the industry. Plans for the new lines would probably carry less traffic and require costlier constructions, and subsidies would be required to propel the communication revolution; the ministry decided it was satisfied with the sweetners offered in concession expirations. Instead, the Bessin ministry, encouraged by Lièvremont, prepared for enormous investments into agriculture, much to the acclaim of the legitimists. In order to prepare for these investments, and in anticipation of military reform, Descombes had to convince the Chamber to open new lines of credit. He inaugurated this new period of “productive expenditure” with an enormous proposal for 250 million francs in loans. The budgétaires’ acceptance of this plan was contingent on the credit approach; Descombes scoffed at any “democratization of public credit” and secured funds from the great financial institutions of the haute banque. He would continue to procure credit for the government, which on account of state investments and crisis-interventions, soon ran a considerable budget deficit. Furthermore, state borrowing represented a considerable drain on the capital markets, and private enterprise began to struggle in the late 1850s to raise finance.

The investor and his family.​

Expenditure in the Bessin ministry came in three waves; public investment in agriculture, orders for armaments, particularly for the navy, and protection measures during the American War. In October 1856, the Chamber passed a law on grants for Lièvremont’s land scheme. He envisioned an effective subsidy for the purchase of plots by the farmers and parcellaires, and established a system whereby the unions agricoles would purchase unproductive land of at least 30 hectares, divided into equal portions nearing 5 hectares for resale to the membership of the union. The program was voted a grant of 100 million francs; peasants rapidly crowded into the unions agricoles for lower prices, and intrigued landowners began to play a long game of five-year speculation and purchase to ensure guaranteed profits when sold back to the unions. In many cases, without an auction to decide among potential buyers, peasants competing over plots could resort alone to the favor of local board members, typically landholding notables, for the decisive sway (the famous conflict of Zola’s inaugural novel). In the best instances, peasants saved a pretty-penny for desired plots; in other instances, aristocrats repurchased lands from buyers or embarked on extensive land purchases in anticipation of the time expiry and their inevitable twenty-percent returns. The program amounted to a very confusing, sometimes popular, and sometimes unpopular, agricultural “handout.” It was perhaps too ambitious and insufficiently refined to endure much longer. Demands either for further investment into the program, or the entire dismemberment of the experiment, reverberated throughout the chambers as concerns from the parsimonious corridors of the deputies grew louder. Despite the controversies, agricultural investment showed no sign of slowing; further subsidies were given to the very successful agronomic institutions of the farming education system, initially set up by the Second Republic. The extremely controversial cap on cereal freight price, angrily denounced by the orthodox liberal Journal des débats, and the source of the first defections by the budgétaires, passed through the chambers with support from the landlord interests. The government, obviously influenced by social Catholicism, even obliged the recommendations of Auberjonois, right before the election, by the creation of arrondissement credit unions. The proposal was only rendered acceptable by neutralizing the “democratic” elements of these unions and reinforcing notable dominance in order to prevent the development of non-notable autonomous institutions.

Lièvremont in 1857, at the age of 45.​

Social Catholicism was immensely influential in the ministry. Bessin and Lièvremont were avid readers of Le Play, who excelled in the method of analysis now called sociographie microscopique. He spent a considerable part of his life observing the social behavior of many agricultural and manufacturing communities throughout Europe in order to discover the causes of social discord and harmony. Le Play's "empirical" investigation simply verified his organic conception of society in which the family was the basic unit in a hierarchical social structure. Le Play's association, called Societe d'economie sociale, and led by Louis de Kergorlay, Benoist d'Azy, and Anatole de Mune, included some of the most fabulous notables in French society, including Bessin himself. And it was on the First Minister’s instructions that plans were drafted, weeks before the outbreak of the American War, for industrial reform legislation. Inspired in part by Le Play, and by the industrial reform legislation of Sir Robert Peel, Bessin proposed the Law on the Safety of Mills and Factories in August 1857 to the Chamber of Peers, where social Catholicism was strong enough to evade unwanted criticism by liberal Orléanists. It passed easily without a fight, and throughout its parliamentary procession, maintained the support of the king and court faction. In the Chamber of Deputies, despite the growing discontent of the orthodox “Chevalier” liberals, and the associated Journal des débats, the law succeeded with key assistance from the Catholic Church and public support in the industrial towns. It was another sweeping, and excessively ambitious policy. The government had so far failed to obviate the extant child regulation; Bessin’s Anglophilia betrayed him as the family unit in the less-productive industrial sectors of France were absolutely dependent on child labour. No government so far had dared to challenge the principle at the basis of most French industry, and prefects suddenly found themselves inundated with open violations of child labour exclusions. They would not dare enforce the law to the letter, and mayors defected to enforcement of the “regulatory” terms of the legislation rather than submit to the outright prohibition. This evasion typically took the form of fabricated surgeon age inspections. Other reforms, like the the provision of lunch hours, cleaning regulations, safety conditions, and other protections for women and children, were very popular. However, the restriction of the working day to 12 hours (6 AM to 6 PM) was very problematic. Many workers depended on 13 to 15 hour workdays for a sufficient wage, and industrialists were becoming very irritated by these repetitive incursions on their functions. They still lacked the mechanical efficiency of their English competitors, and any hindrance to their productive capability aroused nostalgia for the lassez-faire of the previous ministry. By the 1858 election, large interests in concentrated regions, like the industrialists of the Eure, began to posture support for local economic liberals to challenge the regulatory interventions of the state at the next elections. On the other hand, the Societe Industrielle de Mulhouse, a manufacturers’ association, applauded the law and demanded strict enforcement. In retrospect, as with their agricultural platform, the Bessin ministry moved too strongly and too quickly on reform legislation, often with an insufficient understanding of the local conditions; first on the ramifications of the land program, and later with controversial industrial regulations. At the same time, there were valuable, humanitarian, and popular terms in all of their motions. [2]

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The second recipient of government expenditure and credit was the French military. Ignored with crippling consequences between the dismissal of Barante and the dismissal of Descombes, the military was the ministry’s raison d'être. Expenses on the Royal Army and La Royale had fallen to historic lows, and the ministers were quite determined to prove their commitment to the armed forces and recoup lost prestige. Ironically, many in the court faction and the ministry (including most of the civilian ministers) were uninspired by military matters. Charlus, for example, wrote incessantly about a preference for diplomacy as the securest line of defense, and Bessin pleaded total ignorance on military matters. Changarnier and Moncey, meanwhile, focused exclusively on deploying Descombes’ credit on army accretion. They succeeded in growing the French army from about 310,000 to 350,000 active troops in three years with the creation of new divisions. But institutional reform was left to the chambers, and Bessin leaned on his new familial relation, Vidame de Viviers, a brilliant and unbearably petulant ultra-royalist, for assistance. By September 1856 the ministry had proposed a rushed adaption of Viviers’ recommendations (it was important that this issue be quickly settled to establish ministerial credibility). Auberjonois gave a tempestuous speech in the deputies against the motion, and Viviers returned with his own rebuttal. Neither personage was very popular in the chamber, as each shepherded a radical parliamentary constituency, but the ministerialists were not under any duress, and the measure for grants easily passed. With the confidence of the deputies beyond any doubt, the king made his ordinances corresponding to their grants and recommendations. An institute of war was founded to study doctrine in close coordination with the military écoles of France; the purchase of armaments for the army and the navy were expedited to “full standardization;” 80 million francs were voted for construction of new vessels and adaption of extant vessels; four frigates and eight screw corvettes were ordered; common salaries were hiked 8% (much of the reason why the recruitment drive was successful) and officer salaries increased by 4%; new uniforms were ordered; and various other minor alterations were established by royal edict. By the end of 1856, four Henri-class ships of the line were under construction with staggered launches projected for after 1859.

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The American War
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Agricultural subsidies, social Catholic programs, and large military investments drove French finances deep back into deficits. But in the moment, borrowing costs were low, and cheap credit was eagerly offered by the banks. Even before the outbreak of the American War, however, the reaction from the entrenched haute banque arrived—the year-long practice of productive expenses had driven their patience thin. The governors of the Bank of France, supported by eminent members of its council, including Eugene Schneider, Alphonse de Rothschild, and Alphonse Mallet, were determined to resist the “undoing” of the Descombes equilibrium. Following the initial wave of infrastructure investment (pre-1856), agricultural investment (post-1856), and armaments expenditure, the bank imposed in midsummer an anti-inflationary stance by increasing its discount rate from the 3 to 4 per cent prevailing since 1852 to 7 percent (in fact the rate changed constantly, pushing higher after every quarter). Staring down a growing public debt, Descombes wished for a ‘wind down’ of expenditure, and the budgétaires joined this anticipation. But this aspiration suddenly crashed when on 9 August war was declared by the United States on the United Kingdom and the Mexican Empire. The causes of the war were varied and deep; the Mexican-American settler conflicts in the West, the unresolved question of the Oregon territory, the Royal Navy’s vigorous enforcement of Canadian waters, and the Texan question. When war finally arrived in August after a deadly naval skirmish off the Maine coast, few experienced diplomats were surprised. Nonetheless, markets lurched into a period of prolonged volatility, reacting with violence to every swing in the war. The capture of New Orleans, followed by a vigorous (albeit not impenetrable) blockade of the eastern coast devastated French (and ironically, British) textiles, which depended on cotton imports. The cotton shortage brought many firms to a standstill, especially in royalist Normandy, and the huge losses of the Crédit Mobilier saw the adventurous Pereires, unprotected by a Rothschild-backed ministry, approach bankruptcy. By 1858 somewhere between 100,000 and 110,000 workers and their families had been reduced to penury.

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In these circumstances it was impossible for a legitimist ministry to remain idle. Further expenses, the “third wave,” were pushed through between September 1857 and May 1858. Charitable subsidies, in the amount of four million francs, were approved for the communal bureauxs de bienfaisance. An additional twenty-five million francs were granted for market interventions to stave off further bankruptcies after the initial defaults. In order to keep the ports affected by reduced commerce functional, the government encouraged investment by expanding concession limits and embarking on an almost “Bonapartist” program of provisional construction. Many commercial trade companies prospered by supplying the Mexicans and English with armaments. Messageries Maritimes, the company financing the Suez Canal, attempted audacious exchanges with Mexican arms smuggling, but suffered considerable losses when the Royal Navy seized ‘contraband,’ or rather, the very expansive definition of “contraband” that Lord Palmerston applied in his seizure policy of neutral shipping goods. It was already agreed in the British cabinet that the economic war against the United States was just as consequential as the physical conflict, and French shipping was not spared from this decision. Only those French importers who could depend upon American blockade-runners were spared from commercial difficulties. The economic situation deteriorated with the successful American invasion of Quebec, the British occupation of New Orleans, and the bloody stalemates in California (where gold exports had fueled the accretion of the money supply) and Texas. The French public, in conventional fashion, feuded with itself over the conflict. Le Siècle sang the praises of the United States, while the royalist and Catholic publications tended to favor Mexico (indirect support for the United Kingdom was left out by most papers, with the exception of the Journal des débats). French volunteers flocked to both sides in the conflict; Captain Vallée earned international renown for his service with the Mexican Navy on the California coast. Jérôme de Lécuyer served with the Mexicans in Nevada and nearly lost his other leg during the Battle of Oak Creek (Colorado). Republicans struggled to get to the battlefield, but the most determined zealots found often found a way to come to American assistance. The French government maintained a devoted neutrality, but as Charlus noted in his diary: “neutrality must favor England.”

British capture New Orleans.​

As the 1858 election approached, the crisis, while contained by intervention, continued to distress the markets and the national economy. The wisest councillors wished not for an ideologically compatible victory but a swift end to transatlantic turmoil and the American war. Social Catholic reforms, while popular, were distressing powerful portions of the industrial elite, and the enduring issue of the land programs remained a matter of dispute among the budgétaires. France, rapidly emerging from the ancien regime économique, prepared for the ballot box, where the regime would face its first test.


[1] Obviously this is not a literal sinecure.
[2] Perhaps inconveniently we have disenfranchised a good deal of the poor urban class...

--
A bit of a rushed update, I'm sure I missed stuff, and will write more stuff if possible.

Otherwise, we have an election, so get on with it.

 

[Marschalk]

L'UNION

ON THE ROOTS OF SOCIAL CATHOLICISM​

He who has two coats, let him share with him who has none and he who has food must do likewise. (Luke 3:11)

MOST of us call ourselves Christians. Many of us attend churches and receive the Sacraments. Some of us even read the Holy Scripture. However, one should understand that formal adherence to a certain teaching is not enough. One should, first of all, be a Christian in his everyday deeds, in relationships with other people and his attitude towards them.

Having witnessed many discussions of the reforms of M. le Vicomte du Bessin, I decided to pen this article in order to answer several important questions. How should a Christian, whether he is a politician or an ordinary citizen, apprehend such legislation? What is the view of Catholicism on helping the poor and the poor themselves?

First of all, one should note that the true Catholic views regarding the poor and charity are based on relevant theological justification, which includes generally Christian principles, as well as purely Catholic postulates. For example, they are organically linked to the concept of salvation through commitment of various "good deeds" in favor of the suffering people. In the Catholic literature charitable acts are usually divided into two groups. There are material and spiritual good deeds, and both of them are extremely important. The traditional list of so-called "Corporal Works of Mercy" includes the following: to feed the hungry, to give water to the thirsty, to dress the naked, to shelter the homeless, to visit the sick and imprisoned, to bury the dead. Among all these, giving alms to the poor is one of the chief witnesses to fraternal charity: it also an act of justice, pleasing the God (Tobit 4:5-11; Sirach 17:22; Matthew 6:2-4). It must be especially noted that such aid towards the miserable and poor can and should be provided by any Catholic. It does not matter if he is educated or illiterate, a priest or a layman, a peasant or a statesmen.

This list is supplemented by seven "Spiritual Works of Mercy", which includes acts regarding the soul of the needy person. These works are: to admonish a sinner, to instruct the ignorant, to counsel the doubtful, to comfort the afflicted, to patiently endure hardships, to forgive offenses willingly, to pray for the living and the dead. However, though ideally applicable for all faithful, not everyone is considered capable or obligated to perform the first three Spiritual Works of Mercy before they acquire the proper tact, knowledge or canonical training to do so. The remaining four Spiritual Works of Mercy are considered to be an obligation of all good Christians to practice without conditions or limitations.

Therefore, among the most important foundations of Catholicism and Christianity is the doctrine of salvation by good deeds associated with the manifestation of mercy and compassion for the poor and disadvantaged, for people in need of material and spiritual support.

If are to remind ourselves of more distant times, we should remember, that, according to the Church canons, the income from the tithe was to be divided into four parts: one went to the Bishop, another to the parish priest, the third was used to build churches, and the fourth to look after the poor. The Catholic Church (as opposed to Protestantism teaching) has always spoken highly of the poor and condemned greed. The classical examples in this regards are the works of Saint Francis of Assisi,

In addition, Christianity from the very beginning prescribed to take care of orphans. The guardianship regarding orphans, as well as regarding all poor people went mainly to the Catholic monasteries. The almshouses were arranged, in which the needy were accepted,and help was provided to those who came with a request for such. We also know of special hospices arranged for the travelling piligrims. The Catholic Church, since the schism of 1054, has accumulated a great experience in charitable activities. An extensive network of parishes, monasteries, religious orders and even lay organizations have for a long time toiled to provide the poor and destitute support of all kinds, both in respect of spirit and body.

From all these historical examples, we can understand that a true Christian approach towards the poor should be based on compassion and support. For this reason one can come to conclusion that the concepts of the so-called Social Catholicism are indeed in correspondence with the foundations of the faith. Even for this reason only (for here we do not even discuss the long-term strategic goals of the Monarchy that can be reached through wise and people-friendly policy), one can speak approvingly with the attempts of M. le Vicomte du Bessin to make first steps towards a truly harmonious relationships between the Crown and the state and the people in their care.

- G. de S.-T.

 

[Davout]

ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE PARIS BOURSE
Amalgamation of the CdF Paris-Lyon and the CdF Lyon-Mediterranee
​

Rothschild Freres are pleased to announce the finalisation of the merger of the Chemin de Fer a Paris et a Lyon with the Chemn de Fer a Lyon et a la Mediterranee. This merger has been discussed for a number of years, but the recent financial exigencies have propelled the respective parties forward, with the benefit of a line of credit and stakeholding from Rothschild Freres to secure the future of the new Chemin de Fer Paris, Lyon et a la Mediterranee SA (PLM).

Jacques de Rothschild and his son, Alphonse, will join the merged board of PLM, whilst Messrs Eugene Schneider, Jules Hochet and Paulin Talabot will retain their seats to provide continuity in the direction of the business.

It is expected that the amalgamated line will provide efficiencies in the movement of goods from the ports of Marseilles and Toulon to the heart of France, Paris, particularly imports from the Algerian possessions and goods from Asia travelling via the new canal in Egypt. The new line will also carry produce from Louis-Dreyfus Rothschild SA aggregated along the line, as well as imports from Italy.

 

[Vals]

1857
Veracruz

At long last the voyage was finally over, de Vallée sighed in relief as he stood on the quarterdeck of the merchant vessel which had brought him from the Old World to the New, gazing out over the port which to his knowledge was the largest in all of Mexico. A myriad of buildings touching the skyline, a mixture of old from when the city was an important trading hub for the Spanish, and an assortment of new ones which despite having been constructed years after the country attaining it's independence still retained the distinctive Hispanic look. The harbour appeared to be bustling with activity, most of the Mexican fleet had already left months ago in pursuit of American squadrons and privateers with the aid of their British allies, however despite the war (Or perhaps especially because of it) a large number of commercial vessels came to and fro the harbour, their wooden masts and dark metal chimneys reaching towards the sky as their crews baked beneath the hot Mexican sun.

The City of Veracruz
​

The Captain reached almost by instinct for the letter given to him by the Mexican ambassador, ensuring it was still safely located within an inner pocket of his coat. The vessel onboard which he traveled had been delayed for two weeks due to bad weather, he was aware that the Ambassador had sent word ahead of his imminent arrival onboard another Mexican vessel carrying merchandise from France to Mexico which had left a few days prior to his own departure, so he expected they were already aware that he was soon to arrive in Mexico.

Withdrawing from his position onboard the quarterdeck Vallée went below deck to the cabin that had been afforded to him by the Captain of the vessel, a jovial Scandinavian with a heavy beer belly and greying golden hair who spoke clumsy albeit understandable french. Entering his cabin went to ensure the few personal belongings he had brought with him were safely contained within a chest behind the safety a lock (Vallée was intricately aware of how easily tempted sailors were when it came to valuable items suddenly "dissapearing" onboard ships).

Noticing a sudden increase in the noise coming from above deck and the yelling of commands Vallée took this as the indication that at last they had safely put in and docked at their allocated spot in the port. Grabing his chest with both hands he set off on the "audacious" journey up numerous stairs to the deck. Confirming upon arrival that they had indeed docked and the crew was in full swing with preparing to move the vessels cargo onto shore, while his fellow passengers were in the process of disembarking by the gangplank.

Following in their footsteps Vallée carefully descended down the gangplank ensuring his footwork was in order as he had no intention of tripping and risking the possibility of taking an unwanted swim in the filthy port water. Having made landfall on the pier he could not help but notice the large amount of soldiers patrolling and cannon facing out towards the mouth of the port. Whereas they had not encountered any ships be they British, Mexican or American on their voyage, it now on arrival seemed rather clear that this was indeed a country at war. Beginning to slowly walk down the pier while taking in his surroundings he noticed that up ahead those who had departed the vessel before himself were in the process of being questioned and their luggage searched by an ensemble of rough looking soldiers while an army officer clad in a green and white uniform sat by observing lazily whilst smoking a cigar. The soldiers must have taken notice of Vallée's sudden hesitation to continue onwards, as one of them wearing a dirty uniform and tattered shako broke off from the main group gesturing for him to come forward.

"Oye señor, what are you waiting for back there? Are you shy? No need to worry señor we're just here to make sure you're not a Yanqui spy"

Stricking up an ugly laugh, revealing his mouth to be full of yellow chipped teeth and holes, the soldier pointed towards a table in the middle of the pier "Put your luggage on there eh, then we'll see what you might be hiding in there". Frowning at being ordered around by what seemed to him to be little more than a common street thug in uniform, Vallée still complied placing his chest on the table as a couple of the ill-groomed soldiers gathered around with sleazy grins in their face, obviously reveling in their position affording them to order around those who'd usually look down upon them.

"How about the key señor? Wouldn't want to have to break in your pretty little lock, oh no that would truly be a shame if we had to"

"Or perhaps you gamberro's ought to find something better to do than bother respected gentlemen and visitors to our country".

The officer had risen from his seat, still smoking his cigar as he stepped up to the table, nonchalantly waving off the ensemble of soldiers that had gathered around the table. He looked to be in his thirties with a large well groomed dark moustache covering most of his face, his uniform being in an impeccable condition much unlike those worn by the soldiers he had just waved off. "This man is my charge, go shake down the slums or something I care not what you do but you shan't be bothering the passengers of this vessel no more".

"But Capitá-...I mean sí, Capitán, ofcourse" The soldier who had at first accosted Vallée muttered, while looking akin to something resembling a dog beaten by its master. "Come along compañero's... seems the Capitán wants this one for himself".

Not waiting for the soldiers he had just humiliated to scurry off the Mexican Captain looked Vallée up and down, taking care to notice the golden epaulettes covering his shoulders, before continuing in perfect french.

"Capitaine de Vallée I assume?"

"Oui Monsieur, that would be me. Thank you for your help with those... whatever it is they are supposed to be"

"Common ruffians seeking to earn pay for their alcohol by serving in the militias, they are a disgrace to their uniform, all the proper soldiers have already been sent north to fight in Tejas or Colorado leaving those cretins here to guard the streets. Speak nothing of it, was my pleasure to put them down a notch".

Vallée picked up his luggage from the table ensuring it had not taken damage by the handling of the goons as he responded to his counterpart while sending him an inquisitive look. "Still, I am grateful for your timely intervention. Yet excuse me if I might inquire why you decided to intervene now, and not when they were harassing my fellow passangers, Capitán...?"

"Abrego señor, Capitán Alejandro Abrego at your service." The Captain made a humble bow infront of his french guest. "I've been tasked with ensuring you safe arrival in Salina Cruz, I hope it will not be too tiring for you after your long voyage, however I've been instructed to bring you to our Almirante here in Veracruz upon the day of your arrival. After which if the talks prove fruitful we will continue by carriage to Salina Cruz where a ship is awaiting your inspection, or so I've been told."

Looking at the mexican with newfound interest a small smile snuck onto Vallée's lips. "Well in that case Monsieur Albrego, let us not keep you esteemed Admiral waiting, please, do lead on." gesturing for Abrego to lead the way.

"But ofcourse señor de Vallée, I have a carriage waiting for us not far from here. And if I might say so, I wish you a very good welcome to Méjico".