• We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
Joachim adressses the Assembly. With his pistol hidden under his coat - just in case.

"President and messieurs.

"This National Assembly is the very manifestation of the Democratic will of the French. This Assembly have been elected through universal suffrage, this is popular rule in practice. Even so the Conservateurs recognize the need for moderation and unity. The majority worked together with the miniority to better represent all of France rather than the majority. A Constitution developed in good faith and broad consensus.

"Radical elements have proven their disloyalty to France and Democracy. To lead on mobs to overthrow or pressure the National Assembly that represent all of France is undermining Denocratic principles. It's not only a direct threat to the Order in Paris, but the Liberty of all of France and the French. A few men lead on disillusioned mobs with their silvered tounges to undo the popular and democratic will of the people!

"This is nothing short if treason to the motherland and democracy. All Republicans who are truly Moderate, and not moderate only in name and where it suits their plots for power, must distance themself from the Ceasarist forces that wish to undo the Republic of France and Democracy! True Moderate Republicans and Conservatives alike must unite against this perversion and safeguard our liberal democracy, ratify the Constitution agreed upon across the creeds and colors of this very sacred Assembly and protect Property, Order and Liberty that the radicals wish to undo! Long live democracy, down with the dictators!"
 
[Denied the suffrage, Denied the vote, Denied education]
 
Last edited:
Parti de l'Ordre
Order, Property, Religion
La Maison des Polytechniciens

The evening following the events at the Assembly, and the attempted revolution by the Parisian Public, several members from the Assembly agreed to meet at La Maison des Polytechniciens on the Rue de Poitiers in Paris, with invations given to many others who had previously been barred. Together they sat down, forming what would become one of the new political parties deemed necessary following another outbreak of violence, violence which was swiftly and graceful stopped.

Among the invited were Philippe Henri de la Marche (@Sneakyflaps), François Pierre Felix Christoper Victor de Levis (@Jackbollda), Claude Desmarais (@Korona), Louis de Rohan (@Michaelangelo) Bon-Marie de Moncey (@Mikkel Glahder), Clément Larousse (@Fingon888), Patrice Auberjonois (@Luftwafer), Jean Francois Domadeaux (@Andre Massena), Joachim Lécuyer (@ThaHoward), Claude-Joseph François Dieudonné Laurent de Béthune (@Maxwell500), Alexandre Descombes (@naxhi24), Adolphe Thiers, Odillon Barrot, François Guizot and Alexis de Tocqueville, along with representatives of prominent conservatives abroad such as Merivee (@DensleyBlair) and Godefroy Raymond de la Rhone (@Otto of england) among others.

Alexandre Descombes accepts the invite
 
GOVERNMENT PROPOSALS:
Law on the Abrogation of the Exclusion: Oui
Law on the Committee of Investigating and Overseeing the National Workshop Program: Oui
Law on the Election of the Bishops: Oui
Law on the Dérouler: Oui
Law on the Abolition of the Properties Commission: Oui

COMMITTEE PROPOSAL:
Constitution of the French Republic, 1850: Oui

[None]
[Conservative]
[Ille-et-Vilaine]

~ Claude Desmarais
 
Parti de l'Ordre
Order, Property, Religion
La Maison des Polytechniciens

The evening following the events at the Assembly, and the attempted revolution by the Parisian Public, several members from the Assembly agreed to meet at La Maison des Polytechniciens on the Rue de Poitiers in Paris, with invations given to many others who had previously been barred. Together they sat down, forming what would become one of the new political parties deemed necessary following another outbreak of violence, violence which was swiftly and graceful stopped.

Among the invited were Philippe Henri de la Marche (@Sneakyflaps), François Pierre Felix Christoper Victor de Levis (@Jackbollda), Claude Desmarais (@Korona), Louis de Rohan (@Michaelangelo) Bon-Marie de Moncey (@Mikkel Glahder), Clément Larousse (@Fingon888), Patrice Auberjonois (@Luftwafer), Jean Francois Domadeaux (@Andre Massena), Joachim Lécuyer (@ThaHoward), Hercule Marie Rinaldo de Este (@Maxwell500), Alexandre Descombes (@naxhi24), Jean-Paul Henry Lièvremont (@Lyonessian) Adolphe Thiers, Odillon Barrot, François Guizot and Alexis de Tocqueville, along with representatives of prominent conservatives abroad such as Merivee (@DensleyBlair) and Godefroy Raymond de la Rhone (@Otto of england) among others.

Domadeaux politely declines the offer on account of his affiliation with the Bonapartist cause, which he soon hopes to make into a formal political party.
 
Parti de l'Ordre
Order, Property, Religion
La Maison des Polytechniciens

The evening following the events at the Assembly, and the attempted revolution by the Parisian Public, several members from the Assembly agreed to meet at La Maison des Polytechniciens on the Rue de Poitiers in Paris, with invations given to many others who had previously been barred. Together they sat down, forming what would become one of the new political parties deemed necessary following another outbreak of violence, violence which was swiftly and graceful stopped.

Among the invited were Philippe Henri de la Marche (@Sneakyflaps), François Pierre Felix Christoper Victor de Levis (@Jackbollda), Claude Desmarais (@Korona), Louis de Rohan (@Michaelangelo) Bon-Marie de Moncey (@Mikkel Glahder), Clément Larousse (@Fingon888), Patrice Auberjonois (@Luftwafer), Jean Francois Domadeaux (@Andre Massena), Joachim Lécuyer (@ThaHoward), Hercule Marie Rinaldo de Este (@Maxwell500), Alexandre Descombes (@naxhi24), Jean-Paul Henry Lièvremont (@Lyonessian) Adolphe Thiers, Odillon Barrot, François Guizot and Alexis de Tocqueville, along with representatives of prominent conservatives abroad such as Merivee (@DensleyBlair) and Godefroy Raymond de la Rhone (@Otto of england) among others.

Rohan accepts the invitation.
 
GOVERNMENT PROPOSALS:
Law on the Abrogation of the Exclusion: Oui
Law on the Committee of Investigating and Overseeing the National Workshop Program: Oui
Law on the Election of the Bishops: Oui
Law on the Dérouler: Oui
Law on the Abolition of the Properties Commission: Oui

COMMITTEE PROPOSAL:
Constitution of the French Republic, 1850: Oui

[No Bonus]
[Legitimiste]


- Comte de Charlus
 
GOVERNMENT PROPOSALS:
Law on the Abrogation of the Exclusion: Oui
Law on the Committee of Investigating and Overseeing the National Workshop Program: Oui
Law on the Election of the Bishops: Oui
Law on the Dérouler: Oui
Law on the Abolition of the Properties Commission: Oui

COMMITTEE PROPOSAL:
Constitution of the French Republic, 1850: Oui

[Best Girl 2018: 0PP]
[Conservative]
[Haute-Garonne]

~ Jean-Paul Bazaine
 
Parti de l'Ordre
Order, Property, Religion
La Maison des Polytechniciens

The evening following the events at the Assembly, and the attempted revolution by the Parisian Public, several members from the Assembly agreed to meet at La Maison des Polytechniciens on the Rue de Poitiers in Paris, with invations given to many others who had previously been barred. Together they sat down, forming what would become one of the new political parties deemed necessary following another outbreak of violence, violence which was swiftly and graceful stopped.

Among the invited were Philippe Henri de la Marche (@Sneakyflaps), François Pierre Felix Christoper Victor de Levis (@Jackbollda), Claude Desmarais (@Korona), Louis de Rohan (@Michaelangelo) Bon-Marie de Moncey (@Mikkel Glahder), Clément Larousse (@Fingon888), Patrice Auberjonois (@Luftwafer), Jean Francois Domadeaux (@Andre Massena), Joachim Lécuyer (@ThaHoward), Hercule Marie Rinaldo de Este (@Maxwell500), Alexandre Descombes (@naxhi24), Jean-Paul Henry Lièvremont (@Lyonessian) Adolphe Thiers, Odillon Barrot, François Guizot and Alexis de Tocqueville, along with representatives of prominent conservatives abroad such as Merivee (@DensleyBlair) and Godefroy Raymond de la Rhone (@Otto of england) among others.

Maréchal de Moncey accepts the invitation.
 
(( @ThaHoward ))

Letter from Her Highness Amélie Constance Félicité d’Armentières
To His Grace Joachim, Duke of Lécuyer


Your Grace,

I look forward with great anticipation our upcoming discussion on the role of women in our educational system. I am quite certain it will also move to the benevolent influence us ladies can carry in our society. Reform is indeed much needed in the field of education and it is with much sorrow that I witnessed a complete absence of proposal to include the right to an education in the constitution.

Now, age has brought me certain wisdom and our social mores, more than the content of your letter, indicate that you are a young man in the force of age, of genteel stature and mild manners, in much need of finding a proper bride.

As it so happen, I am currently hosting a young and fair maiden of suitable disposition for a Ball at my Hôtel de Lassay. Louise Anne Marie Léonie de Rochechouart de Mortemart, second daughter to the Marquis of Mortemart is a youth of 17 years of age, adequate beauty, good conversation and moderate intellect. More importantly, I am told that she is dotted with a substantial dowry, which mean she would be of very little expense to her future household.

However, should you have interest in further than simple acquainting yourself with the Lady Rochechouart, I would advise you to follow proper custom and to write to the Marquis a resume of your financial disposition, positions and ambitions, for him to evaluate the your propriety as a possible match for his daughter.

Should my advice be required, I shall not miss the opportunity to say a good word on your behalf, lionizing your soft disposition, your inability to ever lay hand on a woman and the uniqueness of your discussion.

Looking forward to seeing you at Lassay,

Your obligée,

osDATZ3.png
 
”Six million, sir.” M. Asbury spoke up, looking at the younger Philippe who sat across the table, looking back at him and the many men behind him. Men young and old, all so similar to roughly twenty years ago when his father sat in his study in Ecouen, exactly as Philippe sat now. The faces of the young, so fresh and without much worry. The wrinkles of the old, with each and every one holding pieces of paper under their arms, the seniors with their apprentices. It was something of a show to be honest, to see them all having assembled with such speed. Granted, Philippe was paying a minor fortune for their time, but so be it.

“A loan of another three million, or simply three million if we cannot gather the money for the original six in quick enough time as well, Monsieur.” M. Guillot said, one of those excellent financiers which Asbury had hired, putting a piece of paper in front of Philippe to look at.

Philippe’s eyes looked it over briefly before up at Asbury who gave a nod, “Very well, it will be a large investment. I trust you can handle it.” Philippe said, looking towards his agent, “Have you taken contact with the treasury and the Finance Ministry?” Philippe asked, taking a hold of his glass of red wine, a good bottle around twenty years old he had opened to get through this meeting. To be true, he had taken it from Amélie’s wine cellar, but so it was.

“We have taken contact and we are to meet them on Monday to begin talks. They are very sure that the law will come to pass, so they were eager to begin negotiations.” Asbury assured what in times past would have been his master, but now simply his employer as Philippe nodded, giving his assent now that these wise men had so thoroughly given his assent. The fact that Philippe could see his valet in the doorway, signaling that it was time, also helped speed it along as Philippe drowned the remainder of the glass and standing up.

“Very well, see to it.” The Comte said, going past the desk and stopping in front of Asbury, “And see to Amélie, if she needs any aid. I believe that it may be time that my late brother’s fortune sees some investment, rather than being stuck for perpetuity.” Philippe chuckled gently, smiling slightly as he left the room, the wise men staying behind as his valet helped him with his coat and he left in his carriage.

It was a beautiful evening, most of all because Paris had calmed down after the mess of the Assembly a few days prior. The streets had luckily quickly been cleared, and no damage had come to Philippe’s person. His pride on the other hand was wounded, that the Parisian public had entered the chamber had infuriated him to no end. Especially when considering that the Constitution had already been written and presented, his work done, and work he was actually proud of rather than some of the foolish painting he had done when he was younger. On a positive note however, the city seem to stink somewhat less than a week ago. Perhaps the Guard had managed to clear more than simple rabble off the streets.

But perfect weather it was tonight, and it only made it better as Philippe was to meet Princess Florentine, the young and very pretty Princess who arrived so shortly after Philippe as they were to enjoy the evening’s performance. Settling in to the private box as they began to chat, largely of the events in the Assembly and the mob, among a few other matters, before the play finally began and the room became quiet.
 
Letter from Her Highness Amélie Constance Félicité d’Armentières
To His Grace, Philippe de Bourbon, Comte de la Marche


My dearest Philippe,

As the years go by, I slowly realize that I have more days spent than to spend in this world. The young replaces the old, the new takes the place of the used.

For decades, I have found subsistence in the profits from my lands and estates in Armentières. However, I now feel that these will not suffice my son and daughter’s needs in a world in constant evolution.

Since I seek for them all the means to further their ambitions to the fullest extent, I have come to the conclusion that it is a propitious time to invest some of the sums your late brother bequeathed me in his will.

However, I must confide that I have not the slightest idea of the worth of our familial fortune.

Now, My good accountant, Monsieur Leduc, tells me that I have the following “actifs”: The Hôtel de Lassay, my lands of Armentières, which included several dependent villages, and an estimated 20 million francs in my exchequer, which had thus far been invested in low-risk fashion.

I therefore look to your guidance for possibilities of investing a good part of this sum, to the benefit of your nephew and niece. Having but little knowledge in the matter, I must say I am puzzled as to the nature of the companies to buy. Should I seek to buy banks? Railroads? Mines? It appears that everything is cheap at the moment.

I ask for your counsel, but I wishes to lay down three principles which are essential to my heart.

1- The investments portfolio must present moderate risks overall

2- The businesses must benefit the greater good of the country. Our family has always been beloved by the people.

3- The investments must bring political value, to further your ambitions and any future aspirations by my children.

Looking forward to hearing from you, I remain your most devoted sister.

osDATZ3.png
 
KTpqYqp.png

The day that has just ended will remain in the history of our Revolution.

For more than three hours anarchy has lifted its head among us; for more than three hours the National Majesty was raped, insulted, and ignored in the person of her representatives.

Some factions have crossed the enclosure of the National Assembly: masses blinded, deceived, exasperated by guilty tribunes, violated this enclosure that could not protect neither the respect of the laws, nor the sacred title of those which represent her prestige.

It is more than a scandal; it is a crime of the lèze-nation, of which God has permitted us to be witnesses.

But the genius of France watched. Good citizens have marched to the aid of the threatened homeland; a hundred and fifty thousand men of all ranks, of all conditions, have given each other their hand for common salvation, and victory has remained with the cause of order.

Graces are therefore returned to the National Guard. She saved Paris and France from the horrors of anarchy; she has much merit of country and history.

In the confusion of our ideas, in the midst of those cries of joy which resound in the great city, which are on every side gripping the national guard and the mobile guard; in the midst of the agitation which always succeeds public catastrophes, we have neither the time nor the calmness necessary to appreciate, as we would like, this terrible episode of the Revolution. For now, we shall stay with the facts, and convey the growing terror of socialism.
 
Chapter 5: Lèze-Nation
(August 1850 - October 1850)

August 15 changed the Second Republic. For three traumatic hours, described in the memoirs of Charlus and Tocqueville, hordes occupied the Assembly and intimidated the representatives. Adrien Dubois, always the poster-child of the Parisian people, demanded that the Assembly approve the demands for liberation war and that the demonstrators should be allowed to exercise their right of petition to the Assembly. The former leader of the Provisional Government, Deflandre, who never ceased to emphasize his paternity over the Republic, gave a vaguely threatening speech, in which he warned the interim ministry, and seconded the acclamations of Dubois. It was only the sound of the rappel, gathering the National Guard at the quick insistence of the ministers, which gave the representatives hope for departure. In the meantime, the crowds made numerous demands; they demanded a Ministry of Labour to join the Ministry of Public Welfare, a social committee to watch over the government, prosecution for those responsible for the Rouen massacres, war against the oppressors of Poland, and the resignation government ministers. At various junctures the leaders of the movement attempted to seize power by reading new lists of ministers, but the uproar was so thunderous, and the confusion so total, that proactive action seemed impossible. When the National Guard arrived, the crowd, led by the radical representatives, Albert and Barbès, declared a Provisional Government at the Hôtel de Ville, offering the presidencies to Deflandre and Dubois. They attempted to take governmental buildings, and repeat the February Revolution, but as they were unarmed, the National Guard hastily brushed them away. No fatalities were suffered on 15 August; the events of the day nonetheless upended political life in the Second Republic. In the late afternoon of 15 August, the offices in the L'Elan Journal, and a new sister paper, La Commune de Paris, were occupied and confiscated by the National Guard. Deflandre and Dubois were both taken into custody; Deflandre imprisonment could not last, not on account of his possible guilt, as his support for the illegal motions of Dubois was obvious, but on account of his reputation. Dubois offered a more vulnerable target for the provisional notables eager to punish the Parisians for their excesses. He was imprisoned at Vincennes awaiting trial the next year. On 22 August the Interim Ministry dissolved the left-wing Paris clubs, the Club Dubois, the Club de Jacobins, and the Club Blanqui. The legalized venue of Les Hommes, the Club de la Révolution, was also dissolved by the provisional executive.

hSTC5Bz.jpg

A club march in the tumultuous autumn of 1850.

The conservative majority in the Constituent Assembly, indignant at the assault on their sovereignty, blamed the invasion of the legislature on the treasonous behavior of the republicans. The psychological experience of the invasion disturbed many who were present. Montalembert told a friend that he was almost "suffocated by the crowd," and Lacordaire resigned when confronted with violent gestures from occupiers. Conservative provincial newspapers outright blamed Deflandre. Deflandre’s position, and his personal political role, might have been laudable to the liberal Republicans, but it was based on serious misjudgments on the political situation. He failed to appreciate how polarised public opinion had become under the Provisional Government and the extent to which the the Left Republicans had been demonized by the right-wing. Deflandre could not, as he wished, be all things to the Republic. Parisian and provincial notables realized the danger of the father of the Republic defecting to the dem-socs. They embarked on slander so remarkable in its asperity that the conservative republicans became utterly irreconcilable to his person and ideas. Caricatures showered attention on his alleged cowardice; they alleged that his refusal to fight a duel with Charlus and his ralliement to the demonstrators in the presence of a mob was symptomatic of his pusillanimity. The républicain du lendemain editors of the influential Le National swore off association with France’s “Washington,” and sought out moderate republicans who could defend economic orthodoxy and contest the popular masses. They were not inconsiderably apprehensive about the effect that the Provisional Government’s social policies had wrought onto France. Among the demonstrators on 15 August there was a large contingent (probably about 20,000) from the National Workshops, who were present against the wishes of the direct Émile Thomas. The other groups present at the demonstration, such as the clubs, received no subsidized public money; the National Workshops, however, were, and they were also the most expensive legacy of the old government. Revolution, as always, presaged reaction.

kXkneu9.jpg

Deflandre is pressed for questions at the clubs after 15 August.

Already large groups of reactionary representatives were meeting in réunions and by 31 August, 200 representatives convened in the theatre of the Académie de Médecine on the rue de Poitiers, under the chairmanship of General Baraguey d'Hilliers. The defeat of the invasion put new spirit into conservative ranks, and by early October the number of members of the réunion had nearly doubled. From now on, the term parti de l'ordre started to gain currency to describe this broad grouping of conservatives.Thanks to the stewardship of M. de la Marche, the réunion de Poitiers began to increase its influence and to formalize its procedures, and focused on coordinating voting strategies within the Assembly. Their first tactic was to ensure that the new parliamentary politics mixed freely with the old deputies of the Bourbon monarchies. In order to accomplish this goal, the conservative party gave unequivocal support to the abrogation of the exclusion clause. It easily passed on 4 September 1850. Venerable representatives from the June Monarchy returned to fashionable society and associated with their like-minded colleagues at the réunion de Poitiers. Old divisions began to evaporate. Orléanists from the old right-wing, represented by M. Larousse and M. de Descombes, easily reconciled with the incumbent ministerialists, who largely hailed from the Duvalite gauche dynastique. With the exception of the internal dispute over the August dérouler [1], which the conservative Orléanists thought justified the controversial nationalization by the Provisional Government, the reunification of the old factions of the Chamber of Deputies was expeditiously completed. A warning shot was fired against the liberal Republicans by the abolition of the properties commission and the restoration of possessions to the dynastic families.

lPE4yin.jpg

A caricature comparing the ascendant 'Jupiter-Barrot' and the reborn 'Titan-Duval.'

Antipathy to the National Workshops accelerated the reconciliation. The government had already passed a controversial measure, proposed by the Minister of Public Works, Claude Desmarais, for the creation of a commission of inquiry into the Workshops. This was no small part of the 15 August invasion. The government felt vindicated by their expulsion of the invaders, but the sub-terrestrial issue of the Workshops remained; hundreds of thousands of provincial and Parisian workers inundated eastern Paris. Paris workshops continued to grow as departmental workshops exceeded their capacity. By mid-June the total force of the National Workshops in Paris had reached 118,000 workers, approximately half the adalt male working class population of Paris. By August that number had reached 160,000 workers. Workers were attracted by the generous benefits offered by the Ministry of Public Welfare, and the mayors of the Paris arrondissements, who were responsible for enrollments, registered almost anybody. Actual work projects failed to provide more than 20,000 of those enrolled; the number had been less than 12,000 workers before the Provisional Government's second decree on the Workshops, expanding the purview of their labour. Workers disliked the discipline of the labour brigades, and resented the absence of appropriate work. They resented their daily wage of two francs, although expressed some gratitude to the preceding government for the double raise. Nonetheless, before 1849 almost eight-percent of all workers in Paris earned between three and five francs, and poverty was not a stranger. Conservatives claimed that the National Workshops were too expensive, too unproductive, and most importantly, too dangerous, as they concentrated idle workers in Paris at the expense of the taxpayer. Admittedly, the National Workshops provided a serious palliative to starvation and poverty, and one which would not go unnoticed if suppressed. The Assembly’s invasion blurred the necessity of the Workshops in the eyes of the conservative. Two days after the incident, the President told the Minister of the Interior to pass a comunique to the mayors of the arrondissements. He instructed them to cease further enrollment in the National Workshops. This was nothing more than a stop-gap as the Workhouses had already ballooned in size, and the provincial unemployed still sought respite in Paris. The commission met soon after and suggested that workers with less than six months' residence in Paris prior to August 25 be sent back to their place of origin; employment offices to be opened for employers seeking workers with immediate dismissal for those who refused private employment; and the creation of agricultural colonies in Algeria. The fact of the matter remained, however, that these proposals were difficult to enforce in the confusion of east Paris. Confronted with seemingly insurmountable obstructions, conservatives (most prominently Victor Hugo) began to advertise the dissolution of the entire institution.

l5UsmqT.jpg

Beneath all the social tension and new formalizations was the fundamental construction of the republican political society. The violation of 15 August forced through the Constitution of the Second Republic with careless haste. Threats of organizational ambiguity, especially in the face of the mob, gave all the needed impetus for the drivers of the Second Republic to disregard meticulous examination of the Constitution in the aftermath of the invasion. In short, durable constitutionalism was discarded for the need to ‘establish’ a political system when the fear of confusion first gripped the Assembly. The Constitution of the Second Republic was written by a special committee of various tendencies, representing the range of political factions present in the Constituent Assembly. As it was mostly written before the invasion, each side felt obligated to scrape and concede for a harmonious product. Deflandre, who remained relevant on the committee until 15 August, called the draft “a complete portrait of a compromise, because all sides hate it.” It was no doubt a complex system of concessions and marginal victories—the conservatives got their bicameral legislature, but the upper chamber was elected, the parliamentarians enforced several restrictions on the executive, but the presidentialists won serious powers, etc. Observers recognized the curious complexity of the Constitution—every instrument of government, not so much balancing each other, but conflicting each other, scrapping for powers between the President, the Assembly, the Prime Minister, the Senate, and the Council. A preamble of dubious force promised employment and relief, while the structural text declared the inviolability of property. All told, the constitution reflected a fear of disorder, a fear of the executive, a fear of the Assembly, a fear of poverty, a fear of socialism, a fear of the arbitrary, and a fear of the certain. If it was a disappointment to the hopes of the radicals on both wings, it was consolation to the moderate functionaries who wished to operate within the interpretive. The draft constitution was presented to the Assembly on 14 August, but debate was delayed until 31 August on account of the brief insurrection. When the debates began, the conservatives were affected by two occurrences. The first occurrence was the Republic’s first by-elections on 3 September, in forty seats, caused by the multiple candidatures in the previous election. Forty new representatives among 900 was a small fraction, but among them were Victor Hugo, General Changarnier, and Caussidière (the former Parisian Prefect of Police). In the Assembly by-elections of 3 September, one of the most successful candidates in the Seine, and in four other departments, was Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. Partisans had put forward his candidature, apparently without his prior consent, in several departments. With his electors freed from the exclusion clause, Bonaparte appeared as a desirable option during the social confusion. Three non-claimant Bonapartes—Jérôme-Napoléon, Louis-Lucien, and Pierre-Napoléon Bonaparte—had already been sitting in the Assembly since the initial election. Louis-Napoleon, however, was different, as he had already tried twice to seize power. But the ministry was bound by its own abrogation of exclusion, and his admission into the Assembly was compelled. The young Bonaparte faced a difficult reception; the legitimist l'Union cursed "the name of armed despotism" while the conservative Débats warned of the "dictatorship of a memory." The pretender-prince claimed victory in Charente-Inférieure, Corsica, Seine, Moselle, and Yonne.

DgvgyJs.jpg

The original copy of the 1850 Constitution.

The second occurrence was the debate over M. Dubois. Many republicans, not least Gillet, demanded his release, especially if his detention was to be forfeit under the terms of the Constitution. The ministry sought to presage this danger and formulated a means to mitigate the danger. They drafted the required special law, which would be required regardless of constitutional amendment, before the ratification of the Constitution, and stripped Dubois and three other apprehended representatives of their legislative position. These measures passed the Constituent Assembly was a slim majority, and caused a considerable backlash in the National Workshops, whose workers tended to valorize Dubois. Under duress from conflicting corridors, the conservatives submitted before the Constitution in the hope that the formalization of the political structure would normalize political life. It passed the Constituent Assembly with only fifteen votes against. The Government thereafter activated the terms of the special law, set their dissolution for 6 October, and planned for the first meeting of the National Assembly and the National Senate on 4 November. But the question that pervaded all the ranks of France society was a singular query. Who is to be President?

[1] The Law of the Dérouler eased the process of pecuniary centralization under the Bank of France, and auctioned shares of provisionally nationalized banks back to the public.

-
WE HAVE AN ELECTION.

All players, excluding those presently exiled/imprisoned, are eligible for election in either the ASSEMBLY or the SENATE or the PRESIDENCY. You can pick either the Assembly/Presidency or Senate/Presidency in case you lose one of the aforementioned.

PLEASE DECLARE WHAT YOU ARE CONTESTING! Voting will open probably in about 48 hours.
 
Last edited:
Alexandre Descombes declares his intent to run for the Senate seat in Doubs (Which is located in Province 12)
 
Last edited:
I am currently updating/cleaning the front page.

With that in mind, I've updated the player list. The following list are those players/characters who I have deemed active and are thus eligible for a bonus. Please note that I've instituted the following rule. In order for your vote to count, you must IC once during the cycle. In order to be eligible for a bonus, you must have ICed at least twice during the cycle. The cycle includes the period after one election to the next. Please let me know if I've forgotten someone obvious.

Obviously, I'm really happy with the # and quality of IC over the last few weeks. I understand that the post-Revolution period is always slow, but things should pick up now that everyone is eligible again.

Amélie Constance Félicité de Conflans d’Armentières - @Eid3r
M. Thibaut Duval - @MadMartigan
Comte de La Marche - @Sneakyflaps
Baron Descombes - @naxhi24
M. Esmé Merivée - @DensleyBlair
Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte - @etranger01
Comte de Paris (Maison de Bourbon-Orléans) - @Cloud Strife
Duc de Montbazon - @Michaelangelo
Duc de Lécuyer - @ThaHoward
Marshal Bon-Marie de Moncey - @Mikkel Glahder
M. Clément Larousse - @Fingon888
M. Henri Deflandre - @Firehound15
Prince de Polignac - @m.equitum
M. Jean-Paul Bazaine - @Riccardo93
M. Louis-Alexandre Clement - @jeeshadow
M. Jean-Paul Henry Lièvremont - @Lyonessian
General Godefroy Raymond de la Rhone - @Otto of england
Lieutenant Colonel Patrice Auberjonois - @Luftwafer
M. Adrien Dubois - @Bioiron
M. Alain Solvay - @Thoctar
M. Jean Francois Domadeaux - @Andre Massena
M. Reynaud Gillet - @Somberg
M. Paul Marie Saint-Estephe - @Scrapknight
M. Claude Desmarais - @Korona
Comte de Charlus - @Jackbollda
Duc de Joyeuse et Elbeuf - @Maxwell500
M. Hubert-Denise Boulange - @Dadarian
M. Auguste Napoléon Lannes - @Plutonium95

@Marschalk and @Ab Ovo are MIA and newcomers; so if they want to eligible, they'll have to IC during the round. @liefwarrior and @Syriana have also gone MIA.
 
Letter from M. de Charlus to M. Merivée (@DensleyBlair)

MTY2Swf.jpg

Monsieur l'ambassadeur,

Events in Paris confound mature sensibilities, and every day we are molested by the socialism of the mob. Few expect the Constitution, only noteworthy in its mediocrity, to alleviate the present danger; it might even aggravate the situation. I once greeted the Republic with all the enthusiasm that I could offer, but now I fear my optimism was preliminary, and that serious measures will need to be considered. As always in times of duress, I take my first charge to be that of the Catholic Church, which might at any moment fall victim to an insurgency that revives the Jesuit panics and massacres.

The first line of defense for the forces of order—whether liberal or royalist in their sensibilities—must be the national legislature. Thus the highest duty of notable citizens is to take up the cause of the new state, defend the liberties of our person and economy, and insist upon the improvement of the national charter. It is my opinion that your first duty should be that of the ministry and the chambers; you have long occupied your current position, but that capacity has become peripheral to your obligations, not least after the events of the fifteenth. The Republic is in great need of your ensemble de compétences, and the interests of France would no longer be best served by the application of those capacities in London.

M. Barrot would never offend his sensibilities by pleading for your return to national life. But I am unencumbered by such attachments. It is the opinion of a great many persons of significance in Paris that the cause of liberty and order would be best served if you were to resign your embassy, and contest elections in the Senate. We are prepared to take the measures necessary to submit your candidature, should you oblige this request.

Veuillez agréer, Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, l'expression de mes salutations les plus respectueuses
Comte de Charlus, Ministre de l'Instruction publique et des Culte
 
Philippe Henri de la Marche, declares his intent to run for the Presidency of the Republic! (IC to follow later)
Rumours also occured that friends has put forward Philippe's name for the Assembly.
 
Last edited: