Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[Davout]

((A private letter to @naxhi24 ))

To Baron A Descombes, Chateau Descombes, Doubs

My dear friend, Alexandre,

I trust this letter finds you in rude health and good spirits. I certainly hope that you are enjoying the opportunity to relax with your wife and children, following your prodigious efforts over the last 2 years.

Firstly, I congratulate you on your achievement of the return of a King to France. As you know, I have no great desire to see a Bourbon hold sway over our Nation again, not least one who has been absent from our shores for the vast majority of his life. Nevertheless, although we may sit on opposite sides of the Chamber, I hope our friendship may still meet in the middle, and I feel duty bound to offer you the praise that you so richly deserve for bringing off an achievement which to be perfectly frank, flies in the face of reason, or at least reason as we knew it 22 years ago. Although others of the King's supporters may claim the credit, it has been your sensible steadiness in the face of the crisis which achieved what so many did their level best to frustrate through their arrogance and belligerence.

This brings me to my second point, and my concern as to the possibly bitter fruits of your labours. My friend, I am greatly concerned that the atavism demonstrated by Legitimists may derail the efforts made to advance a modern France. You will well recall the anachronistic attitudes of Charles X and his coterie. Now we are saddled with Charles' grandson, a man who spent barely 10 years of infancy in France, accustomed to the fawning of émigré courtiers in England, and privilege of a life untested in achievement. We see how he has been gifted the throne of the most puissant Country on Earth through no greater effort of getting off a boat. Prizes earnt by little effort are little valued, and I fear that we will face a repeat of the detachment from weighty burden of national responsibility which has plagued France under Bourbon kings past.

To that end, what means are proposed in the Constitution to keep the caprices of the King in check? It is easier to rein in a President who is answerable to an electorate than it is to control a King who is answerable to no one. You and I certainly do not want a repeat of 1830 when the Royal party attacked our banks in a pique of vitriol towards men who earn their livings. The Bourbons think they rule by the will of God, whereas the Constitution should ensure that they rule by the will of the People.

And what means are there to be for parliamentary oversight of the conduct of the executive? I am particularly concerned that we will see the repeat of the days before 1830 where the Royal hand arbitrarily gifted the assets of the State to the sycophants and the venal who flattered and fauned their way to wealth.

I fear that such corruption has already begun to infect the blood of our Government. I noted the arrival of the King on a vessel formerly of our Navy, but was informed that it now belonged to a private concern, the Compagnie des Messageries Maritime. My agents made enquiries and found an obscure proclamation made by the Comte de la Marche, in his capacity as interim President, during thedying days of the Republic. The Comte gift 14 large transport vessels to the Messageries Maritime, for no valuable consideration whatsoever. My agents further discovered that this company is owned by no less a personage as the Prince de Polignac.

I have no problems with the State offering its assets for sale, and the use of those assets in the most commercially efficient manner possible. I for one would gladly had bid for such shipping if it had been offered by public tender. However, the surreptious largesse of 14 ships to a Prince du sang from a President supposed to be in caretaker mode does raise alarms as to the cupidity which we might expect unless there are the proper checks and balances contained in the Constitution to stamp out corruption.

In the expectation that the new regime will recognize and reward your untiring efforts, I would ask that, as a friend devoted to fiscal and moral rectitude, you investigate this transaction further and take the appropriate judicial and remedial steps to restore public confidence in the accountability of the Government under its new master.

Finally, I and the Grand Sanhedrin have been considering a proposal to promote the French cause amongst our brethren in Algeria. The local Jewish population has been most helpful as guides and suppliers to the French Army in their struggle against the local insurgents. We feel that by providing schools to educate our brethren in our ways, the Jewish people may become servants of France and maybe one day, citizens of our fair Nation. Given your elevation contrary to my position in opposition, I would appreciate your advocacy and sponsorship of this proposal in the Government which is to come.

Please visit when you return to Paris for the constitutional debates. Betty and I would love to dine with you and your wife, and reminisce over those glorious days of our youth .

I remain, dear Sir, your devoted friend,

Jacques de Rothschild

 

[99KingHigh]

Supplement 2: The Restoration and the European Order

​

France, first into Revolution, was last out of it. Three long years of experiment whimpered to a close. For systemic diplomatic historians, the Third Restoration fits comfortably into the wider narrative of mid-century confusion and reaction. In fact, many modern historians casually attribute the monarchical reclamation in France to the similar assertions of legitimate authority in Austria, Prussia, and Italy. This interpretation, while obviously insufficient, does provide an important insight into the spirit of the moment, and the very serious impression that this continental temper had on French political elites. The narrative is typically crammed together: the Prussian reaction, the Austrian victory in Italy, the Russian invasion of Hungary, the compromise Prussian Constitution, and the French restoration. To be fair to these historians, internal events bounced off international affairs with unpredictable frequency, and not one European revolutionary disturbance in 1850 and 1851, nor reactionary lurch, proved independent from another. Thus, the political situation in France is contextualized in that of Europe.

​

Russia and the Far East​

Peace in Europe, procured between 1850 and 1852, owed much to Tsar Nicholas I and his army. His repressive regime evaded the pains that afflicted his western neighbors; the respite allowed him and Nesselrode to suppress Hungary for systemic legitimacy and Austrian gratitude. A brief spat over Hungarian emigration to the Ottoman Empire, and the execution of Russian-captured Hungarian soldiers by the Hapsburgs, left Austria isolated from Nicholas’ protection, and so soon after his intervention. Russia was also strengthened by La Marche’s repeated Foreign Minister, Alexis de Tocqueville, who A.J.P Taylor called “daring in thought, timid in action.” Palmerston hoped to support the Turks over the Hungarian issue with French support as the Mediterranean fleet proceeded around the Dardanelles. But Tocqueville exaggerated the decline of France, and resented Palmerston’s refusal to support French action in Sardinia. He dismissed cooperation with the British in the Near East, and employed against her the constant argument that “England would risk her fleet, we our existence.” Stronger leadership in Paris might have reversed Tocqueville’s opinion, but La Marche was embroiled in a cavalcade of domestic difficulties that confined his freedom of maneuver. The whole crisis proved moot when Nicholas withdrew his anti-emigre demands against Turkey. Relations between England and France in the Far East worsened when Palmerston behaved impatiently over an incident involving Greece and Britain over the dubious claims of a British subject, Don Pacifico. Greece appealed to France and Russia as the protecting powers of her liberty, and when Palmerston failed to contemplate French mediation, the French ambassador, Drouyn de Lhuys was withdrawn in April 1851. The liberal alliance of the June Monarchy lost its former splendor, and Nicholas swore to the status quo for the Eastern Question.

Alexis de Toqueville (left) and Drouyn de Lhuys (right).​

Franco-Russian relations long contained a mutual hostility that was predominantly ideological. Nicholas I resented the British promulgation of liberalism and the democratic trend after the Great Reform Act, but he maintained a certain respect for Great Britain and wished to compromise with them. Nicholas offered none of that appreciation for Paris; he never failed to display his hatred for France. The origins of the contempt were very recent. He hated rebels and revolutionaries of all shades, and added another infernal category; those who had belonged to legitimate order, but abandoned their banner for personal gain. Philippe VII represented well this perfidy. The Tsar first met the Duc d’Orléans after the Hundred Days at Neuilly, where he was impressed by his host. He even tried to arrange his own family living after the pattern arranged by his former host. The June Revolution destroyed this reverence. He wrote that the "usurpation of the throne by the Duc d’Orléans" revealed the quasi-legitimate claimant as a "traitor to the King and to the Dynasty." Unable to effectively intervene in Western Europe, and deeply troubled by the necessities of engaging with the new government, his eventual, and begrudging, semi-acceptance of the June Monarchy was only done by declaring that without a King the "country must fall into a condition of the most horrible anarchy" and that "it seems to me, it is better to recognize royal power stemming from such a afact than a royal power according to the people's choice." The 'recognition' was in essence a disapproving and conditional statement. He sent an ungracious letter addressing him not in the usual fraternal terms between monarchs, “Monsieur my brother,” but as “Sir.” As the most ‘unaffected’ monarch in Europe, Nicholas’ self-imposed defense of legitimacy persevered for the next twenty-years; he spoiled a Hapsburg-Orléanist royal marriage, played against French interests in the Near East, discouraged courtiers to present themselves to the Tuileries (a rather amusing letter from the Comtesse Nesselrode scolds her son: "You promised me at the time of your departure that you would not present yourself to Philippe!"), and predicted Philippe’s downfall. In February 1850, when the June Monarchy fell, the Tsar declared: "Here then the comedy is played out and finished, and the scoundrels are down!" He confirmed his own prophecy; the legitimacy of the junior branch failed when it required the procession of legitimacy most to continue the succession. There could only be one ruler in France for the Tsar; the Comte de Chambord, Henri V.

Tsar Nicholas I; the defender of legitimacy.​

The Russian court therefore received news of the monarchical restoration with two minds; first came delirious joy over the legitimate restoration, but mixed with the discreet concern that the junior branch would exercise influence that they believed had been repudiated in the February Revolution. The Tsar had no time to contemplate sorrow: he wrote, “God be praised, we are saved!”


The Northern Courts: Austria and Prussia

Unlike their eastern neighbor, the Hohenzollern and Habsburg Monarchies had not escaped the revolutionary wrath of 1850 unscathed. Even against the revolutionary backdrop, competition in Germany over complex confederation issues in Hesse and Holstein menaced a German war. The Prussian army had even been mobilized, but the danger from France (the revolutionary danger, conveniently imagined), and the paltry appetite for war, ended the crisis. An agreement at Olmutz between Manteuffel and Schwarzenberg reconciled the two nations. This was an agreement supported by Russia, and attended by the Tsar’s ambassador in Vienna, Meyendorff; Russia hoped to resurrect the treaty settlement of 1815, and once Frederick William conceded, Austria would have looked the aggressor if she resisted reconciliation. In any case, Schwarzenberg was more committed to neutralize Prussian projects, rather than promote his own. Prussia forfeited the Erfurt Union, agreed to federal execution in Hesse and Holstein, and returned to the old Confederation. It was a humiliating withdrawal for Prussia that Frederick William IV would half-heartedly repent, and another victory for the flexible Franz Joseph.

King Frederick William IV of Prussia.​

His complete triumph, however, was spoiled when the Prussians refused to countenance the entrance of the entire Austrian Empire into the German Confederation. Prussia was eager to cooperate with Austria as long as it did not endanger her position in Germany; hence the refusal was compensated by a secret alliance that guaranteed Austrian territory. The secret Austro-Prussian concord, signed on 16 May 1852 was the “anti-revolutionary” alliance that preceded the real revolutionary outburst in Paris. Frederick William even wished to include a phrase in the alliance that made it explicitly against revolutionary convulsions. Although borne from Prussian initiative, the alliance was pure gain for Austria, whose very existence could be torn asunder by revolution. In practical terms the alliance guaranteed Austria’s territory in Italy; Taylor described it as “based on concrete need on one hand [Austria] and emotional principle on the other [Prussia]; always a shaky basis for international co-operation.” The alliance was consciously limited for three-years.

The young Franz-Joseph I of Austria.​

Tsar Nicholas refused to bless this alliance by his intervention; he feared if he revived the Holy Alliance too swiftly, the dreaded Western alliance would form. Furthermore, as Poland was suppressed, Russia enjoyed total freedom. He could not escape the feeling that Europe was his advantage; revolution was defeated, the Austro-Prussian alliance checked stability in Italy, and Austria herself was checked by the danger from further revolution and from France. The Tsar was left with a free hand in the Near East, and assumed that he would have to bargain with France or Great Britain; a principal factor in his remaining out of the Austro-Prussian alliance was his conviction that he could ‘do business’ with Henri V. As for the other Northern Courts, the French restoration weakened a fundamental basis for their new alliance; restoration in Paris withdrew the danger from the western flank. As for the relationship between the new regime in France and the Northern Courts, Henri V was a welcome sight for their ideological assurances. Baron Hübner, Austria’s ambassador in Paris, was devoted to the reconciliation and moderation of the Bourbon dynasty, and wrote enthusiastic reports back to the Emperor. He reflected on the advantage that Austria’s long refuge to the legitimate king would give to Vienna. On his own account, Frederick William expressed similar content, although his association and engagement with Chambord was entirely speculative.

Baron Hübner, the Austrian ambassador, and soon to play an important role in the Third Restoration.​

Princely Euphoria: The Italian States

For two successive years, the princes and dukes of the peninsula faltered beneath the explosive and violent energy of Italian nationalism. Two great power interventions, first by Austria against Piedmont-Sardinia, and then by the French Republic against the Roman Republic, were required to subdue the mass revolutionary mobilization. But nascent dangers from the French Republic failed to assuage their nervous sentiments, and the sovereigns looked inward for consolidation. Pius IX returned with a mixed program of repression and forgiveness; non-Catholics were forced back into the ghetto, but experiments commenced on various social programs, and an acceptable amnesty was proclaimed. Pius needed no ambassadorial report to rejoice at the Third Restoration. Chambord had written, in the form of an 1850 letter to the Comte de Saint-Priest, a published royal manifesto through commentary on Pius IX’s reforms. The report had spoken of expected domestic initiatives—opposition to unjust laws, “exaggerated administrative centralization,” and the need for the Bourbon family to reconcile. But he had also spoken of free, that is Catholic, education, and the need for the temporal Papal States. Chambord was undeniably close to the Church and the papacy, and thus his pronouncement had elements which sounded both progressive and reactionary. When the Pope was deposed by the Roman Republic, and then restored by the Duc de Reggio, Chambord made his position abundantly clear. Chambord wrote to Reggio: As eldest son of the Church, I cannot remain aloof to the great feat of arms you have just accomplished. With Rome returned to its legitimate sovereign, and the city of the Apostles back under the authority of him who inherited it by divine mission, we have by this attached illustrious to French arms.

Pius IX, restored to Rome by French arms.​

The two houses of Bourbon in Italy naturally reacted to the Restoration with elated acclamations. But it was the Hapsburg Duke of Modena, Francis IV, who alone among the princes of Europe refused to recognize the June Monarchy. In fact, Francis maintained diplomatic relations with Paris; however, his counter-revolutionary and arch-conservative principles ensured that he treated Chambord throughout his exile as Henri V. This principled devotion paved the path for the marriage between Henri V and Francis’ daughter, Marie-Thérèse, who would become Queen of France in 1852. The real beauty, Marie-Béatrice, who knew Chambord quite intimately, was married off to Don Juan, the second son of the late Carlist pretender, Don Carlos, and Chambord’s distant cousin. Therefore, when Francis IV died in 1846, and his son, Francis V, ascended to the throne, the new Duke of Modena was brother-in-law to the claimant King of France and the claimant King of Spain. His close relation guaranteed the fidelity of the restored King.

Francis V, Duke of Modena, and the Queen of France, Marie-Thérèse, in 1844.​

Chambord was also attached by marriage to Charles III, Duke of Parma. Chambord’s sister, Louise Marie Thérèse, had been married to Charles III in 1845 with the overt backing of the Viennese court. She lacked the natural looks of her brother, and was growing large, partially on account of the mistreatment inflicted on her by Charles. He was a dandy, and ruled poorly; there was a subtle dislike of his wife’s obsessive legitimist party on account of his own moderate anti-clericalism and his lighter humour. His popularity gradually diminished on account of the arbitrary nature of his regime, even if it was less repressive than his predecessors. Nonetheless, Henri’s ascension could only improve his security, and he was happy for his new influence. Finally, the most powerful Bourbon family in Italy, the Bourbon-Two Sicilies, was attached to the new King of France by his mother, who was the half-sister of the incumbent King, both children of the late King Francis I. He visited his uncle after his 1840 Roman visit to Pope Gregory XVI, and retained relations afterwards.

Duke Charles III of Parma and King Ferdinand II of the Two-Sicilies.​

Britain and the Fusion

British radicals attributed re-discovered peace to industrialism; in reality it rested on the revived Holy Alliance; Nesselrode had facilitated a resolution of the succession with the Danes, and Prussia and Austria had reconciled. Even Westminster could not avoid the reaction. Early in 1852 the Whig government conceded its place to the famous “Who? Who?” Tory government under Lord Derby, with Malmesbury as foreign secretary. French legitimists hoped this situation would endure through the Restoration; they wished for anyone but Palmerston. The danger was obvious; Palmerston’s return would revive the political connections of the Duchesse d’Orléans with the court. Queen Victoria’s natural sympathies were with the junior branch (she was three times related by marriage, her uncle Leopold, Grand Duke of Flanders, had married Philipe VII’s daughter, Victoire Saxe-Coburg-Gotha had married the Duc de Nemours, and Princess Clementine had married the duchesse de Nemour’s brother, Prince Auguste) but her ministers vacillated in their degree of Orleanism. Palmerston’s connection with the Duchesse d’Orléans, the anti-fusionist figurehead, threatened the unanimity of the junior branch in accepting the “reconciliation.” Other prominent English notables were caught in the middle; Lady Alice Peel, for example, was a fierce proponent of the Orléanists and a visitor at Claremont. Unfortunately for the legitimists, the Tory government survived on gratitude, and not a majority. It approached collapse by the end of the year.

Lord Derby, who led the unknown "Who? Who?" ministry.​

Palmerston’s inclusion in the next ministry, however, did not spell death for the cross-channel fusion. He was migrated to the Home Department, and a coalition ministry formed of Whigs and Peelites. Much to the relief of the conservative Orléanists and the liberal legitimists Lord Aberdeen succeeded to the premiership. Lord Aberdeen, of course, had been a principal proponent of the fusion, and had written to Sir Robert Peel in 1850 that “a cordial reunion of the two branches should take place, and the prevailing sentiment in the present state of the country, this union would naturally lead to the recognition of the Duke de Bordeaux, but with full admission of the past, and present character of the King, and the eventual succession of his family.” As the intermediary between the Duc de Noailles, a close confidant of Charlus, and Guizot, Aberdeen outlined the subsequent conditions for the fusion. This was naturally a very good outcome for the amalgamated royalists. But for the nation, his ascension was more ambiguous; he had studiously listened to the Tsar’s proposal for a Turkish partition in 1844, and was terrified of French power and French aggression.

The Aberdeen ministry, appointed December 1852.​

The Confusion of the Spanish Succession

The most dangerous international issue for the dynastic reconciliation in France was that of the Spanish succession. Many legitimists, even the liberal legitimists, openly supported the claims of Carlos VI (Comte de Montemolin). Conveniently for the Orléanists, and perhaps even the legitimists, for their views were not yet demanded, the Carlists had recently been subdued in a provincial Catalonian insurrection, and the party looked demoralized and defeated; this meant the issue was not yet of immediate concern. Nonetheless, in 1834, only fourteen years old, Chambord had written: “Don Carlos is making great progress in Spain; I would very much like to be with him. But I hope to be able to reconquer France later. But I do not wish to now. I have first to finish my education.” He remained devoted to the legitimate line throughout his exile.

Don Carlos, Count of Montemolín, claimant as Carlos VI.​

Against the legitimate tendency was the liberal pragmatism of the the Orléanist position, long devoted to Queen Isabella II. The June Monarchy, without hesitation, supported the established government against the Carlists throughout the Carlist Wars, and eventually procured the marriage of the Duc de Montpensier to the Queen’s sister, against the maneuvers of Palmerston. Therefore, in Spain, the two dynastic tendencies violently clashed, and the same principled devotions to tradition and liberalism passed over the Pyrenees.

-
Map tomorrow.

 

[Marschalk]

Gaspard-Achille de Saulx, 3d Duc de Saulx-Tavannes b. 5 November 1814; Paris, Kingdom of France, Aspiring Royalist Politician​

A son from the third (and last) marriage, Gaspard-Achille was born in the family of Charles-Casimir Roger Victor de Saulx, Duke of Tavannes, count of Buzançais, baron of Sully and Igornay, lord of Lugny and Orain, a friend and confidant of King Louis XVIII. His father, a man who always stood by the then Count of Provence during his banishment, who led his embassies to Great Britain, Russia and United States and was even named President of the Council of Ministers in exile, did not take high offices after the Restoration. He preferred to stay a simple Peer of France, believing that a friendship of a Sovereign is more important than any riches or honors received from him.

"People who serve their masters out of greed are called lackeys, but those who serve due to sense of duty and natural attachement are always respected."- the Duke of Tavannes has once written in his diary. Gaspard-Achille (only six when his grandfather died) would always remember these words and this example in the years to come, when he would make his choices.

Yet at the moment the choices were made for him. Raised by his much older brother, Roger-Gaspard, the new Duc de Saulx-Tavannes, he was first educated at home, by private, if renowned, tutors, and then, at the age of nine, placed in the Collège d'Auxerre, where he stayed until his eighteenth birthday.

Only sixteen when the June Revolution happened, Gaspard-Achille found it abhorrent. While his family and the views he inherited from its members could be called moderate (his father was a great lover of philosophers, while his brother (and substitute parent), Roger-Gaspard, could be called a Dhuzoinite Doctrinaire), they were most certainly Legitimist. Only a boy at the time, Roger-Gaspard had demonstrated his views by leading a (very small) student riot in the Auxerre College and declaring that "Philippe would never be a lawful King". For that he had been duly punished.

While studying law at the University of Paris, Gaspard-Achille participated in a number of Legitimist activities. He has been known to sponsor of a "Union of Saint Louis", a student club that advocated both legitimism and moderate principles of King Louis XVIII (and which virtually ceased existence after Gaspard-Achille graduated). Due to his origins Comte de Buzançais was a much welcomed guest in Legitimist saloons of Fabourg Saint-Germain and made many important connections there.

However, unlike some idle members of the upper class, Gaspard- Achille was a diligent man, who never shirked from labor in favor of balls, hunts and other social events. After graduation he spent a number of years as a magistrate and a member of the general council in his home area. Then, when he has reached the proper age, was elected as a deputy, joining the legitimist rallies. During these years he has also penned a number of articles for Gazette de France. With time his radicalism has mellowed down – while remaining a supporter of the senior line, he still preferred the established order to a Bonapartist revival or, God forbid, a republic. He voiced cautious support for policies of Barante and supported the governmental activities in Algeria. However, in 1844, Comte de Buzançais, together with 800 other Legitimists, travelled to Belgrave Square to pay homage to Henri V. Perhaps it was for that reason that , when his older brother died in 1845 and Gaspard-Achille inherited the Duchy of Saulx-Tavannes, he was not allowed to take his place in the Chamber of Peers.

During the February Revolution the third Duke of Saulx-Tavannes opposed the regime, change finding what might follow much worse. However, when it has happened, he has many times, both in his speeches and articles, voiced an opinion that the Orleanist branch has reaped what it has sawed, for "an usurpation must most logically end by another usurpation, and a coup – by another coup"

During the short Republican period the Duc de Saulx-Tavannes actively supported the new Restoration, voicing Legitimist Fusionist views, for "a war between kin equals patricide, and only a stable peace within the Royal House can lead to a steady internal peace."

The return of Henri V has certainly led to a new beginning not only for France, but also for the Duc de Saulx-Tavannes.

 

[Nax24]

((A private letter to @naxhi24 ))

To Baron A Descombes, Chateau Descombes, Doubs

My dear friend, Alexandre,

I trust this letter finds you in rude health and good spirits. I certainly hope that you are enjoying the opportunity to relax with your wife and children, following your prodigious efforts over the last 2 years.

Firstly, I congratulate you on your achievement of the return of a King to France. As you know, I have no great desire to see a Bourbon hold sway over our Nation again, not least one who has been absent from our shores for the vast majority of his life. Nevertheless, although we may sit on opposite sides of the Chamber, I hope our friendship may still meet in the middle, and I feel duty bound to offer you the praise that you so richly deserve for bringing off an achievement which to be perfectly frank, flies in the face of reason, or at least reason as we knew it 22 years ago. Although others of the King's supporters may claim the credit, it has been your sensible steadiness in the face of the crisis which achieved what so many did their level best to frustrate through their arrogance and belligerence.

This brings me to my second point, and my concern as to the possibly bitter fruits of your labours. My friend, I am greatly concerned that the atavism demonstrated by Legitimists may derail the efforts made to advance a modern France. You will well recall the anachronistic attitudes of Charles X and his coterie. Now we are saddled with Charles' grandson, a man who spent barely 10 years of infancy in France, accustomed to the fawning of émigré courtiers in England, and privilege of a life untested in achievement. We see how he has been gifted the throne of the most puissant Country on Earth through no greater effort of getting off a boat. Prizes earnt by little effort are little valued, and I fear that we will face a repeat of the detachment from weighty burden of national responsibility which has plagued France under Bourbon kings past.

To that end, what means are proposed in the Constitution to keep the caprices of the King in check? It is easier to rein in a President who is answerable to an electorate than it is to control a King who is answerable to no one. You and I certainly do not want a repeat of 1830 when the Royal party attacked our banks in a pique of vitriol towards men who earn their livings. The Bourbons think they rule by the will of God, whereas the Constitution should ensure that they rule by the will of the People.

And what means are there to be for parliamentary oversight of the conduct of the executive? I am particularly concerned that we will see the repeat of the days before 1830 where the Royal hand arbitrarily gifted the assets of the State to the sycophants and the venal who flattered and fauned their way to wealth.

I fear that such corruption has already begun to infect the blood of our Government. I noted the arrival of the King on a vessel formerly of our Navy, but was informed that it now belonged to a private concern, the Compagnie des Messageries Maritime. My agents made enquiries and found an obscure proclamation made by the Comte de la Marche, in his capacity as interim President, during thedying days of the Republic. The Comte gift 14 large transport vessels to the Messageries Maritime, for no valuable consideration whatsoever. My agents further discovered that this company is owned by no less a personage as the Prince de Polignac.

I have no problems with the State offering its assets for sale, and the use of those assets in the most commercially efficient manner possible. I for one would gladly had bid for such shipping if it had been offered by public tender. However, the surreptious largesse of 14 ships to a Prince du sang from a President supposed to be in caretaker mode does raise alarms as to the cupidity which we might expect unless there are the proper checks and balances contained in the Constitution to stamp out corruption.

In the expectation that the new regime will recognize and reward your untiring efforts, I would ask that, as a friend devoted to fiscal and moral rectitude, you investigate this transaction further and take the appropriate judicial and remedial steps to restore public confidence in the accountability of the Government under its new master.

Finally, I and the Grand Sanhedrin have been considering a proposal to promote the French cause amongst our brethren in Algeria. The local Jewish population has been most helpful as guides and suppliers to the French Army in their struggle against the local insurgents. We feel that by providing schools to educate our brethren in our ways, the Jewish people may become servants of France and maybe one day, citizens of our fair Nation. Given your elevation contrary to my position in opposition, I would appreciate your advocacy and sponsorship of this proposal in the Government which is to come.

Please visit when you return to Paris for the constitutional debates. Betty and I would love to dine with you and your wife, and reminisce over those glorious days of our youth .

I remain, dear Sir, your devoted friend,

Jacques de Rothschild

Spoiler: Reply

Old Friend.

The course of events following the fall of the June Monarchy, the institution we brought into place those many years ago, brought terrible things to men of our class. The Socialists and Republicans did more damage to our class than any reactionary group ever did during the last Restoration. They took our businesses, they stripped us of our dignity and prestige, they set out to destroy us in ways that St. Fulgent could never have imagined. I can only dream in terror what the radical action would have been, for they state that was their moderate solution. The Republic tried to destroy us and the Order of things that France had seen under the Monarchy.

As such, it became the goal of many on the right to restore the monarchy, to restore a sense of order, stability, and peace. If that meant that enemies would become friends, so be it. The people agreed with our assement in the end, as the election will tell you.

Though, if it is any comfort to you, Jakob, I have reservations. The new monarchy must not make the same mistakes as the last, and it must understand that while the monarch may be a prestigious individual, the people must be adhered to, and not ignored. It is not wise to capitulate to the forces of Chaos, but to ignore the people entirely like Charles X did is wrong too.

I understand that you are a supporter of Louis-Napoleon though. The man is many things to many people, and is an admirable individual. But he must understand that the people wanted these events to happen. I pray he and yourself can understand the people's decision in this matter

I will make an effort to visit you when I return to Paris, let us not let our ideologies divide us.

-Alexandre

 

[Maxwell500]

Le Retour des Princes français à Paris

The royal entourage proceeded from Marseilles to Toulouse, where Henri V was once again received with much fanfare and excitement. The King, in the prime of his life and astride a white stallion, was a sight to behold for much of the common folk; his retainers and supporters had done much in this regard to cultivate an image of Henri returning to bring stability to the nation, as the benevolent and paternalistic figure it sorely needed at the helm.

From there the entourage made for Bordeaux: it held particular significance in light of Henri's investiture as duc de Bordeaux at birth. Henri once again met with the city's officials and received a small banquet in his honour.

The trip thereafter was much speedier in light of the importance of reaching Paris; the King was warmly greeted as his entourage moved through Limoges, Poitiers and Tours.

Finally however Henri V arrived in Paris with a grand display: astride his stallion with a detachment of cavalry in tow, the fleur-de-lys flying proudly as his standard. The crowds, particularly those encouraged by Les Hommes, chanted "Vive le Roi" and sung the 'Marche Henri IV', a glorious parallel with the King's ancestor and namesake.

Riding forth to the Tuileries the King was received by the Ministry and key figures of the fusion movement.

Just as his great-uncle had done nearly forty years before, Henri V had returned to Paris, and his throne.

La paix ramène
Tous les Princes Français !
Chantons l’antienne,
Aujourd’hui désormais
Que ce bonheur tienne :
Vive le Roi ! Vive la Paix !

Vive la France
Et les sages Bourbons,
Pleins de clémence,
Dont tous les cœurs sont bons !
La Paix, l’abondance
Viendront dans nos cantons.

Quelle joie extrême
Chantons tous à la fois
Louis le cinquième,
Descendant de nos Rois !

Le diadème
De France est pour un Roi,
Notre vœu même
Est la raison pourquoi,
Oui, Henri nous aime,
Vive, vive le Roi !

Plus de tristesse,
Vive, vive Henri !
Princes, princesses,
Nous sommes réjouis !
Que les allégresses
Règnent dans tous pays !​

 

[DensleyBlair]

Honfleur, February 1853 – Return to France—Madame Julianna Merivée—The arrival of Henri V—Reminiscences of the Legitimist party


It had been almost five months since I had last stepped on French soil, and while the light air and good humour of the gardens at Chatsworth had proven amiable surrounds for the winter, the rugged Norman coast was a welcome return. The Prince de Polignac had once again afforded me use of his yacht, La Vipère, as means of conveyance, and it's smooth motion through the turbid waters of La Manche brought the image of Honfleur into view at a stately pace. Polignac was as attached to England and the English people as I, and I long suspected that the eagerness with which he loaned the Vipère for my trips to and from Lowestoft was a token of his wish to touch in spirit a land he was, alas!, at that time unable to reach in person.

We had been two, M. Emmanuel and I, upon our departure: we returned à trois. Mme. Julianna, newly my daughter-in-law, had never before seen France, having travelled in her youth mostly with her father between Ireland and England. The girl's father [Henry Boyle, 3rd Earl of Shannon] had been prominent as a younger man in the Parliaments of both countries, though by the time of her birth he was only two years from retirement owing to illness. He died in Miss Julianna's eleventh year, after which point she lived for a period with her mother, an actress of some renown in Dublin. Happily, despite the circumstances of her birth, she had never been estranged from her siblings, and thus was content to be reunited with them at Castlemartyr, where she lived in her brother's household from the age of thirteen.

The couple had elected to complete a tour of France comme voyage à la façon anglaise, after which they would return to County Cork for some time so that my son might experience the Irish countryside. As it was, he had no ambitions in France; and having taken his degree in England, it seemed natural that he should return at least in the foreseeable future to the country into whose gentry he had just married.

Meanwhile, my thoughts turned to the arrival of Henri V, who had only lately entered Paris. His journey had not taken him through Normandy, but the general jubilation at his coming was evident everywhere. As we entered the port at Honfleur, even from the ship I could make out bunting in white and gold hanging from the windows of a great number of houses. That Monseigneur himself would have been met by a similar scene at Bordeaux did not escape my attention. Coincidentally, he had arrived also by way of one of the Prince of Polignac's ships.

The Prince had never been greatly invested in the politics of the restoration, though had by his own means contributed greatly to the cause. Since my own ejection from the Legitimist party at the hand of M. Charlus, I had come to lament that I had neglected my own friendship with the Occitanian, and thus we had exchanged letters often while I was with the Duke of Devonshire, who was a mutual friend. Together, we would talk often of the hunt, and other pursuits of the country, and despite our vastly differing backgrounds I enjoyed with both a rapport quite unlike anything I had been able to foster with other gentlemen of the Legitimist cause. Although I had come into contact with the King on several occasions, I would never at that time have ventured that I knew him well, or was in any way a friend in the true sense of the term. At court I lacked the easy social grace of some others, for whom the cause was in the main only one part of a wider inheritance. […]

[…]​

 

[Firehound15]

NOUS CHANTERONS BONJOURS
(Written by S. de Viviers; Set to Le Caïd.)

(0:06)
Acclamez le roi,
Qui gouvernera pour toujours;
Quand les vents se tairont,
Nous chanterons bonjours!
Acclamez le roi,
Qui gouvernera pour toujours;
Quand les vents se tairont,
Nous chanterons bonjours!

(0:21)
Il arrive sur les Alpes,
Avec un grand défilé;
Avec des larmes de joie.
Il revient, de l'exil!
Pour quand il atteint Paris
Les rues se réjouiront.
Voir la hausse du drapeau,
Et les champs produiront!

(0:35)
Acclamez le roi,
Qui gouvernera pour toujours;
Quand les vents se tairont,
Nous chanterons bonjours!
Acclamez le roi,
Qui gouvernera pour toujours;
Quand les vents se tairont,
Nous chanterons bonjours!

(0:55)
Peut-être que le jour viendra
Lorsque la mémoire s'estompera.
Nos pauvres coeurs;
Il va pourrir, trompé.
Mais maintenant il revient!
Ne désespérons plus.
Les gens chantent encore:
Leur roi, n'est plus un reclus!

(1:24)
-Break-

(1:38)
Il arrive sur les Alpes,
Avec un grand défilé;
Avec des larmes de joie.
Il revient, de l'exil!

(2:00)
Acclamez le roi,
Qui gouvernera pour toujours;
Quand les vents se tairont,
Nous chanterons bonjours!
Acclamez le roi,
Qui gouvernera pour toujours;
Quand les vents se tairont,
Nous chanterons bonjours!

(2:14)
Il arrive sur les Alpes,
Avec un grand défilé;
Avec des larmes de joie.
Il revient, de l'exil!
Pour quand il atteint Paris
Les rues se réjouiront.
Voir la hausse du drapeau,
Et les champs produiront!

(2:27)
Acclamez le roi,
Qui gouvernera pour toujours;
Quand les vents se tairont,
Nous chanterons bonjours!
Acclamez le roi,
Qui gouvernera pour toujours;
Quand les vents se tairont,
Nous chanterons bonjours!​

 

[Firehound15]

PARIS, VOTRE ROI A RETOUR!
"Paris, Your King Has Returned!"
_____________________________________________________________________________________
​

ACROSS THIS NATION, we hear the rejoicing of the people, the drapeau blanc hangs from every windowsill; the King has returned to rule France and execute all of his natural-born duties. This is no longer a time of suffering, but a time which may be spent in the glory and splendor of ages long-forgotten. This nation, cleaved in twain for decades, has finally become whole once more, with the King now empowered by public fiat. To such an end we may have the expectation of a more equitable, fairer society, in which a simple principle -- the maximization of well-being -- overcomes all obstacles. Indeed, against the wishes of the political class, France -- not they -- has confirmed her King.

So, unto the city of Paris, we must speak plainly: that the crises of prior days are over; and that against the demands of the impetuous, we will have a more adequate government. His Majesty will guide this nation fairly and even-handedly, selecting only the finest men to advise him. Should a failure of government emerge, let us be clear in who ought to face condemnation -- the politicians who may still use this opportunity to degrade and destroy the bright future laid out for us. This is a change both symbolic and real, for it is the first occasion in countless years where France has had the opportunity of a more righteous direction.

Symbolically, the coronation of the King ought to occur in the Cathedral of Chartres, where his forebear, the first king from the House of Bourbon, formally received the Crown. For similarly to Henri IV, His Majesty returns to Paris after it had been forcibly stripped from him during an attempt to usurp the Crown of this Kingdom. This France is the France of the people -- and the people have endorsed the return of the King! We must have crowds, scores of men, women, and children, filling the streets in celebration of this momentous occasion. Yet we can not become complacent as a consequence of our optimism.

No, to become complacent would provide a mechanism by which the self-serving might once-again return to domination of our political system. That they could slowly erode the power of the King to implement wise policies is an all-too-present danger, one which we must be cognizant of. Watchful eyes will guarantee good public behavior, but a strong voice against factionalism will prevent the development of private hypocrisy. We must stand united for a government which will seek to bring joy and happiness to the people of France, holding those who object to such a basic principle to account.

However, for now, Paris, you will celebrate -- indeed, you ought to. Your King has returned triumphant, and the voice of the people has affirmed him in every regard. The true danger does not come from the person of the King. No, he is sincere in wishing for what is best for our entire nation. The danger rests in those who would put their own personal political power above our common needs and wants. Be wary of such dangers, for naivete will inevitably guarantee that our optimism is matched with an even greater sense of disappointment and dissatisfaction.

VIVIERS.

 

[ThaHoward]

Toulon, France, 1853. ((@Eid3r ))

Jérôme attended to the meeting by General Mac Mahon. Personally he felt honored to be present at such a gathering. There he presented some of his ideas, but first he presented the ideas of his late brother and his close friend Colonel Patrice Auberjonoiss. The latter having the greater saying in it.

"(...) this reform is not the making of myself, but rather the one of the late Duke of Lécuyer and most importanlty former Colonel Patrice Auberjonois. The reform is quite simple indeed, and I believe the ones of you looking into our organization know these reforms are needed. I looked into his notes, and these reforms were intriguing, as opposed to his other reforms.

"Here I present the following reforms:


Armies:
-Each Army will be composed of 2-4 corps.

-There will be 4 Armies:

1: Army the Rhine - 3 Corps.

2: Army of the Alps - 2 Corps.

3: Army of the Interior - 4 Corps.

4: Army of Africa - 3 Corps.


Corps:
-A corps standard is two Divisions.

-A corps will have 2 Heavy and 2 Light Batteries. A corps will field 100 field guns and 16 siege guns.

-Long term goal to increase the total corps size to 15 Corps.

Divisions:
-A standard division will be composed of 4 Infantry Regiments. 4 Artillery batteries of 12 pieces to total 48 divisional artillery pieces. One independent battalion of chasseurs de pied. One independent squadron of cavalry.


Companies:
-Lower size to 100.

-Structure

1 Captain (company commander).

2-3 Lieutenants.

1 Staff Sergeant.

4 Sergeants.

8 Corporals.

84 Privates.



Enlistment and reserves:


-Reduce years of enlistment from 21 years to 8 years.

-Establish a reservist force, serving for 12 years.

-Have a standing army of 450.000 enlisted soldiers (if corps are increased to 15) and a reserve force of 350.000 soldiers.



Medals:


To adopt the medals proposed before the June Uprising by Joachim-Philippe d'Lécuyer.

-Campaign Medal for Algeria.

-Military Medal for meritorious service and acts of bravery in action against an enemy force.

"Also we need a more effective standard issued weapon. The Minié rifle, proposed by General MacMahon, among others, also suit the needs of weapon reforms b my late brother and the good Colonel. It result in a more effective range along with greater rate of fire, it will give the edge in the battlefield in case of a firefight.

(...)".

 

[Luftwafer]

Toulon, France, 1853. ((@Eid3r ))

Auberjonois leapt at the opportunity to engage himself with military matters once more. His years of dealing with agriculture, while stimulating had never given him the same feeling as he had once had in his ’glory days’. After the Young Lecuyer stood to introduce the reforms that he himself had worked so closely with the former duc, he stood to read his short prepared speech.

”I must thank Monsieur Lecuyer for introducing the proposals I worked on with his late brother. The loss of the Duc was a heartbreaking affair, showing the barbarity of the mob when somebody stands against their insidious political motives

These reforms are not just a positive change, they are in fact a necessary change. We live in an ultimately tumultuous world, one where we can never be quite sure about what may be around the corner. For too long now the Army has rested upon their laurels, which while admittedly impressive are not the actions that allowed Bonaparte to conquer Europe, these are not the actions that resulted in victory at Eylau, at Austerlitz or in Paris. The French army’s success has indeed always been built on the combination of initiative on behalf of officers and the natural talent and spirit of the French infantryman. However, the current system stifles this initiative, putting an intolerable strain upon our nation’s officers, and is ultimately a burden upon the army as a whole.

A key part to the infantryman’s success is the support given to them by the artillery complement. The Valée system has indeed served the nation well, and while it is important to recognise these successes. It would be utterly foolish to refuse to accept that the times have changed, the modern Canon-Obusiers are capable of filling the roles of both Field guns and Howitzers. In an already strained supply system, surely it is essential we cut down on the number ofsupplies needed to reduce the supply burden of the army. No longer do we need 4 different pieces of field artillery to do broadly the same role, we need one. One that can do all these roles, to better break enemy field fortifications and to better support the infantry to achieve victory.

We must not let the resounding victories of the past colour our view of the future. Only with a clear mind and coherent goals can France’s Army remain the premier fighting force not just on the continent, but in the world.”

 

[Nax24]

Paris

The White Flag of the Bourbons was a cruel, yet somewhat relieving sight to see for Alexandre. As the soon-to-be King's entourage passed through the city, that White Flag followed him everywhere. Only twenty years prior, had Alexandre watched as it was torn out from every government outlet in Paris by the citizens. Now, they were throwing it back up in celebratory glory. Alexandre had opposed the White Flag, now he somewhat embraced it as the only way to keep peace in this nation. Soon, Alexandre began walking towards the crowd of notable royalists, one among many set to receive the King...

 

[Maxwell500]

​

THE CONSTITUTIONAL CHARTER OF 1853​

France, founded upon the principle of the supremacy of God, has come to recognize the Divine Hand in the restoration of her King, for whose presence she has longed. His Majesty Henri the Fifth, by the Grace of God, King, does hereby promulgate and offer this Charter to his faithful subjects and by his magnanimous decree extends to them the rights, privileges and protections, and obliges them to the duties and responsibilities contained herein.


Public Liberties and Law of the Kingdom
Article 1. Frenchmen are equal before the law, whatever may be their titles and rank.

Article 2. They are equally admissible to civil and military employments, and contribute, without distinction, in accordance with the law, towards the expenses of the state.

Article 3. Their personal liberty is likewise guaranteed; no one can be prosecuted nor arrested save in the cases provided by law and in the form which it prescribes. Exceptional civil tribunals and extraordinary civil commissions shall not be permitted.

Article 4. Every one may profess his religion with equal freedom, and shall obtain for his worship the same protection.

Article 5. The catholic, apostolic, and Roman religion is the religion of the state.

Article 6. The ministers of the catholic, apostolic and Roman religion and those of the other Christian sects alone receive stipends from the royal treasury.

Article 7. Frenchmen have the right to speech and press, as long as they conform with the laws of the Kingdom, and do not commit lèse-majesté against Crown and Kingdom.

Article 8. All property is inviolable, and the state can only exact the sacrifice of property for the public weal, legally proved, and with an equitable indemnity.

Article 9. Frenchmen have the right to freely associate, as long as they conform with the laws.

Article 10. The charter and the law determine under what conditions the quality and rights of a French citizen may be acquired, exercised or forfeited.

Article 11. The domicile shall be inviolable. Intrusion and search therein, as well as the seizing of letters and papers, shall be allowed only in the manner and in the cases prescribed by law.

The King and his Government
Article 12. The person of the king is inviolable and sacred. The person and crown of the king are inseparable. His ministers are responsible. To the king alone belongs the executive power.

Article 13. The king is the supreme head of the state, commands the land and sea forces, declares war, makes treaties of peace, alliance and commerce, appoints to all places of public administration, and makes the necessary regulations and ordinances for the execution of the laws and the security of the state, without ever dispensing with the execution of the laws.

Article 14. Nevertheless, no foreign troops can be admitted into the service of the state without an express law.

Article 15. The legislative power is to be exercised collectively by the king, the Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies.

Article 16. The proposition of the laws belongs to the king, to the Chamber of Peers, and to the Chamber of Deputies.

Article 17. The king may send a law, at his pleasure, to the Chamber of Peers, or to that of the Deputies, except a law for the imposition of taxes, which must be introduced by the deputies.

Article 18. Every law is to be discussed and freely voted by the majority of each of the two chambers.

Article 19. If a proposed law be rejected by one of the three powers, it cannot be brought forward again in the same session. It must be approved by the three powers to become law.

Article 20. The king alone sanctions and promulgates the laws.

Article 21.The king convokes the two chambers each year: he prorogues them, and can dissolve that of the deputies; but, in that case, he must convoke a new one within the space of four months.

Article 22. The civil list is fixed, for the entire duration of the reign, in one session, after the ascension of the king.

Article 23. The incumbent administrative division of France remains unless altered by regular law.

The Chamber of Peers
Article 24. The Chamber of Peers exercises an integral function in the legislative process.

Article 25. It is convoked by the king at the same time as the Chamber of the Deputies. The session of the one begins and ends at the same time as that of the other.

Article 26. Any assembly of the Chamber of Peers, which should be held at a time which is not that of the session of the Chamber of Deputies, is illicit, and null of full right, except only the case in which it is assembled as a Court of Justice, and then it can only exercise judicial functions.

Article 27. The nomination of the peers of France belongs exclusively to the king. Their number is unlimited; he can vary their dignities, and name them peers for life, or make them hereditary at his pleasure.

Article 28. Peers have entrance to the Chamber at thirty years.

Article 29. Every petition to Chamber of Peers must be made in writing. The law interdicts its being carried in person to the bar.

Article 30. The Chamber of Peers is presided over by the chancellor of France, appointed by the king, and in his absence, by a peer appointed by the king.

Article 31. Members of the royal family and princes of the blood are peers by right of their birth. They sit next to the president; and may enter at thirty-years of age.

Article 32. The sittings of the Chamber of Peers are public, unless declared, by that chamber, an extraordinary secret session.

Article 33. The Chamber of Peers has special jurisdiction over the crimes of high treason and attacks against the security of the state, which shall be defined by law.

Article 34. No peer can be arrested except by the authority of the chamber, nor tried in a criminal matter except by it. If convicted, they forfeit their life peerage, or forfeit to their heir, if hereditary.

Article 35. Peers are entitled to protection for all opinions uttered or words spoken within the Chamber, with the press free to print their sessions, so long as they do not violate the oath of their office.

The Chamber of Deputies
Article 36.The Chamber of Deputies shall be composed of the deputies elected in a manner so defined by a special law decided by the Constituent Assembly.

Article 37. The number of deputies, so decided by law, cannot exceed 450 persons.

Article 38. The deputies are elected for five years.

Article 39. Every petition to Chamber of Deputies must be made in writing. The law interdicts its being carried in person to the bar.

Article 40. The sittings of the chamber are public, but the request of five members suffices for it to form itself into secret committee.

Article 41. The chamber divides itself into bureaux in order to discuss the propositions which have been presented to it.

Article 42. The Chamber of Deputies receives all proposals in regard to taxes; only after these proposals have been accepted can they be carried to the Chamber of Peers.

Article 43. No tax can be established nor imposed, if it has not been consented to by the two chambers, and sanctioned by the king; the same prerogative exists for treaties of commerce negotiated by the king.

Article 44. No deputy can be admitted into the chamber until he has attained the age of twenty-five years, and if he does not possess the other conditions prescribed by law.

Article 45. No constraint can be exercised against a member of the chamber during the session nor in the preceding or following six weeks.

Article 46. No member of the chamber, during the course of the session, can be prosecuted or arrested upon a criminal charge, unless he should be taken in the act, except after the chamber has permitted his prosecution.

Article 47. Deputies are entitled to protection for all opinions uttered or words spoken within the chamber, with the press free to print their sessions, so long as they do not violate the oath of their office.

Article 48. The president of the Chamber of Deputies is to be elected by the chamber itself at the opening of each session, and must be approved by the king.

The Ministers of the King
Article 49. The ministers can be members of the Chamber of Peers or of the Chamber of Deputies. They have, moreover, their entrance into either chamber, and are entitled to be heard when they demand it.

Article 50. The Chamber of Deputies has the right to accuse the ministers and to arraign them before the Chamber of Peers, which alone has that of trying them.

Article 51. They can be accused only for acts of treason and peculation. Special laws shall determine the nature of this offence and shall fix the method of prosecution.

Article 52. Either chamber may express their displeasure at the sitting ministry, and pass a motion of no-confidence; if either chamber passes such a motion, the motion is put before the king, who must decide to sanction the removal or retain the ministry.

The Royal Justice
Article 53. All justice emanates from the king. It is administered in his name by judges whom he appoints and whom he invests.

Article 54. The judges appointed by the king, excluding the justice of the peace, are irremovable.

Article 55. All courts and regular tribunals existing in accordance with the current laws are preserved. They shall not be in any ways changed except by virtue of a law.

Article 56. No one can be deprived of the jurisdiction of his natural judges.

Article 57. In consequence, extraordinary commissions and tribunals cannot be created under any name.

Article 58. Provost-courts are not included under this prohibition, if their re-establishment is deemed necessary.

Article 59. Criminal trials shall be public, unless such publicity should be dangerous to order and morality; and in that case, the tribunal shall declare it by a judicial order.

Article 60. The system of juries is retained. Changes which a longer experience may cause to be thought necessary can be made only by a law.

Article 61. The penalty of confiscation of property is abolished and cannot be re-established.

Article 62. The king has the right of pardon, and that of commuting penalties.

Article 63. The Civil Code, and the laws actually existing which are not in conflict with the present charter, remain in force until legally abrogated.

Amendment of the Charter
Article 64. Any alteration in the promulgated provisions of this charter will require the approval of sixty-percent of both chambers and the sanction of the king.

Special Rights and Provisions Guaranteed By the Kingdom
Article 65. Persons in active military service, retired officers and soldiers, pensioned widows officers and soldiers, retain their ranks, honors and pensions.

Article 66. The public debt is guaranteed. Every form of engagement made by the state with its creditors is inviolable.

Article 67. The old nobility and peerage [the Restoration and confirmed imperial nobility] resume their titles and peerages. The new nobility and peerage [the Orléanist nobility] retain theirs. The king makes nobles at will, but he grants to them only ranks and honors, without any exemption from the burdens and duties of society.

Article 68. The Legion of Honor is maintained. The king shall determine its internal regulations and its decoration.

Article 69. The colonies shall be governed by particular laws.

Article 70. All elected and appointed officials and representatives, in the legislature, the military, the civil service, and the other branches of state, shall swear allegiance to the King of France and the Nation as precondition for service.

Article 71. The chambers shall regulate the definition and powers of ‘states of emergency.’

Article 72. The king and his successors shall swear, at their ascension, to observe faithfully the present constitutional charter, which the king has promulgated.

Article 73. The nation resumes her colours; the cockade is white, the personal standard of the royal family is white with fleurs-de-lys, the national flag is retained with the modification of the the royal crown and the fleur-de-lys.

Provisional Articles
Article 74. The assembled Chambers will remain in the unicameral convention until the electoral law is ratified.

Article 75. They shall accept, by majority, this Charter, and at their next meeting, shall swear loyalty to King Henri V and his successors, the kingdom, and this charter.

 

[99KingHigh]

Book 4: The Third Restoration

The Allegory of Henri V by Tardieu

Chapter 1: Le Retour des Princes

Henri's spectacular arrival journey through France, beginning with his disembarkation at Marseilles, continuing through Toulouse, Bordeaux, Limoges, Tours, and Poitiers, ended in Paris on 22 February. His path had been deliberately outlined by his advisers, who kept him to western France, where the legitimists were strongest.

He received a hero's welcome of triumphal arches, speeches of greeting, singing, salvoes, and Te Deums; just like his father, grandfather, and grand-uncle had received in 1814. General Changarnier made rapid preparations as the long 'domestically' emigrated princes and nobles of the realm rushed to Paris; much of east Paris sulked in silence. White flags glistened throughout the Faubourg Saint-Germain as impecunious nobles cheered their legitimate sovereign.

The pomp was not that of 1814 or 1815; Henri was a more austere personage, and while we shall speak more of his character, he sported a fine blue coat, decorated only by the regal ribbon. His royal carriage, of course, demanded ostentation. Cries of Vive Le Roi gave way to confused sounds in which nothing could be distinguished but the accents of joy and emotion. Undoubtedly this was not an impartial crowd, and the surprisingly bearable weather augmented its strength.

(Technically from Charles X, but you get it. Think less crazy than this.)​

The entourage of the King included a curious mix of courtesan and royals, but most intimately attached to him was his wife, Marie-Thérèse, although his mother, the Duchesse de Berry, was not present.

His coach, guarded by the mobile guard, came from the south-west of Paris, passed through that noble Faubourg, proceeded over the Pont Neuf, and triumphantly entered the Tuileries, where he was greeted by the Prefect of Paris, General Changarnier, Baron Descombes (as President of the Constituent Assembly), President de La Marche, and the Charter Committee: Charlus, Moncey, and Dupin (La Marche's proxy). Much of the necessary arrangements had already been conducted in advance by means of Henri's favorite, the Duc de Levis, who was, in any case, Charlus' father.

​

It therefore only took two days for the Charter Committee to procure the final approvals from the established King, and most of that delay was taken deliberating the matters of the flag and pedantic powers. Most of the substance had been previously established by assurances. Church and royal celebrations thus continued uninterrupted until 25 February, when the King came before the Palais Bourbon to offer the Constitutional Charter. This little intermission was especially notable for the euphoric ball held by the Duc de Montbazon, the current Interior Minister.

The compromise of the propagation of the Charter featured elements from the previous monarchies; the King would grant the Charter (the power of the octroyer) and the Assembly would vote its acceptance. This particular Charter, which revived the constitutional monarchy, with certain conservative alterations (such as the hereditary peerage), could not fail to be accepted by the Assembly. This is because, by that time, resignations from the Left had withered their legislative presence to 179 precarious seats. Furthermore, the King had been convinced by Levis to accept the altered tricolour, although he retained the white flag as his standard and coveted it dearly. With these transactions, the Charter passed without difficulty.

ROYAL ASSEMBLY OF 1853
(L-R)

Republicains-Bonapartistes, 179

Royalistes, 386
Bleus sombres, 82
Orleanistes, 137
Legitimistes, 167​

We shall discuss more, in greater detail, the Charter of 1853, and the person of the new King, but for now it will suffice to say that the King sanctioned the continued existence of the Provisional Government (with de La Marche as the President of the council) until the situation settled and the proper institutions of state were established. The immediate question, after the Charter was ratified by a majority of the Assembly, was whether the opposition would adhere to the demand for the oath of office, which compelled, at their next session, that the membership declare their fidelity and loyalty to King Henri V, etc.

In political terms, for those not tormented by the issue of the oath, the representatives were now charged with formulating an electoral law for the nation; and here all the dangers of division and fracture within the Right threatened to be revealed...

 

[etranger01]

Louis-Napoleon doesn't give any indication of his intentions to anyone outside his own party. When the day of the Oath arrives, he stands before the Assembly in his blue suit and red sash, mustachios waxed and pointed. He smiles, faintly.

"I decline to submit, and therefore resign, on grounds of conscience. It has been a pleasure, gentlemen."

He inclines his head, turns, and walks towards the door. He is joined by most of the Bonapartist-Republican contingent, leaving a third of the Assembly vacant when they have all departed.

 

[Fingon888]

Charbonneau stood as Louis-Napoleon left, still wearing a tricolor cockade, and being recognized by the President of the Assembly began to speak.

"I shall not take this oath, for by my conscience I cannot submit to a King who has already willfully disregarded the sovereignty of the French nation, vested in the people, the democratic basis of our Republic by establishing a hereditary peerage with legislative power, and defaced that tricolor borne by the blood of our soldiers from Lisbon to Moscow. May the white flag be forever forgotten and God save the Republic. Vive la France!"

Charbonneau leads his followers out of the Assembly in like manner to their leader.

 

[Lyonessian]

Lièvremont holds an imaginary glass up and toasts with his fellow deputies, cheering the voluntary removal of republicans from the Assembly

 

[DensleyBlair]

Merivée had just finished delivering a lecture on the forces of opposition under the June Monarchy when a student approached him eager to ask about the new Charter.

‘Monsieur le Professeur, what do you make of the statements made about natural rights in the preamble to the new constitution?’
​

The academic, who had not been anticipating this particular question so soon, tried to form a cogently brief reply while gathering some notes on his leturn

‘Entre nous, I think it makes the same mistake as the Republican charter: a constitution cannot extend natural rights, only guarantee them. I do not know how great a say Monseigneur has had in the drafting of the document, but had I anything to do with it I would have been much more careful about confusing the idea of the Crown as the source of order with that of the Crown as the source of liberty.’
​

Apparently satisfied, the student thanked the professor and rejoined his friends leaving the lecture theatre.

 

[Maxwell500]

M. Nemours (@Cloud Strife),

There is much cause for celebration: our long efforts, with many trials and tribulations, have borne fruit and France is once more reconciled with the Monarchy; this reconciliation has itself nurtured our very own reconciliation.

With my own return to France, I desire the return of the Duke of Orléans, Philippe, as Prince Royal. The return of the young duke will at once solidify our reconciliation, and ensure our unity in the face of any 'hue and cry' that those opposed to the Monarchy might be wanton to raise.

The provisional council of state has also been instructed to provide a naval detachment to ferry the party across the English Channel, as well as a detachment once they have landed to escort them to Paris. It is my desire to receive the Duke of Orléans upon his arrival, as well as yourself.​

Salutations distinguées,

​

 

[Andre Massena]

"There is only one man I will swear an oath to!" Domadeaux announces as he leaves the Assembly.

 

[Cloud Strife]

The Princes Return

Their Royal Highnesses, Philippe, the Prince Royal,
and his brother Robert, duc de Chartres​

Upon the receiving the awaited command of the King, the duc de Nemours sets into motion the junior line's plans for the arrival of the Prince Royal. While it irked many, most of all the Dowager duchesse d'Orleans, that the Dauphinate had not been conferred on the young Heir, all knew that in his time Philippe would succeed his relative as King of France.

Moving ahead of the official escort, Nemours arrives at Claremont House to secure the formal approval of the family council for the Heir's return to France. From Surrey, Nemours and the members of the junior line traveled to Portsmouth in Hampshire where they were greeted by a squadron of the French Atlantic Fleet, with the prince de Joinville in ceremonial command; the ships having the 'Fusion Tricolor' affixed to their masts. Upon the embarkation of the members of the junior line onto the Suffren, the crew raised the royal standard in honor of their Heir and the royal family. Other notables who had followed the Orleans into exile embarked upon the steam battleship Napoleon, commanded by Capitaine De Vaisseau Jean-Michel Antoine de la Vallée; a man who had reached Nemours' notice as one committed to the cause of the perfection of the French nation and for the reform of its naval forces.

The first bit of ceremony having been completed, the short journey to Cherbourg commenced.

Prominent supporters of Fusion from among the provincial gentry and Orleanist supporters were on hand to greet the Prince Royal has his party made landfall at Cherbourg. Troops from the late duc d'Orleans' regiment, the 1er régiment de hussards, were on hand to serve as the guard of honor as the junior line made its way to Paris. Unlike the King's circuitous route through France the Prince Royal would make directly towards Paris. Nemours stressed it would be impolite not to make directly to answer the King's summons. Though the junior line traveled with haste there were crowds of well-wishers gathered along their route. The incompetence of the Second Republic provided a useful shine to the legacy of Philippe VII and the people showcased their fondness for those times by cheering on the princes as they made their way back to the capitol.

Paris had not been kind to the Orleans but Nemours' enthusiastic reception in West Paris upon his arrival last year gave the junior line hope that the capitol could be reconciled to their return, perhaps even take joy in the reconciliation between the branches of the House of France.

Now, having made their way back to their ancestral home--the Palais-Royal--the Prince Royal and the other members of the junior line were formally welcomed back to the capitol by their supporters and adherents, most notable among them was the delegation lead by the Baron Descombes and other Orleanist grandees who had championed the cause of the junior line during the lean years of the Second Republic without fail. The banqueting and feasting went well into the morning. Then, after some needed rest, at the appointed hour the duc de Nemours, acting as guardian of the Heir, and the Heir himself, Philippe, made the short walk to the Tuilieries to accept the summons of the King.