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Law on the Railway Duty: Oui
Law(s) on the Canals: Oui
Law regarding the severance of the civil and military accused: Oui
Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer: No
Law for the Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Amendment of the Law for Reform of the Conseils Généraux: No
Law of the Franchise: No

[Renaissance Legitimist: +1.25]
[Minister?]
[Rallié]
 
Monsieur President,

Instead of taxing railroads, as the Ministry wishes, we should be encouraging their creation through tax breaks. That is why I encourage my fellow Deputies to vote against the Railway Duty.
 
Monsieur President,

Instead of taxing railroads, as the Ministry wishes, we should be encouraging their creation through tax breaks. That is why I encourage my fellow Deputies to vote against the Railway Duty.

M. le President,

One cannot offer "breaks" when no duty is first imposted. It is necessary that a source of revenue be imposed so as to formalize the mechanisms of administration that will allow the state to administer future consolidations of the railway system, and ameliorate the general functions of those enterprises.

There is also reason why one cannot support the Law for the Regulation of Chemin de Fer, and that is quite simply because it invents governmental instruments that do not exist; I ask the Chamber what is a state of "national emergency," for it most assuredly does not exist in the statute of France, and nor does it seem complimentary to the procedures of liberty.

Barante
 
Voting closed. Update who knows when.
 
Chapter 7: Les Trois Couleurs Sont Revenu
(February 1836 - June 1838)


In government and opposition, Larousse had formed a tactical alliance with Barante, a man whom he was personally and ideologically incompatible. The doctrinaire believed that his small party should lead the conservatives behind a programme of unwavering resistance, although some of his deputies wanted to show that the compromising attitude of Barante should be sufficiently felt and wait until the ministerial and conservative majority was begging to be saved from disorder. Barante had won some popularity by declaring his desire for conciliation and compromise, but having no excellent party support without the doctrinaires, he depended upon their support. When the King called for consultation—and became the recipient of a deluge of political advice—Barante’s advice triumphed. He offered to the doctrinaires participation in the ministry; Larousse was to serve as Minister of Public Education and Descombes as Minister of Finance. The doctrinaires interpreted this arrangement (and not without good cause) as a degradation of their prestige, and refused to take position. Barante was not completely surprised by the doctrinaire refusals, and stuffed those portfolios with Salvandy (Public Education) and Laplagne (Finance). But for a smooth government, Barante had to turn to the center, where the cabal of Madame Adélaïde presided over the centrist independents and Tiers Parti. Matéo Gagnon, the most distinguished of this centrist grouping, was given the Interior, while Barante’s conservative colleagues, Persil and Duchatel took Justice and Commerce. The president held the foreign ministry, and sent Durand to Madrid and Merivée to London.

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The Prime Minister, Jacques-Charles François Sauzet Barante.
The outcome from this sixteen-day formation was a conservative-centrist ministry that espoused mercy and repression in equal portions. The doctrinaires were skeptics and opponents; they found the Journal des Débats, alongside the doctrinaire journal, La Paix, agreed in their skepticism and left Barante scrambling for support in the press. These doctrinaires refused the amnesty for political prisoners which Barante desired, and they made obvious their disapproval in the ballots of the Chamber. But as the doctrinaires grew in raw political accumulation, they were increasingly out of touch with the majority. The favourable reception given to the King’s conciliatory words and victories of the center showed that the parti de résistance was losing its former cohesiveness, and figures such as Gagnon were viewed as excellent intermediaries for moderation in politics. And if political differences within the Chamber were real, it was incompatibility of personality which made Barante increasingly detest Larousse and his followers. Barante was hopelessly snobbish as a Councillor of State, and former imperial prefect, viewing Larousse as a bourgeois ideologue, determined to compensate for his undistinguished ancestry, and Descombes as a fabricated aristocrat. The reverse was equally true, and a clash of vanities dominated in the Chamber. Conservative forces feared that the division might undermine the inevitable resistance to the regime, which heretofore had been met by the combined vigor of the résistance. The apprehension was not without credit. On 30 October 1836, Prince Louis Napoleon, who had been corresponding with a few officers in Strasbourg, launched a putsch against the ministry. He rode discretely into Strasbourg and met twenty officers assembled by the ringleader, Colonel Vaudrey, commander of an artillery regiment. The artillery regiments, hailing from the left-wing École Polytechnique, were easily swayed to the cause, and having despatched various officers to seize the prefect and print proclamations of victory, Louis Napoleon led the troops through the city. There were many signs of popular enthusiasm, for Strasbourg was a town of strong Bonapartist affections. The republicans applauded, ready to follow if the attempt proved successful. When the Prince attempted to win over an infantry regiment, some shouted “Long Live the Emperor” or ran to kiss his hand, while others were completely hostile. It was quick-thinking officer who shouted that the pretender was a fraud, ad that in reality he was Colonel Vaudrey’s nephew. Amidst the uproar, the barrack gates were closed, the Prince was separated from the mass of his followers, although Vaudrey’s assistants managed to spirit him away back to the Switzerland, where he continued his travels. But here, despite the ignominious failure of the attempt, real support was shown, especially among the bourgeois jurists, who acquitted his fellow conspirators of crimes against the state. Barante was happy to see the Prince, like the deposed Bourbons, escape from France; a political trial was widely considered to be an embarrassing affair.

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The artillery regiment receives the Prince Bonaparte.

Bonapartism owed much of its powers to the position of the army in French society; the army represented unity in an age when division and conflict seemed rife. Under a regime based upon parliamentarianism, men who claimed to be loyal to the system propogated the myths of Bonapartism, and the parti du mouvement was never far from a chronicle of Napoleon’s greatness; admiration sometimes slipped into idolatry, and this was the culpability of Rothschild. Much of the willingness to worship in the cult of Napoleon was due to the fact that it no longer seemed a positive political creed. After the death of Napoleon’s son, Reichstadt, in 1833, Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte seemed to present no serious threat to the government. The King had regarded Napoleon’s son as a serious danger, but he did not give serious consideration to the ambitious prince. The June Monarchy was blamed by some as preparing for a Bonapartist restoration, but the danger was only spiritual and never material. Thiers, discussing fears of a Bonapartist restoration, referred to the pretender as “a little fool who has no roots in this country.” The defeat of the putsch had succeeded in providing a unity to the ministry, but the ministry never struggled with internal defections, but from the confidence of the Chamber. According to French law, all accused had to undergo the same process of justice, and Louis Napoleon’s accomplices, although mostly soldiers, had included civilians. All the accused therefore went before a jury at Bonapartist Strasbourg, where the population was hostile (or at least indifferent) to the constitutional regime. The jury found them innocent, and the accused were freed amidst scenes of wild enthusiasm. The incident strengthened the doctrinaires, and they were eager to prove correct the little epigram that “chaos made the doctrinaires more reasonable.” The government thus decided to bring forth a law which allowed different jurisdictions for civilians and soldiers (disjonction). The loi de disjonction provoked a long debate of conflicting sentiments, and many supporters of the regime were determined to abstention. The moderates took some convincing, but the doctrinaires, although extremely supportive of the conflict, abstained out of spite against the ministry. The movement of the doctrinaires against the ministry prompted a last-minute rescue from one of the ministry’s sharpest critic, Duval, who supported the law, and secured its passage by his move against the opposition doctrinaires.

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Napoléon Ier couronné par le Temps, écrit le Code Civil (1833); the perfect symbol of the enduring legend of the Emperor.

The predicament of the ministry had showed the weakness of the current settlement; sometimes it flaunted its repression, such as the indirectly forced closure of the ultra-republican Tribune, and sometimes it showed a proclivity for freedom, but always it was exposed. Rothschild and the extreme Left attempted to take advantage and pressured the ministry for an expansive democratisation of the franchise. Duval sought to coerce the ministerialists to accede to a reformation of the Conseils Généraux and elevate that entity to compromise the power of the prefects and sub-prefects. Pressured by the abstentions from the right, Barante pursued compromise with old enemies. He became dependent upon the instruments of the center. Gagnon’s Temps gave support, and Duval’s Constitutionnel was occasionally accommodating. Barante thus became beholden to the tiers parti to widen his support among the ministerialists. The left blamed Barante for staying in power as head of a conservative ministry when the system of resistance had been defeated by the moderation of the ministerialists, while the doctrinaires blamed him for weakening the policy of resistance when it most needed upholding. The Prime Minister turned to La Presse for sustenance and tried in every way to compensate for the loss of the Débats to the doctrinaires. Barante’s early domestic actions thus revealed the fraility of his position. His programme was weak and austere—his position remained fragile. Lacking the ability to depend upon the Chamber of Deputies for consistent support, he turned to the royal prerogative. On 9 May 1837, the government took a courageous step in declaring an amnesty for all political prisoners. This produced a real, if temporary, relaxation in public life and added to the popular rejoicing and warm atmosphere in which the marriage of the duc d’Orléans was celebrated. Yet the action, welcomed by the centre and by moderate conservatives, was disapproved privately by the doctrinaires and their sympathisers. The Débats, whilst accepting the amnesty because it was approved by the King, clearly showed its lukewarm attitude to the Barante Cabinent, and its concessions, telling the deputies that their firmness and energy were necessary to strengthen the government. Barante attempted to resist the attacks, and sought to relish in the political tranquility that succeeded the amnesty and marriage in the form of a grande nationale. The King was able to stroll around the Botanical Gardens unharmed and cheered by the population of the neighboring slums. Promotions for members of the tiers-parti were counterbalanced by gestures to the right, notably the restoration of the Church of Saint-Germain l’Auxxerrois, closed since its sack in February 1831. Mgr de Quelen, Archbishop of Paris, who had been sulking since the event, visited the Tuileries at last to thank the King, and Barante gained the gratitude of the Queen and other Catholics. He followed this success by giving the fonds secrets to La Presse. The opposition did not desist from their assaults, and the National called it “the politics of see-saw.” Barante decided against an election in 1837, and hoped that the good mood would proceed into the next year, when he planned to build momentum against his liberal and doctrinaire skeptics.


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The marriage of the Prince Royal in 1837.
Barante, ill-fitted for parliamentary leadership (as shown by his treatments of the doctrinaires), nonetheless showed skill in dealing with foreign affairs. A realist without philosophical trammels, he felt that public opinion should be kept as far as possible from diplomacy, whist his elaborate courtesy and imperial history made him more acceptable to the corps diplomatique than Broglie or Armentiéres. He understood the isolation and weakness caused by excessive reliance upon the Britain alliance, although he had refused to treat it with less severity. When Don Carlos’ rebellion made real progress in 1836 against his niece, Barante refused to intervene in Spain, and insisted that French representatives support the Queen but in no way move to aid the radical government. Durand procured arms treatment against the Carlists, but nothing further was offered to the radical government on Barante’s overriding insistence; a move that weakened the latter and pleased the Northern Courts. In Switzerland, he initiated a conservative policy, whereby M. Conseil was sent as an agent provacateur and spy to report on the behavior of French republican conspirators. When the Swiss discovered his identity, they accompanied his expulsion with insults to France, and the two countries quarrelled. He resolved the issue in 1838 when Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte was expelled from Switzerland, where he had taken refuge. Although threats only had been used, Barante’s government showed greater similarity to the ideas of the Holy Alliance than to its own professed creed of non-intervention. Above all, it was Barante’s action in immediately withdrawing French troops from Ancona when the Austrians evacuated the papal territories which pleased Metternich. Barante was simply obeying certain promises from former governments, but the French opposition nonetheless blamed him for failing to extract concession from Austria or Rome. It was, however, just such an obedience to diplomatic laws combined with an absence of revolutionary rhetoric which pleased conservative Europe and strengthened France’s position. The diplomatic corps, unlike the doctrinaire-influenced deputies of the Chamber, were eager for his success. The exception to this favor lay in Britain.

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The King welcomes the corps diplomatique (1837).

Barante had sent Merivée to cover his flank. Merivée was a curious sight in London—he exhumed a certain aristocracy in his legitimism that flattered the English as much as his constitutionalist adherence—consequently he was a popular if somewhat eccentric choice. But given the policy of the French premier, Merivée’s portfolio was not afforded the amicable ease that had presided before, and he presided over one of the most difficult diplomatic positions in cabinet. Barante had no wish to destroy the English alliance, but the manner in which he came to power, ending Palmerston’s hopes of seeing a French army aid Spanish radicals, and his intention to limit the exclusivity of the Anglo-French entente, meant that the Foreign Secretary was ill-disposed. Relations became tepid, kept from sheer bilateral cynicism only by Merivée’s exhaustive work, although outbursts of anger and distrust, interposed with warm and cooperative relations, were never uncommon. Differences over Portugal and Spain where Britain supported more radical factions, strong opposition to Palmerston’s plans for free trade between Britain and Spain (which would have caused damage to French commerce), made the Iberian peninsula the cause of most ill-feeling. The triumph of moderate forces in Spain meant that Barante and not Palmerston was successful here. However, Barante gave no aid or support to the French Canadian rebels and was able to prove the meaning of the alliance at no real cost, and Merivée was instrumental in the publicity of the French loyalty to England. Measures of gunboat diplomacy in Mexico, Buenos AIres, and Haiti, for tyrannical actions against French subjects, were often done cooperatively with Britain. Although for the sake of Spain, Palmerston would have preferred to see Duval in the Boulevard des Capucines, the relationship never sank as low as the doctrinaires liked to claim. The Foreign Minister had improved his country’s diplomatic position, protected the monarchy against Switzerland, and given it a modern neighbour in Spain. In Algeria, Barante reversed the old skepticism, and succumbed to the pressure of Duval and the King, who not inaccurately believed that it was necessary to saturate military boredom.


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Esmé Merivée, French ambassador to the Court of St James's (left), and Lord Palmerston, British Foreign Secretary (right).
If Algeria was the feeding ground for the passions of young men, the same principle was sustained by the royal family. The left had seized on anti-colonialism as yet another sacrifice on Britain. The King could not abandon Algeria and appear less patriotic than the Restoration, and battles in the desert prevented impatience from becoming a danger in France. The presences of his sons in the army in North Africa increased his enthusiasm by its effect on dynastic prestige. The duc d’Orléans first campaigned in Algeria in 1835 and was horrified by the living conditions of the soldiers. Although he shared the fighting with characteristic courage, he declared that he most prided himself on the improvements which were made in following years. He was followed by his younger brother, Nemours, by which the time the conquest of Algeria had entered a new phase. The politicians had desired limited coastal occupation of what were clumsily termed “French possessions in North africa,” but the hostile activities of native chieftains, especially Abd-el-Kader, rendered this impossible. After Clauzel returned to command in 1835, he expanded the areas of occupation, undertaking conquests in land which he could not afterwards control. Thus in Autumn 1836, the General set off to the distant town of Constantine, where his army, which included the young Lecuyer, suffered from the intense cold and could not undertake a long siege. “The Constantine expedition has not been a complete success” he telegraphed to Paris with impudent understatement. The French army in Algeria often showed itself to its best advantage in retreat; Clauzel executed it better than the campaign; a young cavalry officer named Changarnier made his name defending the retreat against ceaseless attacks from a larger enemy force, and Nemours’ sang-froid did much to maintain morale. The public reaction was angry, and Barante attempted to fix the blame on Clauzel. Although the general was forced to the legislative benches, his opinion conquered, and soon thereafter, General de Damremont led an expedition, which included the son [General Moncey] of the recently pardoned (consequent of the amnesty), Marshal Moncey. The better led expedition succeeded in the capture of Constantine, although Damremont perished in the final attack. The brave assault, in which Nemours distinguished himself, erased the shame of the preceding year.

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La prise de Constantine by (the King's favorite) Horace Vernet.

Barante in Paris and Marshal Valee, successor to Damremont, accepted that the French presence in Algeria was definite, and with the possession of Constantine, more than purely coastal. Garrisons were established along the roads and a great attempt was made to win the loyalty of the natives; a protectorate replaced the impossible “client bey system.” Socially, Clauzel had promoted colonisation. As the conquest extended, men began to leave Europe to seek a livelihood in farming in North Africa, but these flights were not officially encouraged. Instead, after the success at Constantine in 1837, when Barante declared that the era of provisional occupation had ended, most effort was spent on military improvements; barracks, fortifications, and hospitals were built, roads constructed, and a port was opened to be called “Philippeville.” Economic predictions were not so enthusiastic; the Academie des Sciences Morales et Politiques noted that the colonists, most of them Spanish and Italian, who had planted tobacco, cotton and other advanced crops, had ruined themselves, and he reassured the vine growers of Burgundy and Bordeaux that they had no competition to fear. But despite the pessimism, social confidence endured: Blanqui declared “We cannot have the slightest part of such a high and noble task back to the barbarians, except in the capacity of instruments.” Many believed in an Eldorado. One colonisation society declared that Algeria would equal the wealth of North America. By 1838 there were close to 20,000 civilian Europeans in Algeria, half of them French, but there were so little produced that imports were worth seven times as exports. Nonetheless, the colony continued to grow, and it was thus a ground for utopianism and christianity. Catholics, and indeed some officers, argued that the Muslims would only respect men who were themselves faithful to a religion. Religion came to defend humanitarian principles, often to the annoyance of those who believed they had to be separate from military discipline. In 1838, to the disgust of the anticlericals in the Constitutionnel, and even the Journal des Débats, the Pope made Algiers a bishopric. The bishop was sincere and fervent; celebrated in France for his charitable works, he angered the generals for preaching peace, and he eventually fled on account of his debts. Catholicism presented diplomatic problems to the French government. Although the British had come to accept the French presence in North Africa, the Turks would not resign themselves to the occupation of territory under theoretical Ottoman suzerainty. In 1836 and again in 1837, French fleets prevented Turkish aid from reaching anti-French forces. Amidst farcical but bitter quarrels with the British consul, the French increased their influence in Tunis, and built a memorial chapel to Saint-Louis, which was attended by Montpensieur and Joinville. The ruler of Morocco was also not so accommodating, and openly aided Abd-el-Kader, although the extent of this support remained ambiguous to France.

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More military frescos from Horace Vernet on the taking of Constantine.
The Barante Ministry endured through 1838, having suffered somewhat in its domestic agenda, and having succeeded somewhat in its foreign agenda. But by 1838 it was necessary to consent to an election, and the terms of this election were abruptly unfavourable, contrary to the designations of Barante. Between 1836 and 1838 the Banque de France had been rather generous with its lending practices. Throughout most parts of France, discount rates rose, and the Bank of France was faced with an internal and an external drain. Prices fell, and 1837 ended with distress borrowing from the central banks at a high level. The economic deterioration—largely and problematically contained to the financial sector—occasioned dissent among the classes most amenable to the monarchy. The situation was not as drastic as it had been between 1830 and 1832, but popularity was not bred from the fragile economic situation. Barante withstood the maximum time appropriated before the election, and finally submitted in June for a dissolution of the Chambers.

[1] Going to divide up the newspapers so we know who can use what.

@Dadarian [and any others who may join his ranks]: Le National de 1834 [moderate republicanism; anti-strike, patriotic, and future universal suffrage], Réformateur, L'Elan Journal, Courrier Francais [bit less moderate], and (soon) Journal du Peuple.

@Davout @etranger01 [and any other republican-bonapartists]: Journal du Commerce,

@MadMartigan [and any others who may join the gauche dynastique]: Le Siécle and Constitutionnel.

@TJDS [and any others who may join the centre gauche]: Le Diocletian and Constitutionnel.

@Korona [and any others of the Tiers Parti]: Temps

@Jackbollda @DensleyBlair @Michaelangelo [for the politique or anti-doctrinaire legitimist rallies]: La Presse

@Fingon888 @naxhi24 [for the doctrinaires]: Journal des Débats and La Paix.

Any legitimists: Gazette and Quotidienne

-
There will now be an election, and so you may start your campaigns.
 
Last edited:
Chapter 8: The Old France and the New
(1830 - 1838)


The Bourbon Restoration and the June Monarchy should never be confounded as a singular political era. There are some that might presume constancy in these two institutions, spurred by the regal adoption of the name “Philippe VII.” But whereas the Bourbon Restoration had legitimately existed in the old world—bourgeoisie and aristocrats alike depending upon the cultivation of the land and the ancien industries for property—the June Monarchy existed in the duality of industrialism and agrarianism. The former on the rise, the latter remaining the signature source of income. The embodiment of the old France was in Prague, where Pierre Louis Jean Casimir de Blacas d'Aulps, duc de Blacas, presided over the deposed court. It had proved a difficult decade for the old Bourbons; the family had fled across the Channel with scarcely 350,000 francs, and most of their personal property was lost to the new regime. It was natural that this immensely wealthy duc was therefore to hold mastery over the Prague court. He subjected the young prince to a curriculum of reactionary forces and isolated Henri from the liberal currents of the period. Their second residence, in Edinburgh’s Palace of Holyrood, was a place of confusion; the question of the incumbent monarch persisted. Nonetheless, the royal family distracted themselves from the realities in France.

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Charles X returned to whist, d’Angouleme played billiards, the ladies sewed, and the entourage found diversions in walking. Henry VI, meanwhile, took regular instruction in English from a certain Mr. Black, and beyond formal education, he took trips to the archives, libraries, schools, factories, poorhouses, and prisons. He became adept at drawing, and passed his time with military subjects. His mother’s revolt in France confused the situation, and the failure of the “radical whites” (as Metternich called them) created serious ruptures in the family. Berry was sidelined from the education, and Blacas improved his position. Finally, in 1833, the royal family withdrew to Prague on the offer of the Austrian court, and for several years they took residence at Hradschin, the great palace of the Kings of Bohemia. After his Catholic confirmation, and a brief proxy war between Chateaubriand and Blacas, in which that great defender of liberty and the old line was vanquished by a “perfect legitimist with positively no ideas,” Charles X removed Damas and Barrade from their commission. Barrade, who was almost a doctrinaire, and was somewhat harsh to his student, was nonetheless missed by Henri. The loss of the duc de Damas was more destructive.


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The duc de Blacas as the "master" of the court-in-exile.

Damas had told Henri that everywhere the situation was dire. The rash action of Berry had shown that his rights were little championed in France, and that even the foreign governments, particularly Austria, in spite of their pronunciations for legitimacy, were more keen to play diplomacy with King Philippe VII. Damas knew the situation, and his loss was serious. The education of the prince proceeded to Jesuits and Generals, and many of the legitimists who attended the exiled court were shocked by the anti-Gallicanism of affairs. Even the Dauphin understood that a French heir could not be tutored by a Jesuit. And so the instability continued; the Jesuits were exiled, the comte de Bouille became the governor, the Archbishop of Toulouse, Msgr. Deficit, became the supervisor. Bourget expressed his opinion rather bluntly: If one thinks that I am going to supervise the Prince’s education with the single thought that he will one day reign, one is mistaken. I want to make him, above all, an honest man, a Christian who will be able to take in his stride with the bad.” Henri managed a good grip of Latin, German, an understanding of English. He could make for France, Italy, Spain, England and Germany a complete table of modern history, and excelled in his studies. He lived deliberately a public life to disprove accusations of health maladies, and was drilled in the subjects that was demanded of him. The duc de Bordeaux showed certain tastes; he liked Caesar’s Commentaries, Schiller’s Thirty Year’s War, Sir Walter Scott’s Marmion, admired Gustavus Adolphus, and found great enjoyment in marital matters; once declaring when the Carlist Wars “Don Carlos is making great progress in Spain, I would very much like to be with him!” He had a certain naive innocence, and this was romanticized by the court.


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Henri, duc de Bordeaux, comte de Chambord (c. 1840)

In 1836, when the new Emperor of Austria ascended to the throne, the family began to look for new accommodations, and the family settled on the Graffenberg chalet. By October they had all proceeded to Goritiza, a surprisingly unimposing place. Charles’ health seemed good, and indeed that might have continued to be the case had he not contracted cholera, which killed him on 6 August. He was buried some five days after. The death changed considerably the situation. Once more the question of the royal succession persisted. For the same reason that Charles had remained head of the dynasty and family, Louis-Antoine, now occupied that position. The family, of course, was physically divided at Goritizia, with Chambord living in Graffenberg chalet, and the duc and duchesse d’Angouleme, together with Mademoiselle, sister of Henri, staying at the residence of the comte de Strasolodo. The separation was as real as it was symbolic; Chateaubriand and Caroline regarded Henri as King, while Louis-Antoine issued a statement of curious content: “I declare that I persist in my intention at the time of the events of June, 1830, to transmit the crown to my well-beloved nephew, the duc de Bordeaux, but in the present circumstances the interests of the children of my beloved brother, the duc de Berry, requires that I be in reality the head of my family, and to exercise these rights, I should be invested with royal authority, I take, therefore, the title of King, well resolved not to make use of the power which it gives me during the duration of the misfortunes of France, and to give it to my nephew, the duc de Bordeaux, the same day when, by the grace of God, the legitimate monarchy will be established.”

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A legitimist pamphlet expressing condolences after the death of Charles X.
This was the old world, gasping for breath, vying for the legitimacy that was inaudible over the brutal machinery of France. The population of France continued its impressive increase, and the towns of France blossomed with immigration. Rural families emigrated to towns in search of work or charity, and in a dozen overwhelmingly agricultural departments the population diminished or was stationary. Despite the advertisements of some prefects for birth-control and late marriage, simple starvation persisted as the check on boom. There were emigrations to the United States and Algeria, but most proceeded to over-crowded Paris, Lyons, Brussels, and Namur. In spite of this movement, France remained predominantly an agricultural nation. The twenty-five percent of France who may be termed “town-dwellers” lived in towns smaller than 10,000 inhabitants, and there were even fifteen departments with no town at all. Over sixty-percent of Frenchmen were directly involved in farming and many more worked in trades reliant upon it. Almost half of land was cultivated by share-cropping, although simply tenancy was tending to replace this custom, and farming methods were beginning to compensate for persons. The old world gave some assistance; the “internal emigration” of legitimist aristocrats led to much land improvement and greater interest in farming. Many of these exiles improved their roads to the estates, and linked together their scattered possessions to introduce new crops and machinery. There were some preliminary attempts to cultivate the common land, but the conseils generaux insisted that the poorest peasants relied upon it. Nonetheless, there was a general tendency to depose the triennial fallow with a potato rotation system, and in the north and central France, wheat replaced rye, although rye bread persisted as the primary food of the peasantry. Potatoes became a vital part of the diet in the north, but these improvements could not keep pace with the growth in population, and famine remained a very real threat. Unlike the political world—the almost irreconcilable concepts of modernity and tradition as presented by the Orleanists and the Legitimists—the economic world proceeded from the old to the next on dependence. Rural life impinged on industry; workers’ traditions, reliance upon raw materials or climatic energty sources, and so forth. Industrial production might virtually cease at harvest times, and mechanisation often made the earliest inroads in the agricultural sphere. The fields were reactive to the industrial demand; sugar beet production rose ninefold to supply the northern factories that turned sugar from luxury into commonality, and silk production fed the workshops of Nimes and Lyons. Around the industrials towns intensive vegetable growing provided the populations with potatoes, and cows were brought nearer the towns to enable the wealthier inhabitants to drink fresh milk.

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The peasant enters history; painting by Jean-François Millet.
The new France had moved from infantility to adolescence. Five million frenchmen, and another million from Belgium, supported industry. About 1.3 million worked in the earliest “large factories” that were frequented in the north and north-east, primarily focused around the manufacture of textiles. The workshop remained predominant, and somewhere between ten and two persons worked in each of these establishments, although in Lille, the most technically advanced spinning city, the factory had begun to impose. Even in so-called great industry, the top 125,000 employers in France employed an average not exceeding ten men. There were other frailties that manipulated the system. Some factories were dependent on the weather, stopping production when demand slackened, while others forged constant production, with expansion as their watchword. New sources of energy, primarily coal, and the machines that replaced practiced expertise and human skills, enabled unvarying production. Because the north had the labor supply, water, iron, and coal, it was best suited to industrialization, and factories spread from Alsace to backwards Normandy. And whereas textiles were king, others struggled, and iron was never produced to meet the national demand, although production exploded. Even in the progressive metallurgical industry, the majority of engines, contrary to the English tradition of steam, were hydraulic. Railways gradually geographically expanded the use of coal but it remained an expensive commodity, profitably only where mass production and new engines demanded heavy output. French industry thus retained ancient restrictions, adding to them the uncertainties of early capitalism. Industries historically vulnerable to local specialization now suffered more from national fluctuations. In 1832 and 1833, recovering from the sharp post-revolution recession, Tourcoing and Roubaix passed from huge unemployment to a severe labour shortage, only finding themselves again in a small slump from overproduction. And despite the economic traditionalism, contemporaries were awestruck by the changes such as the huge increase in iron production, coal-mining, and urban populations. Great industry might have been a small minority, but its effects were startling, as forced competition damaged the small industry of agricultural areas, increased rural poverty, and rendered irrelevant the traditional skills of the French workers.

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From craftsmanship to metallurgy in the industrialization of France.

For workers, hours were long and pay was inadequate. The need to withstand British competition necessitated these austerities. In the worst of conditions, perhaps a cotton factory in Lille, workers would labor for fourteen to fifteen hours a day, of which two were free for meals; but a seventeen-hour day was not unknown. Artisans hours were not as appalling but still long, and many strikes had a ten-hour day as their primary demand. The skilled worker might bring 3 or 4 francs a day; printers, carpenters, or masons would aspire to an annual income of 1,000 francs. Where great physical strength was required, such as in mining and metallurgy, the worker could earn much more. But there were contrary pressures as well. The growth of mechanism meant that female and child labor was just as valuable as the strong worker. This lowered wages in certain areas (especially in Lille) to under 3 francs. The wool industry paid better, and linen, because in decline, paid worse. Wages varied from area to area, so while Saint-Quentin might pay lower than Lille, the cost of living was also lower, and thus conditions were better. Villenueve-Bargemont noted that 22,000 of the 70,000 inhabitants of Lille were paupers and that a sixth of the population of the Nord department were receiving public assistance. Rouen and Mulhouse were not much better. A family was lucky to have meat and wine twice a month, potatoes and bread were their basic diet, although at Sedan a higher-paid work-force ate meat almost daily. The effects of industrialisation were the depress wages, sometimes below the 12 franc minimum needed to maintain a family at subsistence level. Simultaneously, goods became more accessible to the poorer classes, and in general, it made life more precarious for those industrial workers who might be thrown into poverty if a national economic slump intruded into their affairs. A large industry might have four or five strikes a year, and in general the artisans accounted for these protestations. In many areas the political consciousness of the impecunious classes produced lethargy in collective action. However, amongst the literate, there was an increased awareness of their powers. Any action taken would likely be spontaneous and fearsome, but rarely political, as there was no real proletarian consciousness or industrial understanding. A dull despair reigned over the poor, and occasionally this despair would turn into violence and short-lived action.

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The heinous conditions of the working class.

Orleanist governments were watchful of their tariffs, and aside from the brief protective impulse preceding the Broglie Ministry, the reduction of customs was pursued. The best results were achieved in 1834 and 1835, whereas other attempts were often neutered by local forces that held influence over their deputies and thus demanded a certain homage to regional and protective interests. Sugar-beet growers formed a committee to protect their interests against the Bordeaux importers of Caribbean sugars. Most formidable was the Comite des Interest Metallurgiques, a body including forgemasters, timer and cold owners, who protested against the annexation of Belgium, and after the entrance, demanded higher tariffs, counting among their body deputies such as Jaubert and peers such as Decazes. Protection was on the whole more powerful because it could feed on Anglophobia, and represented genuine fears of foreign competition. Legitimists were strong in this group, and stronger still in those groups that resented industrial progress. But the men in power, notably the King, Duval, and Barante, believed in the efficacy of public works programmes. The doctrinaires tended to dislike them for their expensive nature, although this was not always the case. Indeed, it was canal promotion by the Barante Ministry that launched another series of public programs of transport. Financial sectors were not without their endorsement. The great Orleanist palliative was the caisse d’epargne; formed by ordinance in the Bourbon Restoration, it served as a government savings bank that had been underused by the former regime. The Orleanists were far more enthusiastic about the programs; that the working classes should save and help themselves was the general answer to those who advocated public assistance. In vain did the legitimists stress how difficult it was for workers to save on wages which scarcely paid for their food. Although limited, the caisses d’epargne expanded rapidly during the June Monarchy, flaunting almost 200,000 depositors with an average of several hundred francs per deposit! It was only the childless working-class couple or the better paid, such as the domestic servant, who could thus afford to save. Only 70,000 of the 300,000 Parisian workers had deposits, although it continued to grow throughout the decade. Buret wrote accordingly “industry has become a war and commerce a game.” The existence of institutionalist finance, governed by men of the Protestant morality, who controlled finance; one form was highly conservative, the other divorced from state control. The Banque de France, structure and personnel untouched by the 1830 Revolution, and empowered from Duval’s reforms of specie, represented the world of government and finance amalgamated. It was their force that resisted the reduction of the rentes, the state bonds, from the enormous five-percent, despite the sympathies of many deputies. That interest rates should be so high was to the advantage of the petit bourgeois rentier as it was for those bankers for whom it was an orthodoxy that low interest rates were financially dangerous. Industry and economic progressives demanded lower rates, but the bankers ran the June Monarchy, and with a “democratisation” in shareholding, an innumerable quantity were now bankers.

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The persistent triumph of the bourgeoisie in the June Monarchy.

The means by which the French industrial revolution most impinged upon the life of the majority, the most striking industrial change was in transport. The reign of King Philippe VII is notably for railways, but improvements effected in other fields of transports, if less sensational, perhaps had more effect. Canal tariffs were uniformed by the Barante ministry and made moderate; over a thousand kilometers of waterway were build, and particularly in the river Aisne, linked to the Marne. The roads remained poorly tended, and a bureaucratic nightmare, but the postal service worked to double its traffic and eventually succeeded. Railways, meanwhile, remained a novel invention, and a small expansion had emerged in the 1830s, but hostility always exceeded sympathy. An accident that killed forty persons in 1838 gave hope to the railway-skeptics, but there was an ineluctable movement for standardization and taxation, enforced by Barante’s double-tariff system on toll and carriage. These progressions overcame some of the old realities, and bread prices, sank from 75 centimes for 4 livres to 58 centimes. Consequently, prosperity between 1832 and 1837 became a reality. The rural middle class established itself firmly from the nationalized lands of the monasteries and the old emigres. This prosperity also confirmed the social norms of the bourgeoisie. Paris became to dominate the cultural distinctions of the provinces, where the sub-prefect would often provide a meeting place for the Orleanist bourgeois to communicate with Paris. The legitimist gentry contested their dominance by gatherings in local salons, and invested their hopes on the masses of peasantry. The provinces entertained some of the Parisian fads—Bordeaux had a successful opera and Lyons had salons—yet these were never conventional and were always scorned by the snobbish Parisian elite. Despite this arrogance, Paris retained the aspect of a country town, ringed by royal palaces and country residences. There were vineyards at Montmatre, rabbit hunting near the Plaine Saint-Denis, milk from the walls, and wooded forest near the Champs-Elysees. The self-contained villages of the Faubourgs Saint-Germain and Saint-Honore, the former wealthy legitimist, the latter wealthy Orleanist, continued to polarize. The north of Paris had become the land of the boulevardier and the fashionable cafe, with the Latin quarter across the river brimming with scholars and artists. The residential quarter was stratified; many blocks were still bourgeois on the ground floor and inhabited by payers in the attic, but the middle class was moving away from the poorer areas, and found the new beaux quartiers to their satisfaction. Contemporaries preferred not to ntoice the traditional aspects of the city as much as its seemingly uncontrollable growth (it was predicted to surpass a million come another ten years). Working men crowded into sordid rooms, and suburbs of shanties such as the inaptly named Belleville were thrown to accommodate the influx. A commission that reported the 1832 cholera in 1836 informed the ministers that one-fifth of Paris inhabited one-half of the people, and recommended reforms in public hygiene, which were infamous in the city.

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The Pont Neuf in 1832.

For some it was a cesspool, for poets “a hell.” Everyone suspected conspiracy, crime, and anarchy. Legitimists were the least favourable to Paris; they despised the revolutionary city that (with one-fortieth of the population of France) had proven supreme in turbulent times. Others hoped that Paris’ wealth might give cement to the regime. But the June Monarchy lacked the tradition and religious or aesthetic foundations to override differences of class and wealth. The vertical and horizontal divisions ensured that there was no true ruling class; Tudesq’s grand notables come as close as possible, but still do not reflect the realities of the ime. Charles X had threatened the political interests of all and had temporarily united the bourgeoisie, but besides the interests common to all bankers and industrialists, they had little in common. The skeptics accused the bourgeoisie of beholding itself to an idolatry of money, whereas the supporters saw wealth as a sign of virtue. This was the doctrinaire credo; desiring liberty for itself [the bourgeoisie], it desired liberty for all. The public went to the best lawyer or doctor, and by its confidence and its payment made him an elector. “Enrich yourself” was the path to civic rights. For those who feared Jacobin revolution, the King was tranquil; “The middle classes are not all of society, but they are the force within it.” For so long as the majority possessed property, a Jacobin revolution was inconceivable. The issue for the King, and for many, was that their perception of the bourgeoisie proceeded no further than the haute bourgeosie, whom they supposed embodied the opinions of the entire class. But even this elitist garb was not enough to restore the confidence of the upper-class.

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Massive crowds gather to watch the Luxor Obelisk hoisted into place on the Place de la Concorde on 25 October 1836.

Talleyrand’s niece, the duchesse de Dino, complained that the Revolution had killed tasteful Restoration society, and that the nobility had to suffer deputies (particularly Barante) “of a complacency, of a self-assurance, of an unparalleled pedantry, and with fashion of speaking incomprehensibly.” The upper-crust remained influential, although it felt a real decline in their position. It was divided into the imperial and bourbon aristroacy, and the huge creation of titles had obscured the nature of the aristocracy. The new monied class no longer felt envious of the nobility, and they proceeded through life with a plump and glum self-satisfaction. From land (first) and from banking (second), great wealth enjoyed property dominance. Lesser landed wealth remained firmly legitimist. The small geographical areas provide further insight; Grenbole had a working class not exceeding seven-percent, with a similar proportion of servants, and the rest of the population forming the middle class; shopkeepers and artisans were thirty-percent, larger commerce and industry at five-percent, liberal professions the same, state employment and the army a little more, and proprietors and rentiers the at the fairly high percent of twenty-one. Paris was more complex, and the best evidence suggests that about 17.5% of the capital was bourgeoise; the group that paid over 1,000 francs could be divided into property owners and rentiers (50%), economic professions (30%), liberal professions (12%), and public services (8%). In almost every urban arrondissement, voters in commerce were outnumbered by the professional classes, but the capitalist wealth of the Orleanists could be divided to their favor. About 43% of the bourgeoisie wealth was in land or property, 18% in state bonds, slightly over 4% in the Banque de France, 14% was lent to private individuals for return, and only 3.7% was owned in company shares.

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Louis Daguerre's 1838 photograph of the bourgeoisie Boulevard du Temple is one of the earliest photos to show a person: a man who is having his shoes shined.

Further from Paris, aristocratic dominance remained intact, and a huge preponderance of local power was not impossible to discern, although such a tradition was rarer than it had been ten years prior. For the Orleanist aristocracy, although it tended to be more open to the imperial nobility, to marry wealth or accept talent as a form of social equality, these developments were almost as displeasing as for legitimists. The last short flowering of the salon under the June Monarch occurred partly because 1830 had freed the aristocracy from political orthodoxy, and because in a world of public opinion with a bourgeois Chamber of Deputies, they had lost much of their power over opinion. It remained rare for the old aristocracy to marry new wealth, but the alliance between new wealth and imperial nobility was more common. Contrarily, amongst the less wealthy provincial nobility, the nature of marital alliance remained the same. The sharper nobles began to perceive their own anachronism. The duc de Luxembourg-Montmorency congratulated himself on being the last of his line, and rejoiced whenever he saw an ancient family extinguished, as there was no longer a place for them, and continuation only besmirched the glory of their ancestors. Social changes were affected beyond class. The beard returned, and it was no longer the outrageous appurtenance of the lazy Bohemian, but an adornment of fashion. A few aged legitimists continued wigs, Bonapartists liked the military effect of a moustache, and a profusion of side-whiskers spoke a willingness to resemble the citizen king. Dandyism was a manifestation of rebellion against the dull pleasures of the mediocre bourgeoisie. Conventionally a urban aristocrat, the dandy would make an idyll of the townscape, and extract every ounce of grace to mock society whilst showing it to be vulgar. Product of a bored society, the dandy had to be slightly cruel. It was vital to cultivate every detail of dress in a society which seemed to think money more important than pleasure; Lautour-Mezeray would change his clothes thrice a day—Nestor Roqueplan claimed he could not sleep the next day without an appointment with his tailor! The poorer the young aristocrat, the more extreme his methods; the duc d’Abrantes, having squandered his fortune, would spend three days a month as a dandy living in the most excellent of high society, before retiring to the poverty of the Latin Quarter. Yet the world of the dandy was not to last long; railways would soon bring hordes of provincials, and worse, Americans.

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The golden age of the Parisian dandy persists into the 1830s.

Society had its own rebellions as women chafed under their repression; fashion being the only afforded freedom. The bals masques for students and grisettes, the bals musards for a wider range of society, where licentious behavior in dances such as the galp and polka was encouraged to symbolize the desire for social freedom. A social self-consciousness, examining its customs and self-accusatory tone to hypocrisy afforded curious cases. The popularity of law cases testified to a fascinations with its seamier side; the Gazette des Tribunaux, much used by authors such as Stendhal and Balzac, was more read than many newspapers. Two of the greatest cases of the period corresponded to the question of the female place in society. Lieutenant de la Ronciere was found guilty of rape, largely because the jury would not believe that the handwriting of the key evidence was actually written by the woman. La Ronciere went to prison because delicacy towards the female sex prevented all facts from being full known, but Madame Lefarge, who poisoned her husband, claimed that a male jury could not try her on the grounds of sexual prejudice. Elsewhere on the sexual compass, greater interest, if rarely tolerance, as shown in homosexuality. Although Custine was denied the houses to which his rank and distinction would otherwise have admitted him, the subject was treated in literature by dumas, Balzac, and Gautier (and more scientifically by Parent-Duchatelet.) There were certain fears of criminality, depravity, and sickness of the mind and body. Executions were transferred from the public showplace of the Place de Greve to a suburb where they were held early in the morning. Abolitionists like Hugo argued that this removed all the deterrent effect claimed for capital punishment. The population indulged in humanitarianism, and desired arrangements for lunatics and establishments for government inspections. Suicide in particular became increasingly popular; Toqueville ascribed it to the melancholy greed and loss of faith, while some deputies blamed the romantic literature.

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Daumier asks of the 1830 Revolution C'Etait Vraiment La Peine De Nouse Faire Tuer?

“Does society today no longer a place for those whom it does not profit. I believe it,” asked and answered Balzac, and his central theses was that society was immoral. Vautrin, his great criminal, became that embodiment of moral ambiguity; what is good and evil? Ambition and greed war on family loyalty and individual integrity throughout the Comédie Humaine. The old standards had been torn down and wealth had ascended to primacy. Delacroix agreed, comparing modern society with a horde of bandits, equal amongst themselves in sharing their rapine, but failing to observe the Christian laws of charity because “material welfare is the sole concern of modern men.” Others of all parties, even Orleanists not seduced by the charms of capitalism, agreed, but all tended to place the blame in a different place, on a different person.
 
The Supreme Lodge of France
1837

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((PRIVATE - Masons))
@TJDS

Having failed to recruit prominent members of the Paris Chamber of Commerce such as his former revolutionary comrades Rothschild and Descombes into the Supreme Lodge and transform it into a haute bourgeoisie entity, the Third Worshipful Master had allowed the Lodge to fall into lethargy and disarray. However, the September Laws had begun a boiling of liberal discontment and the King's seeming own disagreement with the Resistance Party's rival leaders, Barante and Larousse, had created an opportunity for the Mouvement. After all, with Duval as the Worshipful Master and Durand as one of the most senior members, why should the Lodge not become a vehicle for the unity of both the Gauche Dynastique and Centre Gauche? Moreover, the continued industrialization of France and movement of the middle bourgeoisie from poorer neighborhoods to fashionable new districts meant a new space for the Lodge in the civic life of the very shopowners who had been vital to the Three Glorious Days.

Following upon the past example of Durand and his Philhellenic Society, Duval attempted to make Lodge salons a place for discussion of the conquest of Constantine and talks of the future of France's colonial empire. With his personal office and that of the Lecuyer Front of National Liberation being at the Lecuyer Foundation, it seemed to him that recruiting senior NCO's and junior commissioned officers back from Algeria was within his grasp. The Lodge would never be the Veteran's League, but that had been a mass membership body full of enlisted men defending their Napoleonic pensions and Reservist posts. Algeria was generating men of ambition who sought to immigrate and make homesteads in French North Africa as small commercial farmers in hopes of building their own fortunes. These men were worth betraying his own personal predilection for peace, the Worshipful Master believed. However some principles could never be thrown aside. Talk of "Spiritualism", that damned eclectic philosophy of Victor Cousins, was banned from Lodge meetings.

A single man couldn't fight the trend of ennui and Romantic self-pity however, and in his own way Duval was a Byronic figure; with his demonic alcoholism substituting for drug induced mania and bouts of paranoia substituting for suicidal depression. As such he found himself helpless before the kind of hemlock sipping gatherings of young Romantics, and with the alternative choice of conversation being superstitious mysticism instead chose to allow himself to be carried away by jingoistic and colonial fantasies that had once held very little for him. And, having been estranged from his wife and child for so long, joining vigorous officers and poets in campaigns of debauch with fair maidens was not beyond the question. With his own materialistic, anti-mystical vulgarity added into the self-indulgent Gothic attitude he had often affected privately in his youth, the Worshipful Master looked to American Romanticism and its own darker currents as an alternative to Transcendentalism in America and Spiritualism in France.

The press too could be a weapon in this cultural warfare, seeking to elevate the Gothic elements of the Bohemian set over mediocre bourgeoisie lotus-eaters. Subsidies paid to Le Constitutionnel, long a harbor for avante garde literature in Benjamin Constant's day, would be used to promote Romantics of the more sensationalist and less philosophical sort; with Duval's sincerely held belief being that his own vulgar tastes were more in line with his workers and the other literate members of the teeming masses and could be used to popularize the paper beyond the bourgeoisie. Charge for the Mouvement's politics on the other hand could be moved to another paper, the newer Le Siècle. With proper constitutional monarchism having few supporters among the dogmatic Doctrinaires and reticent Philosphiques who helped fill out the ranks of Orleanism, subsidies from the Gauche Dynastique and hopefully from the Centre Gauche and Durand as well would be welcome. But overall the Lodge's renewed activities were focused on recruitment and culture rather than political campaigning; perhaps unwisely, but political campaigns come and go while France was in the midst of a cultural crisis, as the Worshipful Master saw it.
 
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If you'd like to write through proxy characters in the press, that's fine.
 
Louis-Napoleon in the New World

"I thought him a dull fellow, which he certainly was while among men, but sprightly enough when surrounded by young ladies. He would sometimes say, 'When I shall be at the head of affairs in France,' or 'When I become Emperor,' and I then looked upon him as being as mad as a March hare."
- Fitz-Greene Halleck, on Louis-Napoleon

"What care I for the cries of the vulgar multitude, who will call me mad because I have not succeeded, and who would have exaggerated my merit if I had triumphed?"
- Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, following the failed coup

Having wished his mother a fond farewell at Arenenberg, Louis-Napoleon, the Prince Imperial, set out to make history at Strasbourg. Unfortunately, a single traitor's words undid the entire plot, forcing his ignominious retreat from France and back to Switzerland. With the Swiss government under diplomatic and military pressure from the Barante Ministry, Louis-Napoleon graciously thanked his hosts for their hospitality and their defense of his rights as a Swiss citizen, then left of his own volition under the pretense of expulsion.

Traveling first to London, the Bonaparte pretender briefly visited Brazil before finally settling in the United States. There he took up residence at the Washington Hotel in New York City, where he made the acquaintance of numerous American luminaries, including Washington Irving, General Winfield Scott, and Fitz-Greene Halleck. He also reunited with his companion Count Arese, the King of Sardinia's favorite, and his manservant. An instant social success, he acquainted himself with many of the old American families, including the Livingstons and the Schuylers, and numerous balls and parties were thrown in his honor.

Of particular note was his friendship with the Reverend C. S. Stewart, who served as his chaperone. In contrast to Louis-Napoleon's notoriety as a womanizer and the numerous unfounded allegations of other, less acceptable behaviors, the Reverend Stewart received him warmly. In later years, the Reverend published the following:

"I never heard a sentiment from him and never witnessed a feeling that could detract from his honor and purity as a man or his dignity as a prince; on the contrary, I often had occasion to admire the lofty thoughts and exalted conceptions which seemed most to occupy his mind. His favorite topics when we were alone were his uncle, the Emperor, his mother, and others of his immediate family in whom he had been deeply interested.

He seemed ever to feel that his personal destiny was indissolubly linked with France: or, as his mother, Hortense, expressed it in her will, 'to know his position;' and the enthusiasm with which at times he gave utterance to his aspirations for the prosperity, the happiness, and the honor of his country, and to the high purposes which he designed to accomplish for her as a ruler, amounted, in words, voice, and manner, to positive eloquence..."

Louis-Napoleon was himself much taken with the United States and thought much on its unique character:

"The United States believed themselves to be a nation as soon as they had a government elected by themselves, a president and chambers. They were, and are still, only an independent colony. The transition is going on daily; the worm is casting his skin and taking to wings that will raise him. But I do not think the transition will be completed without crises and convulsions.

But now the population has thickened. It is composed of an American type that is sharply defined, and of daily arriving immigrants who have no education, no popular traditions, and mostly no patriotism. No industry and commerce have destroyed equality in fortunes. Great cities have been raised, in which man has not to contend against the soil, but with man his neighbor. Now, in short, the moral world begins to rise upon the physical world. Today we find, here and there, that the reign of ideas is opening on this side of the Atlantic.

In the midst of this world of traders, where there is not a man who is not a speculator, it has entered the head of a few honest men that slavery is a bad thing, although it is highly profitable; and for the first time, the heart of America has vibrated for an interest that is not a money one."

Consumed with curiosity about this wild new land, Louis-Napoleon made plans for extensive travels across America in early 1837, only to receive the following letter at Niagara:

"My dear Son: I am about to undergo an operation. In case it should not terminate successfully, I send you in this letter my blessing. We shall met again — shall we not? — in a better world, where you may come to join me as late as possible![/FONT]

And you will believe that in quitting this world I regret only leaving yourself and your fond, affectionate disposition, which alone has given any charm to my existence. It will be a consolation to you, my dear friend, to reflect that by your attentions you have rendered your mother as happy as circumstances could allow her. You will think also of all my affection for you, and this will inspire you with courage. Think this, that we shall always have a benevolent and clear sighted feeling for all that passes in this world below, and that assuredly we shall meet again.

Reflect upon this consolatory idea; it is one which is too necessary not to be true. And that good Arese, I send him my blessing as to a son. I press you to my heart, my dear one. I am calm, perfectly resigned; and I would still hope that we may meet again, even in this world. The will of God be done.

Your affectionate mother,
HORTENSE."

Discarding his carefully planned itinerary, Louis-Napoleon hurried back to New York, where he booked passage back to Europe and to his ailing mother...
 
From the memoirs of Esmé Merivée


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Marie-Hortense, Madame Merivée

Book IX; Chapter 1: The Death of the Duke of Montmorency-Laval
It came as no shock, alas!, when I returned from Whitehall one evening that June to find Madame Merivée quite distressed; for news had reached us from Paris of the death of her father in that city. He had been ailing in his faculties for some time, and thus when at the age of sixty-eight years the Duke finally moved from this life to the next, it was not as a rude disturbance to our domestic peace, but as an inexorable sadness imposed upon our happy station; for a husband is inspired to a grief of his own when he confronts his wife in her mourning; and here this sensation was but amplified, for the man lost was like a father to me also, having been so generous in his love and support when I had first arrived in Paris, quite isolated from affairs and with but five-hundred francs to my name! It was to his thanks that I owed my present position, there in Cavendish Square: an ambassador under the commission of the French Crown; and what's more blessed by some more personal renown for my studies in history and of philosophy.

Although my wife's mother had been an actress, the Duke had not spurned his natural daughter, and thus was my wife raised as an intimate of the noble household. The generosity that the Duke had shown me had first been evident in his treatment of his natural daughter, for whom he had always provided despite her legal status. Such a spirit endured in his death, and in time my wife received the news that she was heir to the sum of one-hundred thousand francs, which her father had granted her so as to secure her future, being restricted by the harshness of the filiation laws at that time from endowing her with the usufruct of any property. In such a fashion, overnight my wife became a woman of independent wealth, of the likes I had never before experienced at one time; although of no particular consequence when judged against the sums in which the Montmorencys dealt in general, for my father-in-law had left his younger brother, the closest heir male, a sum in excess of seven-hundred and fifty thousand francs in addition to the title of duke of Laval. Nevertheless, we were thankful. Removed as I was from Paris, I had for two years been unable to work neither at the University nor in the journals, and thus my credit …
 
((private))
@Jackbollda


Monsieur Prime Minister,

We have never gotten along. I will not honey words over that, but yet behind all your victories I find the most loathsome supporters of the Resistance to be the pretentious, meaningless airy intellectualisms of Larousse and alas, my own former protege, Descombes. As you and all of France can probably suspect, I am anticipating their call to support them in bringing down the Politiques and Tiers Parti and helping to provide supply and confidence to a Doctrinaire-Ministerialist government.

I am not going to do that. And yet, the entire parliamentary left, even including those who are in terminal disfavor of our King, do not constitute a powerful enough body to stand on their own as a government. I have no appetite for appeals to moderation and centrism, I view your ideals as strongly held, as are my own. And yet, I see a greater possibility of our ideas coexisting to some extent within the walls of governance than either of us continuing to play at the game Larousse has mastered. I've seen enough of what intriguers can do to French governments to not want that man, despite finding his personal character rather charming in the same way yours bores me, presiding over the Council of State.

And so, I am offering a truce. I have less to lose from slings and arrows from La Presse than you do from Le Constitutionnel, so I am not fearful of your scorn. If this offer offends your sensibility, I am not harmed by your rejection or renewed passions against my person. I have suffered enemies, aristocrat and rabble-rouser alike, who have sought my literal blood; so I am not overly inflamed by our rhetorical struggles against one another.

If, however, you are interested in mutual cooperation then I suggest we each of us and our camps campaign against the Doctrinaires and the revolutionary left, the Republicans and the Bonapartists, rather than against each other.

From an Insignificant, To a Nobody
The Baron Duval

 
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The opposition finds the secret of astonishing us every day more and more, by its constancy, with inexplicable discreetness, exhibiting its pretend principles, its recriminations, its grievances, its affections, or its repugnances. It is a tower of Babel where every newspaper brings its stones, clubs, and misunderstandings with religious fervency. The confusion of parties has never been more blatant than in this month, and this is because the parties are approaching the justice of the country: this political Babel of opposition will collapse before the elections.

For example, the Opposition did not have enough declamations and sophisms against the election of public officials. It was the ruin of the representative government; it was organized despotism under the appearance of liberty; it was the corruption of the political bodies and the social body. But if it happens that a public servant affects a language hostile to the administration, if this official is not supported in his electoral claims by the state authority, for reasons even foreign to polite society, soon the Opposition takes possession of this personage, and makes him an instrument against power. His title of official disappears in his eyes; he sees only one opponent in possibility to exploit, to develop. It is a crime for the government not to support the candidacy of its employee! This is the logic of the Opposition!

This is what happens on the occasion of M. Billaudel, chief engineer of the department of the Gironde, to whom the chief of the administration of the bridges and roads made it plain that his service would suffer, if he endured an absence of six to seven months a year, consequent of attaining the mandate of deputy.

Let us remark, first, that it was not to M. Billaudel alone that the director of the bridges and roads had experienced this scruple; it was to all those of the engineers of his administration who seemed disposed to be candidates for the forthcoming elections, and mention was made of the number of men whose positive knowledge had been precious to the Chamber, and whose political support was to the Government. No matter, it is enough that one of these candidates engages in a struggle with the administration, so that the Opposition cries out to tyranny, in defiance of consciences, and disguises a good administrative measure, taken in the interest of one of the most important public services, in a violation of all rights, liberties, and every species of independence. This is the justice of the Opposition!

Listen, however, one day, to the opposition, whether in the tribune or in the newspapers, or in the world, when they come from their departments to Paris; they are clamorous, as unjust as they are violent, and preach against the bad state of the roads, against the negligence of the agents of the administration of the bridges and roads, who do not keep an eye on the works. But we know, however, that since 1830, for eight years, the government has done more for the voices of communication and commerce in France than had been done in the preceding twenty year! But we are not asking the Opposition to be just for the good that the government has been able to do, and actually did; what we have is the right to ask of them at least to grant their actions to their words. If our roads are so desperately need the constant supervision of the agents of the roads and bridges, is it not unbecoming, is it not dangerous, that the chief engineer of a department should spend seven months of the year, at Paris, 200 leagues from the object of his service? How can the Opposition's grievances be reconciled against this service, with his wishes for Mr. Billaudel's candidacy? This is the skill of the Opposition!

Did the legislator not understand that there were real incompatibilities between deputization and certain functions which required residence? He declared incompatibilities for some senior posts of the high administration. If he has not foreseen all cases of this kind, it is because he did not expect that the fever of the candidature would descend to all the ladders of the administrative hierarchy; it was because he had relied on the good sense of the agents of the administration, to appreciate all the possible applications of the principle of incompatibility. But when this prediction is deceived, when inferior agents forget that their residence is indispensable to the success of their service, a service which interests all classes of society, in all the localities and has all the hardships, is it not the duty of the superior chiefs of the administration to remind these agents of the exigencies of their employment, and to induce them to reflect upon the alternative or place they occupy, and on the obligations which they impose on a responsible minister? That is the principle of good administration, and the Opposition only makes bad policy on this subject.

The circular of M. Legrand (for he has addressed the same observations to several engineers) is therefore a laudable act; M. Legrand, would have been guilty of not acting thus. He has obeyed a true sentiment, an imperious duty, and has been able to give his warning in all suitable forms. This circular does not contain a word which is repugnant to the most shadowy constitutional consciences; It is a revolting inquiry to draw a comparison between this language and that which certain opposition officials have held as akin to the circumstances under the restoration.

There is more, and we can not deny this truth, the attitude which M. Billaudel has taken, the tone of his letter to the electors, and his answer to his chief, proves that the engineer is preoccupied with other thoughts than those of his department;aAnd in this respect the Chamber will not have to regret if he is not elected; nor the administration of bridges and highways, if he is replaced in his employ. He gives polite reason by his conduct to the purely administrative measure of which he was the object, and the suffrages of the opposing papers complete the demonstration. We congratulated the Director-General and the competent Minister for having understood and fulfilled their duty; And they have to thank Mr. Billaudel for having so well justified their scruples.
 
@Jackbollda

Monsieur Prime Minister,

We have never gotten along. I will not honey words over that, but yet behind all your victories I find the most loathsome supporters of the Resistance to be the pretentious, meaningless airy intellectualisms of Larousse and alas, my own former protege, Descombes. As you and all of France can probably suspect, I am anticipating their call to support them in bringing down the Politiques and Tiers Parti and helping to provide supply and confidence to a Doctrinaire-Ministerialist government.

I am not going to do that. And yet, the entire parliamentary left, even including those who are in terminal disfavor of our King, do not constitute a powerful enough body to stand on their own as a government. I have no appetite for appeals to moderation and centrism, I view your ideals as strongly held, as are my own. And yet, I see a greater possibility of our ideas coexisting to some extent within the walls of governance than either of us continuing to play at the game Larousse has mastered. I've seen enough of what intriguers can do to French governments to not want that man, despite finding his personal character rather charming in the same way yours bores me, presiding over the Council of State.

And so, I am offering a truce. I have less to lose from slings and arrows from La Presse than you do from Le Constitutionnel, so I am not fearful of your scorn. If this offer offends your sensibility, I am not harmed by your rejection or renewed passions against my person. I have suffered enemies, aristocrat and rabble-rouser alike, who have sought my literal blood; so I am not overly inflamed by our rhetorical struggles against one another.

If, however, you are interested in mutual cooperation then I suggest we each of us and our camps campaign against the Doctrinaires and the revolutionary left, the Republicans and the Bonapartists, rather than against each other.

From an Insignificant, To a Nobody
The Baron Duval

((Private))

Monsieur Duval,

A certain fraternity permeates your letter, and I would be a sordid fool to reject terms that would be contrary to my advantage and that of the monarchy. Whatever distrust persists between ourselves is diminished by the potency of influence that might succeed from the victory of our doctrinaire opponents. To the warmness of your offer I do submit, but I must deign to ask how we shall overcome these divisions when it is almost invariably true that our contestants shall compete against each other for the arrondissements; the doctrinaire faction exists within the resistance ranks, and it is not simply beaten down by electioneering.

Barante
 
((Private))

Monsieur Duval,

A certain fraternity permeates your letter, and I would be a sordid fool to reject terms that would be contrary to my advantage and that of the monarchy. Whatever distrust persists between ourselves is diminished by the potency of influence that might succeed from the victory of our doctrinaire opponents. To the warmness of your offer I do submit, but I must deign to ask how we shall overcome these divisions when it is almost invariably true that our contestants shall compete against each other for the arrondissements; the doctrinaire faction exists within the resistance ranks, and it is not simply beaten down by electioneering.

Barante

((Private))

Monsieur Prime Minister,

I would not seek to lecture you about your own party, but it would seem to me the war within the Resistance is not one of seat counting in the Deputies between the Philosphiques and Doctrinaires, but instead a war for the hearts of the Ministerialists. If the Tiers and the Philosophiques can convince those Deputies who serve only the cause of steady government to distance themselves from Doctrinaire dogma, then you will have won your victory for the future of the Resistance.

There is also the heart of the King to consider. While you, and I mean no disrespect, have never been his favorite he seems to harbor some genuine antipathy for Larousse, at least according to rumor. While it is beneath you dignify such gossip, I will say that intriguers get what they deserve in that department.

Duval
 
((Private))

Monsieur Prime Minister,

I would not seek to lecture you about your own party, but it would seem to me the war within the Resistance is not one of seat counting in the Deputies between the Philosphiques and Doctrinaires, but instead a war for the hearts of the Ministerialists. If the Tiers and the Philosophiques can convince those Deputies who serve only the cause of steady government to distance themselves from Doctrinaire dogma, then you will have won your victory for the future of the Resistance.

There is also the heart of the King to consider. While you, and I mean no disrespect, have never been his favorite he seems to harbor some genuine antipathy for Larousse, at least according to rumor. While it is beneath you dignify such gossip, I will say that intriguers get what they deserve in that department.

Duval

M. Duval,

The Chamber of Deputies, in my estimation, beholds itself to a certain principle; there are conservative ministerialists, some disposed to the doctrinaires, some disposed to the governmental faction, but all sure against their competition from the gauche dynastique. No matter the quantity of seats held by the doctrinaires or my faction, the battleground is for sentiments of these ministerialists, and not for their seats. I am therefore unsure how compromise is feasible if the countenance of the ministerial deputies exists only to protect their own career against—and I hope you will forgive the crassness of this statement—the influence and competition of your faction. If there is a "conservative party," and I think the emergence of this faction has potential, it might be wise to coordinate against influence of the doctrinaires among deputies of right and left, not to form by official alliance, but to denounce the extremism of the doctrinaire ideas, and remain competitive to each other, staying resolved to the contest of our ideas, but never falling into the submission of the doctrinaire policy.

Barante
 
La Paix
-----------------------------
Gouvernement pour la protection des personnes

The great Roman consul Marcus Tullius Cicero once stated that "The safety of the people shall be the highest law". Indeed, government serves to protect the members of the land it governs, and without this protection, the land would surely fall to anarchy and chaos. Without order, without stability, and without protection, the land would fall to revolutionaries aimed at establishing their own dictatorial government, murdering all those who oppose their will. Without these three components, a land suffers in all possible ways, whether it be economic or political. Without these three components, anarchy and radicalism would consume the land.

The Doctrinaire belief that order must be sought to ensure that chaos does not seep into French society, hurting all our fellow countrymen, is one that stems from the experiences of the past. Indeed, when order failed in 1792, the Reign of Terror that followed butchered thousands. Those who dismantled the order and stability of our nation used the void to bring forth their hellish vision of society, a society in which they ruled off fear all while claiming they had "the consent of the mob". Indeed, the French Revolution shows that when order fails, death and destruction follows. As such, it is the Doctrinaire's goals to ensure that that order does not falter and give way to the mobs of radicals and revolutionaries hell-bent at bringing a perverse liberal country into existence.


Our opponents do not seek to preserve stability as vigorously. Many in the Chamber side with those who skid the line between loyalty and revolutionary, and work with them in the name of "coalition". Those who would oppose the idea of law in the wake of rebels burning cities and attempting to commit regicide now sit in the halls of power with the same men they opposed. This shows two things:

The first being that the leaders of this government will do anything for the sake of power, including siding with those who scoffed at stability and law.

The second being that those in government do not hold firm to the ideological rhetoric they address their supporters with if they abandon it for the sake of position.

Only the Doctrinaires have stood firm by their beliefs, refusing to serve with those who did not wish for law in a time of chaos, and refusing to serve with those who had given themselves over to such men for the sake of position. The Doctrinaires indeed are the ones that wish for stability and order, and have actively fought for those ideals to be implemented. They have already succeeded with laws that tear down violent and dangerous newspapers spouting ideas that would lead to murder. The proof of their adherence to stability and law is indeed large.

The government's main job is to protect the people it governs. It ensures that the land is not consumed by violence and revolution, for all would suffer in such a situation. It passes laws aimed at bringing peace and stability to the land, and holds firm to that aim for the good of all countrymen. It does not hand over power to those who wish the opposite, and does not dottle on this ideal for the sake of position. The Doctrinaires have understood this since the Three Glorious Days, and it seems like they are the few that still hold such an understanding.

-Baron Descombes
 
1837 masthead.png


Movement and Progress

In France liberty is under attack, the people are living in intolerable conditions, and those who look to our interests abroad are dismayed to see severe neglect. How must we remedy these maladies?

The loyal defenders of the Just Milieu must expand beyond the walls of Paris, Marseilles, and Lyons to serve the interests and join the sympathies of the rural middle class. In addition to much needed reform of the flagging Bank of France, financial proposals that aided the impoverished lesser nobility in the past could be used to aid the depopulating rural communes of the French countryside today. I speak of agricultural loan programs, which in the private capacity of the Seine Bank were quite successful years ago and could today on a national level do for the rural bourgeoisie what it once did for the petite nobility. And while we build railways, much needed for industry, as toys for the Parisian class we must finally take charge of our highways and bring them into order. As painful as government intervention can be, when we need to encourage commercial growth and private initiative so much and never fall back into the trap of the palace economy, transportation infrastructure is the means through which commerce is transacted. And in the countryside that means the roads.

Similarly, the hand of the state is a necessary force for the intervention in the suffering of the teeming masses of hopeful Frenchmen and their families who flock to the great cities of the nation each day seeking opportunity to better themselves and their lot in life. Sanitation and public health must become a national priority, not only to preserve the lives of workers who would one day in good health raise themselves up to be doctors or lawyers, but also to prevent such senseless deaths as that of one of our greatest minds, the Marquis of Armentiers, lost to cholera. Disease is the enemy of human progress and in fighting it the torch of reason must burn brighter than ever, with a Education Ministry that will be tireless in supporting the expansion of medical knowledge in the universities of France.

Civilization's light in Algeria, brought there at great cost of life and treasure, must shine on with a government push to encourage European settlement of "French North Africa". Further conquests inland must be made and a rationalization of the territory and its governance will be needed to better serve the new European inhabitants. The long neglected Naval and Colonial ministry must be staffed with top rank men, men of vision and ability; and the Navy expanded to further defend France's place in the Mediterranean. Colonialism is the only way to not only gain our just reward for our endeavors as a nation but the least of what we owe the brave young men who fought at Constantine and elsewhere. Have they not earned a plot of land and the chance to make their own fortune in this world? Furthermore, in the face of Doctrinaire attacks by Descombes, the programs to expand suffrage to the Army, Navy, and National Guard must be defended at all cost. Who is a more active citizen than those who bear arms to defend the ideals of the French people?

The September Laws, formulated by dogmatic Doctrinaires out of touch with modern times and the spirit of the Glorious Days, must be removed. The Constitutional regime of security as put in place by then Justice Minister Barante successfully foiled the reactionary uprising in the Vendee and measures in a similar spirit can be devised to secure the safety of meetings from future cowardly "Infernal" attacks without banning public meetings and requiring the current unconstitutional pre-approval requirements of plays and engravings. How can we spread civilization to the world if we have banned it here at home?

- M. Blanc
 
Memoir of the Duke of Lécuyer. The Algerian Expedition. 1838.

Expeditionconstantine.jpg


Excerpt from Part IV: Virtue of Centrism; Part V: The Great Shame of Constanine; Part IV: Pacification and Colonisation.

The political dealings of France have come to a great interest to us officers. Our presence here in Algerie is one of great slumber. The news that reach us is scattered, and many sources are unreliable at best. However what seem to be one of the talking points of Paris is the Movement's very radical expansion of the electorate (50 francs in taxes!) and I can't say it's very surprising it got shot down, so to speak, by the right elements, but the actions of the Republicans hold great interest to us. In their radical dogma they couldn't support the increase in the franchise as it not included all. But as I see it the Mouvement are now forced into cooperating with the right. The republicans traded parliamentary influence with dogmas. The left could have stand united and passed reforms, instad the Mouvement are now forced to cooperate with the Resistance. Where the Republicans could have achieved universal, or near universal, suffrage in the long term they are now forced to sit by and watch as it may b no electoral reforms - or very modest ones.

But perhaps this is for the best.Then radical ones of either side of the spectrum will have their influence removed, and the left and the right are forced to sit down together and talk. Talk to find common solutions. Instead of bickering into partisanship and camps they can now do what they are supposed to do, to lead the country. I believe that is a virtue in itself. To find the strenghts of both sides and eliminate the weakness of both. To achieve a sense of moderation and commonhood and not conflict and radicalism. Perhaps I am naiive or operate under the pretex of a logical fallacy, however I believe this. I am young, but I believe many politicians should act to their position and look pastt their differences and look to their similarities and instead achieve broad settlements in the Chamber of Deputies and Peers along both lines, where the King send a representative (such as the Prime-Minister, Dauphin etc) is to act as the meditator.

-----

The failed coup of Bonaparte is one of tragi-comical proportions. I wonder how it would be if he succeeded. I wonder if anyone I know from my studies were involved in it. I hope this event will not lead to a further radicalisation of the Ecole Polytechnique nor that students of that academy, such as myself, are now viewed with distrust among our fellow officers. Still I am to wonder why the government didn't press the Swiss in a greater degree to release him. Many might look up to Napoleon, but his nephew nonetheless instigated a treason and great crimes against the state and King. The Swiss are neutral and we need to protect their neutrality. However one may question their neutrality when they house a known rebel who attempted on overthrowing the legal government. One may argue they broke their own neutrality and we are then to enforce it. Even then the duty to guard against rebellions, insurrections and insubordination can be said to be the paramount duty of the government. I remain loyal to th Crown and my country and would rather see Louis-Napoleon extradited and let justice be fulfilled (if he was found guilty or aquitted), but again I can see the ramification of actually sending an interventional force to apprehend him. I'm following the events with great care. But I can't stop to ponder on what would happen if I did not get assigned to constructing forts in Paris, but got stationed Strasbourg. I put my faith in my loyal character and I wouldn't betray the love the Orléans's have showed me.

-----

We got ourselves a new leader. We are to be sent to a new expedition to take out Constantine. The city of the Emperor. Our morale is high. We are of the nation who conquered half of Europe. We are now to take on Constantine to the glory of our nation. The French tricolors fly and so do our imperial standards. Our morales are high, we are to liberate the city. We will prevail.

-----

The siege have been dragging on. The climate here is very different from the one near the coast. Here it is not humid and temperate. It is cold and dry. One can't understand the horrors of this kind of field life. I laugh when I think backward to my previous years. How I believed the worst part of field life was not to have adequate supplies of cognac and tobacco. Now I understand there is other horrors that is much worse and other supplies that are more needed. One of my men had his boot ruined, torn up. He couldn't get a spare one. I instructed him to take care of his foot in other ways, but he wouldn't he had grown apathic from the cold. He later lost his foot. I am now focusing much more on the wellbeing of my men. One can ask why we do this. Why we intent to suffer in these horrible conditions when I could have been at home in Paris or enjoyed garrison life in Oran. I must admit I miss home and the simple life. Some say such thoughts are unpatriotic or cowardice. I believe it is not. It make us remember what we fight for and why we do this. We do these sacrifices for our country, king and glory. Glory to our nation, King and also company, but also for ourselves. This is a moment that will define us, and we will overcome this hardship victorious.

-----

We were humiliated. The cold got the better of us. Our battery commander also succumbed to the vile forces of nature. Our platoon commander then got a promotion, and in turn I got it. I hope my promotion was for merits and not because of my father and title. I am now a Lieutenant (at least for now) leading a platoon. The retreat was a great humiliation. But it also showed us from our greatest sides. Even in retreat we remain upright, the tricolor still fly proudeful. We are even in the hour of defeat and sadness proud soldiers of France.

-----

Constantine is taken. It is ours. It is to be my new home now. My only regret is that th artillery couldn't tak a greater role. But I am happy. Happy for my men, fellow brothers in arms and all of France. This was a great victory for all of our people and our benovelent King.

-----

Algeria seemed ripe with possibilities. I have tied much of my wealth in developing these lands. Not only to tie Algers closer to France, but to develop the nation and its citizens and to enrich ourselves. Still the cotton enterprises etc. seem to fail. But Algers are promised to be the new America. When I travel to America in two years from now I will go to the south and look on how they cultivate cotton there. French industry would benefit greatly from cotton in Algers. It would be much cheaper for our industries. On other matters we continue to do our duty to Crown and Country. We hope the natives will adopt to us and that we will assimilate them. But many remain stubborn. Raids are common place. Their warfare is irregular. We weren't prepared for that in the academy, but many senior officers are used to such tactics from the Peninsular War. Many seem to claim the irregulars are cowards. Hiding between civillians and attacking weak foes. But are they cowards when they, a backward people, face against the finest military force in the world? I rather respect them and want them to be our allies. We've lost many good men to these raids, but as in Constatine we will prevail. For king and four country.
 
[Private - @Michaelangelo]

M. le prince de prince de Rohan, duc de Montbazon, prince de Guéméné, duc de Bouillon, etc,

The saddest misfortune afflicted my conscience when the controversy of the September Laws brewed hostility between yourself and my own person. I know you to be a noble of considerable insight and certain genius, and I would be remiss to allow this rupture of opinion to establish a permanent cynicism. The frailties of modern politics compels those who might become great acquaintances to squabble without real cause, and this becomes a certain tragedy when we consider the compatibilities wasted in these disputes.

In order to overcome this former obstacle, already diminished in my eyes and memory, I wish to extend to you, Très-Haut et Très-Puissant Seigneur, an invitation for accompaniment to the Salon des Girardin, where Madame de Giradin entertains the most colorful company of Paris. Madame is an excellent friend of mine, not so inept with her pen, and is spouse to the excellent Monsieur de Girardin, another good friend, and presently the proprietor of Le Presse. There are certain introductions that I think you have been so unfortunately deprived, and I would very much like for you to 'enter into the fray,' so that we may put reconciliation foremost.

Amicalement,
M. Barante