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While Lothaire waited for politicians to arrive he would hold one last speech toward the revolutionary crowd. To appease the public and the few politicians present:

"Brothers and sisters. This is a mighty victory. But let us not squander it. Let us secure our foothold and our revolution. Let us wait for the Deputies and Peers to arrive so that we may set up a true government, one with support of the people and who will serve the people and not the ancien regime and Jesuits.

I will now present some ideas for France of tommorow. It go without saying that the Petition demanding the repeal of the Ordinances and the Ministers are to be followed.

  • The King is not to rule by divine right, but by popular sovereignity i.e the will of the people.
  • The King is to rule, but he is not to govern. Still a monarchy is to be the desired form of government, but not an absolute one. His title is to be the King of the French.
  • All laws and rules repressing and surpressing the press, free will etc. are to be repealed.
  • The King have to swear an oath to the Charter.
  • The Charter is to be the contract between the government and the people and the government are not to be above the Charter.
  • The National Guard are to be reactivated and its members are to be the security force during these turbulent times. The Royal Army are to withdraw from the Seine in its entirety.
  • The suffrage are to be expanded.
  • Catholicism are no longer to be the State Religion, but are to be recognised as the religion professed by the majority of the French.
  • The King are no longer to instigate legislation nor Royal Ordinances of his own will.
  • The Ministry are to be elected by the Chamber of Deputies and approved by the King.
  • Hereditary Peerage are to be abolished, but the Chamber of Peers are to remain.
  • The Tricolor are to once more be the flag of the French Nation.
  • The current King are to abdicate. One who have the support of the people and who support the people are to suceed him.
This is a good draft. This emphasize that the King and government rule by the consent of the people and not God. The King are the subject to the people. I believe Republicans and Royalists alike can set aside their differences and agree to this.

Further it will be the elected Chamber of Deputies who are to elect the Ministers. This so that the Ministry reflect the will of the people and not the King. This for ideological reasons and practical ones. We only need to see the disastrous Ministries appointed by Charles to understand its flaws. The King still remain to give the final approvement appeasing the Royalists.

There will be no state Church. We are not run by Jesuits, but Catholicism are to ve recognised as the majority religion. Again This should be a good compromise for both sides.

All laws repressing the press are to be done with while expanding the electorate. This go without saying. Our sacrifice will not be in vain!

The National Guard is composed of Parisian citizens. Victims of the arbritations of the reactionaries. They don't have innocent blood on their hands. They will provide for the security of France.

Finally the King are to abdicate. He is out of touch with his time and people. We all deserve a King better suited!"

But when he finished his speech reality would slap him and the men cheering hard right in the face. The Royalists launch a counteroffensive...
 
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The coming of Les Hommes
Les Hommes gathered outside the home of Lafitte, outfitted with weapons and flags. They sought one thing, intimidation. The kowtow of those inside to some sort of concession of command or revolutionary power to Les Hommes. A symbol of Les Hommes' fury, they stood, pipes and drums playing, seeking to have the Society matter in this Revolution.
 
Paris
Place de Notre Dame
(Joint IC with @Korona)


Armentiéres paused to take a breath for what seemed like the first time in forever. What a day. What a glorious, terrible, wonderful day. He looked over the Guard camp forming outside the cathedral with a sense of satisfaction and a godawful pain in his leg. They’d dismantled the headquarters in the wine market and moved up to the open ground outside the cathedral, with its prime strategic location across the river from royalist-occupied territory. Now all that was left was to rearm, reorganize, and build barricades. Lots of barricades. He allowed one of his aides to elevate his weak leg, then called another over. “See if Captain Gagnon is available.” The man went running off into the camp.

“Aux armes, citoyens!” Matéo Gagnon finished the last verse of La Marseillaise with a grin reaching from ear to ear. The last three years he had been lost and confused, but to fight with the Guard once again, it was as if he had found his purpose again. Cheering and yelps went up from the small crowd gathered around him and his colleagues as the national anthem ended. Stepping down from the precariously perched table, Matéo gave a curt nod to a man running up, garbed in the torn uniform of a citizen Guardsman. Listening to the man, Matéo gave a smile to the young man in front of him. “Well, if His Excellency the Marquis wishes to see me, I suppose I must accede to his wishes. Very well, take me to him.”

Henri had achieved full apotheosis as an older man resentful the superior energy and health of his younger companions, but managed to vent his feelings mostly in the form of vexed sighs and tiny twinges of leg pain. He was busy attending to the recalcitrant limb through a clumsy massage -- Amelie was much better at it -- when Gagnon appeared, and nodded in greeting. “Ah, Captain, hello. Excellent work today. How are the men?” That seemed like a suitably paternal thing to ask.

Stepping into the Marquis’ ramshackle tent, Matéo gave a curt bow to Armentieres. Although Matéo respected Armentiéres, he knew very little of the man. From what news he could piece together, he truly only knew of the man’s silver tongue, and his disposition towards rational thought, unlike most others with his surname. “Monsieur, I am pleased to report that the men, although tired, are eager to see liberty and peace restored in France. Their spirits are well, and I have nothing but faith in their ability to win the day.”

Henri regarded Gagnon levelly. For sure, his decorum was admirable, but this was perhaps not the time. “Captain, for the love of Christ, take a seat and talk to me like a human being. Are their spirits really high? It’s been a gruesome day.”

Giving a smile, Matéo sat down across from the Marquis. Any noble who would use the Lord’s name in vain was a good noble in the eyes of the Captain. “I just got off of a rousing rendition of La Marseillaise with some men from the 2nd Arrondissement. By the end, every man was smiling. They won’t forget these past few days, the horrors they’ve seen, but they’re strong. We’ve done well, and they know that. I wouldn’t doubt their morale, not now.”

Armentiéres actually grinned at that himself. “God, the Marseillaise. What a tune! I must be the worst scion of the House of Bourbon in history. I’m pretty sure my father was one of the tyrants and traitors in that song. For sure he knew and loved Bouillé.” A brief, wistful reverie, before returning to the matter at hand. “That’s good to hear. I’m proud of all they’ve done and don’t be shy in letting them know it.” He finished massaging his leg and reached for his cane. “Anyway, I’ve got some damn-fool business at Lafitte’s. Charpentier will handle the logistics -- Christ knows he does all the real work anyway -- and he’ll keep you rolling in bullets and bandages. Don’t let the sentries shoot me on my way back, eh?”

Matéo gave a smirk in response to Henri referencing his father. “Aye, you make a horrible Bourbon. I’d say that’s a good thing though.” Matéo stood and held the cloth entrance to Henri’s tent open for him. “I wish you the best of luck with Lafitte’s, God knows that the Deputies there might be more difficult to deal with than Marmont’s lackeys.”

Henri stepped through the entrance, giving Gagnon a genial clap on the shoulder in the process, before breathing in the unfiltered stench of carnage with barely a shudder. “Ah, Captain. If we both survive this, I’ll teach you all about politicians. They’re so much easier to deal with than soldiers. You see, soldiers dodge bullets. Politicians, well, they move towards the bribe.” He grinned to himself and walked off into the night, escorted by a small squad of Guardsmen, whistling the Marseillaise as he went.
 
Paris
Outside Lafitte’s House
(Joint avec @etranger01)


Henri Armentieres, accompanied by a half-dozen Guardsmen, approached the house (really, the manor) of Jacques Lafitte, only to be confronted with the sight of a mob of Les Hommes besieging the place and blocking his entry. He muttered a blasphemy under his breath, then stepped forward with his escort, waiting to be noticed.

Les Hommes, or in it’s current iteration more appropriately the Verdets, stepped aside except for a single individual. The history of Les Hommes with Bourbon-Armentieres was a complicated one, but the respect existed. The only one to not step aside, stubborn in his vanity, was the third Grandmaster, Roy de Brye.

Armentieres held his escort back with a raised hand, then walked forward into the parted crowd of Verdets, coming to a halt in front of de Brye. He offered him an abbreviated if respectful bow. “M. de Brye, I assume? Henri Armentieres, at your service.”

Roy gave a look to the man, and after a beat bowed in turn, prompting the muttering Verdets to quiet. An individual of merit indeed. de Brye spoke dryly, as was his way. “Let us, or members of mine, into the home and you may pass peacefully.”

Henri smiled faintly. “Monsieur, your desire is in full accord with my own. Not only shall I offer you, and perhaps one or two others should you wish it, entry into the house of M. Lafitte, I had it in mind to offer you a place on our council, as befits a man of respect. I do hope that you shall accept.”

Roy smiled broadly, and gave a cheer, echoed loudly by his compatriots. “Long live Les Hommes, Long live Armentieres!” The grandmaster turned and joined with Henri alongside two of his trusted (armed, and burly) lieutenants.

Henri inclined his head in a respectful nod at the cheer, then motioned two of his own aides forward to flank him, leaving the others outside. “Also, if I may suggest it, the bulk of your men might be more profitably occupied at the barricades? Though a guard force to assist my own men would also be most welcome in keeping the peace.”

Roy gave a bitter laugh. “No, they will not move. They may sleep, but they will await my return.” The man was most like his predecessor in his stubbornness, although mayhaps not politics.

Henri shrugged, palms up, in acquiescence. “Naturally, Monsieur. I know when I seek to command the tide. Les Hommes is, if anything, even more implacable.” And with that, he stepped inside alongside Roy.
 
Alexandre, Jakob
((Private:
@naxhi24
@Davout ))​


My dear friend Henri Armentiéres has asked me to recommend a pair of bourgeoisie representatives for the city committee. I'll still need to show to push the Deputies in that direction tomorrow, but the writing seems on the wall. A council will be formed tomorrow before Lafitte and the good Durand lose their chance to grab the reigns of the arrondisement insurrectionary councils.

But I digress, my point is... I have recommended to some of the other Deputies that you two should represent our class on the Council.

Alexandre I know you have been a great motivating voice for the workers over the past two days, Jakob I know you have been fighting alongside the insurrectionaries. But that is why the council will need you. The leaders of the various forces are uniting to provide some direction. I hear the verdets will be represented on the council as well. I can think of no better steadying hands than the two of you. After I give my fellow Deputies the push in the right direction tomorrow, I will not stick around to weigh down the Council, I will return to the field and trust you two to do the good work.

I hope you do not hate me for making this decision, but I don't think I can speak for the two of you any longer, so I hope you will do me the honor of speaking for us all, all the businessmen of Paris.

Duval
 
The Lafitte House
1830

Alexandre made his way towards the Lafitte house. Jacques Lafitte and Alexandre's father were rather distant compared to the other banking families. The reason for this was that they disagreed over how they made their money. Lafitte made his money backing the Revolution and the Empire while Robert Descombes made his money supporting nobles out of the country. This led to a divide between the two families, but Robert Descombes had grown to respect the man due to the fact that Lafitte was the wealthiest banker in France. Alexandre had never met the man though.

As he approached the house, he noticed a large gathering of men with rifles. They were shouting things such as "Down with the Bourbons" and "Up with the People" and other populist phrases.
Verdets... thought Alexandre. The Verdets interrupted a deal between a noble and a Descombes representative in Toulouse during the riots of the 1810s. The poor rep was beaten to an inch of his life.

Alexandre sighed and progressed into the house, prepared to meet with the various men of the revolution.
 
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l'Élan Journal
On the Revolution, and the Need of a Republic.

The King has failed, the Kingdom has failed, and the people of France fight against the bullies of tyranny. Protests of unneeded repression is met with grapeshot and behorsed steel. The death of the peasants at the hand of Saint-Fulgent is met with inaction by an endless, apathetic Ministry. The King stays indoors, comfy in his luxury and liqour.

No more! We cry as we wave the flag.

No more! We cry as we man the barricades.

No more! We cry, as we turn back the tide of reaction.

Let the flow of Swiss Guard blood be seen throughout the streets. France will never surrender!

To Arms! To Arms! Don Revolutionary green and join the Verdets! We will turn back the tide and forever defeat the reactionary forces that seek to keep down the common man.
 
((At Chez Lafitte))

A grimy man, his face covered in powder burns, and clothes spattered with blood and excrement approaches the Lafitte residence as summoned.

Rowdy Verdets acost the stranger. "Who goes there?"

"F¥€k off!"

"Fair enough, pass friend", the thug replies.

Jacques walks into the mansion.
 
((Laffitte residence)).

His uniform was bloodied. Blood of his own, the enemy and friends. His face had taken a beating. A bandage covering his right half, and an improvised tourneqiuet on his left leg. He was blunt, calm and straight to the point:

"Gentlemen. No matter what you discuss this is a point of no return. If the revolution are put down so will you in the following terror. You need to take leadership. Announce a provisional government and lead the city.

I will now return to the front, to the barricades. Do your work here, save Paris from destruction. We will have a long night ahead of us by the barricades. But we need proper leadership here and supplies or we will lose, and you will be purged".
 
At the château du Raincy.

The slow drip of information from Lafitte and other Orléanistes stuck in Paris became a torrent as nightfall came and the coast was clear enough for couriers to arrive. The obstinance of his cousin, the King, and the bellicosity of his executioner, Saint-Aignan, had created a general rebellion that now engulfed the capital. Soon the rest of Europe would be wagging their tongues about the disturbances in France. Quoting the laws would do little to quiet the passions of the mob, surely even the most ardent reactionary would see where the winds had begun to blow; even Berstett had surrendered his seals and left the gathering of Ultras at Saint-Cloud.

He did have a mind to write to the King to urge him to throw in his lot with the Moderate Left before the situation turned uglier. Yet his sister was firm in her advice for her brother to stay put where he was. There was no going back, the King had to back down or be broken and Louis-Philippe had to ensure his hands were clean if the unthinkable were to occur. Between the arch-reactionism of the King and the growing radicalism of the mob in Paris there had to be an alternative and Louis-Philippe was by default that alternative. He had already tasted bitter exile once, he would not do so willingly again; the Duc thus made up his mind and accepted the fact the senior line would reap the whirlwind they had sown, whatever the initial outcome of this chaos would be.
 
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Le Comité des Bons Citoyens de Paris

***

DOES HEREBY declare their demand to see King Charles X abdicate and renounce his claim to the throne of the Kingdom of France, as he can, after this bloodshed and the Ordinnances of Saint-Cloud, no longer be expected to uphold his oath to protect the Constitutional Charter and the basic freedoms of the French enshrined within it.

***

DOES HEREBY declare their demand that the Ministers, whose incompetence and immorality have forced upon the Good Citizens of Paris this great and unneeded bloodshed, chief among them Saint Aignan and Saint Flugent removed from Office and the Ordinnances of Saint-Cloud, which has only contributed to the great harm befallen upon this great capital, repealed.

***

DOES HEREBY declare their support for the Good French Citizens of the National Guard and shall send delegates to each arrondissement to coordinate the Good Citizens of Paris.

***

DOES HEREBY call upon all Good French Citizens who are currently Members of the Forces of Destruction, Tyranny and Destitution of Saint Flugent and Saint Aignan to hold true to their good nature and their good minds and lay down their arms or join the Good Citizens of Paris in their protection of the City from pillaging, murder and rape.
 
Paris barricades, nightfall.

While organising the barricades during nightfall Lothaire stood on top flanked by two men. One holding the tricolor, the other the red flag. The whole crowd stood in awe and were unusually qiuet as he spoke up.

"Brothers and sisters of Paris. We have all fought for liberty, the future of France and the Charter. We have all experienced the wickedness of the reactionaries. So great are their fear of losing their enslavement of the free people of France that the army are sent to outright murder us for standing up for our rights!

But that is nothing but an act of desperation. They know they face defeat and commit crimes of murder. Murdering the very people they are ought to protect. But do know the army support us in their hearts. The reservists are on our side. Active service members remain out of fear and many desert. This is an act of desperation and more people and politicians will flock under the Tricolor when witnessing the pure evil of the Reactionaries.

We are hunters. We hunt down the mighty beast named absolutism. We have more or less ended it. What we see is its dying breath. Its final dying cramps. Now we need to put it down! Put down the beast of absolutism and reaction once and for all!

But we must not fall. We must not become evil as we defeat evil. Let us not fall into the misteps of our predecessors.

Some want a Republic. Many for sound reasons. But many also are Verdets! Terrorists who want nothing but chaos! The very same that murdered and terrorised thousands of innocents just because they were suspected to be liberals, Republicans or Bonapartists. Think of the White-terror! Think of Tolouse! Shame on them! To hell with them! Let us not fall for their honeyed words.

Let us keep the monarchy. Before you accuse me of being a monarchist. I have fought alongside you! I have always fought for liberty and justice! Making many to believe I am a republican and Bonapartist and making several Deputies shun me more than the plague.

But we need the monarchy. To make sure we do not fall into a dictatorship. A republican one under Verdets or an Emperor. But the people will be above the King! The King will be the servant of the people. His role will be ceremonial and to ensure that we do not fall to oppression again.

But it will not be His Most Jesuit King Charles the Last! No! He must go! Having the blood of thousands of innocents lives on his hands. But we are better than he and his kind. He will not be killed, he will abdicate by the will of the people! And by the will of the people a new Citizen King are to elected! One in the service of the people! Restrained by the Charter! A new democracy where it is the Deputies, elected by the people, who choose the ministry and the King can't propose laws. The King is to rule, but the people are to govern!

Now repeat after me: Vive la France! Vive la Charter! Liberte, egalite, fraternite!"
 
((Private letter to @baboushreturns ))

General,

You are needed. Come to Paris. Lead the people to victory either in the battlefield or among the provisional government. Come now and lead all of France to liberty!

Yours,
Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @Cloud Strife ))

Madame Adélaïde,

I write to you, in truth writing to another man. The tides have hit the shores. I am currently in the midst of many fishermen trying to roll with the tide.

A change of leadership is at hand among the fishers. I ask if I am to remain among the current fishers and lead them, or to join the new leadership. Eitherway I'm trying to project them on a stable path that will lead to true freedom. Away from anarchy of one side and tyrranty of the other.

Your obedient servant.
 
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REVOLUTION 7: AUX ARMES, CITOYENS!

As soon as the terrible conflicts of the preceding day had subsided, the remainder of the night was committed to the obstructions of the cavalry; excellent materials were drawn from stone, barricades were piled high, and the gates of the Palace of Justice were torn down to create impediments. Nowhere in Paris was there a lamp left standing. No man wanted news; each man was a Minister and creator of it.

Paris was soon converted into a network of trenches; M. MANGIN, the Prefect of Police, finally quit Paris in the early hours.

The NIGHT was full of intrigues; peaceable before, the mob, now led by LES HOMMES, hangs the operatives of SAINT-AIGNAN from the building balconies. There will be no more friendship.

NEXT they proceed to the APARTMENT of ROTHSCHILD, where they FIRE into the RESPLENDENT HOUSE. They are WARDED OFF, but BARELY!

LES HOMMES march to LAFITTE's HOUSE, where the DEPUTIES are POSTED for the NIGHT; they THREATEN them with DEATH should their DEMANDS be IGNORED.

vrLuIMS.jpg

The TERROR in the NIGHT.

An ASSOCIATE of DUVAL is MURDERED in COLD BLOOD; WORRYING affairs are AFOOT at NIGHT.

ALL the WHILE, d'Armentières, POSTED with the NATIONAL GUARD at the barricades behind the PLACE de GRÊVE, sends DEPUTATIONS to the HOUSE of LAFITTE to ask for LES HOMMES' inclusion; unbeknownst to him, they have EXECUTED a NIGHT of TERROR. The WEALTHY will not FORGIVE this transgression.

These DEPUTIES attempt to CONTROL the INSURRECTION; but FIRST they MUST assert its LEAD, or RISK the MOB! Someone MUST command the GUARD!

But ALAS, peace is for the DEAD! The TOCIN sounds; "to arms!" cries Paris!

The brave NATIONAL GUARDS assemble on the boulevards, in the Place de Grêve, joined by the students of the Polytechnic School.

At the RUE DE RICHELIEU, the sides stand EN FACE; the MODS and the GUARDS gleam with EAGER. The BATTLE continues, and the DEAD pile again!

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SCARCELY a STREET on the RIGHT BANK of PARIS is free of BARRICADES!

EVERYWHERE, there is BELIEF, that the DEPUTIES will SOON form a PROVISIONAL CITY COMMITTEE to ORGANIZE the NATIONAL GUARD. There is FEAR the MOB might OVERCOME!

In the STREETS, the cry DOWN with the BOURBONS is heard; there are some charges of VIVE LE REPUBLIC, but above all is that dreaded cry: VIVE L'EMPEREUR!

FINALLY, in the MORNING, an IMMENSE FORCE, comes upon the HÔTEL de VILLE; there are too many PARISIANS to be resisted. D'Armentières, SURPRISED by the SPONTANEOUS action of the PEOPLE [not the NATIONAL GUARDS], nonetheless HURRIES to the HÔTEL and takes command!

The battle ERUPTS at the RUE du BAC, and the ARTILLERY is CARRIED to the INSURRECTION.

j8GrLRc.jpg

MOBS break into the MONASTERIES; they CHASE out the PRIESTS, burn the BOOKS, and STORM the PALACE of the ARCHBISHOP.

The LOUVRE is ATTACKED from THREE SIDES; on the GRAND FRONT, opposite the PONT DES ARTS, and at the entrance of the CAROUSEL on the quay side.

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The MARCH to the LOUVRE.

The RUE du ROHAN is STORMED by the REVOLUTIONARIES!

jSZ9TGc.jpg

ALL of PARIS is BEARING down on the ROYALISTS.

The BATTLE is now at the PALACE! TO ARMS! VIVE LA RÉVOLUTION!

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-
https://www.dropbox.com/s/tgg26qg1zk4avi3/Paris_2.png?dl=0
 
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Le Comité des Bons Citoyens de Paris
While Paris descends further into fighting, the Committee, with as provisional presiding officer Victor Durand, has spend the previous hours organising a system of communications, resources and hospitals to the best of their limited ability. Each Arrondissement recieved a delagete, either a respected locals who displayed their good character, or an experienced former deputy from the region, tasked with assisting the citizens present with gathering and organising supplies. The Delagates used a system of local boys as runners to pass on messages to one another and to and from the Committee. The Delagates would assist in organising Communal kitchens, limiting theft from fellow citizens and organising local hospitals or care points for the wounded citizens. However, of course, looting was not stopped completely and in some arrondissement it was actively encouraged to loot military supplies and other property held by the army. Lastly, the Committee, fearing total anarchy, encouraged the creation of local citizenry police, composed of national guardsmen and trustworthy armed citizens to prevent violence between revolutionaries from occuring on a large and leathal scale.
 
Esmé Merivée, 1e vicomte du Bessin

1867%20BESSIN.jpg

Bessin in 1867, painted by Marie-Noémie La Chapelle.



Jean-Esmé-Hyacinthe Merivée, 1e vicomte du Bessin, Pair de France, GE, ForMemRS (13 February 1799 – 18XX), styled as Esmé Merivée until 1853, was a French statesman and writer. During a long career he served three times as foreign secretary and was prime minister between 1856–58. Along with the 4e duc de Lévis he founded the Union libérale in 1863. Bessin is remembered for his influential voice in European affairs, his lifelong political légitimisme, and his promotion of numerous social causes. He helped to navigate the legitimist cause from opposition under the June Monarchy and the Second Republic into government during the Second Restoration, and was a close advisor of King Henri V. Outside of his political career, he was well regarded as a lawyer and a writer who wrote numerous works of history and political science. He is remembered chiefly for his early writings on class, for which he is sometimes considered to be a founding father of sociology.


Origins and Early Life


Born into a bourgeois family from the Calvados region of Normandy, Esmé was the third son of Jean-Eugène Merivée and his wife Marie-Thérèse (née Duhamel). His father, a noted Royalist, had been a moderately successful distillery owner before his business was all but destroyed during the Revolution. The family living in much-reduced circumstances, Jean-Eugène managed to evade the worst excesses of the First Republic and was spared the guillotine. This penury subsisted into the First Empire, and Esmé and his brothers were educated thanks only to the financial aid of his maternal uncle, an attorney in Rouen.

Merivée was admitted to the lycée in Lisieux following a competitive examination and performed well academically. After the Restoration of 1815, his father's financial situation improved, allowing Esmé to enter the faculty of law at Rouen in 1817. He was called to the Bar three years later, and for a time earned a living in his uncle's practice.


Arrival in Paris

Merivée arrived in Paris in 1823 with only a letter of recommendation and the five-hundred franc prize he had won for an essay on the Pensées of Blaise Pascal. He soon found employment as the secretary to former minister the Duc de Montmorency-Laval during his final years, which introduced him to Ultra-royalist and Conservative circles and first brought him to some note as a young man of promise. Merivée was at this point still in favour of pursuing a career in literature, and as secretary to Montmorency-Laval he was exposed to much of Paris's literary scene. He met Chateaubriand and Lamennais, whose political views he accorded with more than those of the Duke. In 1824, Merivée became engaged to Montmorency-Laval's illegitimate daughter, Marie-Hortense, whom he married in October of that year. This brought him a dowry of 30,000 francs, which allowed him to purchase a plot of land on which to buy a house—a vital declaration of ambition, as this would ultimately allow him to satisfy the property qualifications for being elected to the Chamber of Deputies.

Soon after, however, he left the service of his father-in-law Montmorency-Laval to take up a position as a writer at Chateaubriand's Journal des débats. This coincided with the period shortly after the accession to the throne of Louis XVII's brother, Charles X, whose absolutist views Chateaubriand opposed, drawing him into the opposition. Although Merivée wrote predominately on the subjects of art and literature, he was soon also drawn into political writing as Charles hardened his anti-constitutional stance. Merivée took a line that criticised the policies of the ministry of the Duc de Sully, which he believed were reckless in their indifference towards France's bourgeois population. Merivée believed that it would be the middle classes, who had means without being vested in the monarchy's survival at all costs, who had the greatest power to threaten the stability of the Bourbon regime. He further espoused a cautionary view of the provincial populations, whom he knew from his early experiences could not be relied upon to support monarchism, especially absolutism, unquestioningly. As a result, within two years of his arrival in Paris he had become one of the city's best-read journalists—especially amongst those not writing for the sensationalist Constitutionnel, which dominated sales during the period.


Career as an Historian

In 1826, Merivée completed a three-volume history, On the Revolution and its Causes, which analysed the downfall of the ancien régime and the subsequent advent of the Jacobins. Hampered slightly by the extreme popularity of Adolphe Thiers' own, more liberal history published around the same time, Merivée's work was nevertheless praised by Chateaubriand and Lamennais. The set sold respectably, going through two subsequent editions and earning Merivée over 10,000 francs. Popular in more conservative circles to whom Thiers did not appeal, Merivée criticised the complacency and lack of flexibility displayed by the absolutist regime, praising the Revolution's constitutionalist foundations whilst denouncing the later Jacobin leaders as “dictators as evil and as flagrant in their excesses as the worst of tyrants, concerned only with the social contract insofar as it enriched and flattered their insatiable ambition.” He went on to outline his belief that the Revolution's failure to bring about “a sensible and moderate government” could be attributed to the fallibility of the society it created, “whose power was tyranny; whose strength was brutality; which was impotent in the face of the ambition of men untrammelled by natural order, or else a sincere belief in the prosperity of France above themselves.” Later translated into English by Merivée himself, it was published in London in 1831 to a favourable reception, at a time when the British monarchy was being rocked by tensions surrounding the passage of the Reform Bill. Thomas Carlyle was particularly enthusiastic about the work, and as a result invited Merivée to stay with him in London for a period. During this time, Merivée developed his constitutionalist views, informed both by Carlyle's own thinking and by the turbulence of the Reform Riots.


Opposition to Charles X

When the Parisian mood towards the King Charles soured in April 1827 following his dismissal of the National Guard, Merivée grew more trenchant in his attacks on the ministry, which he deemed to have displayed a complacency towards social order in its contempt for the people. Later that year, Merivée aided Chateaubriand in his efforts founding the Society of Friends of the Freedom of the Press, believing a free press to be a necessary pillar of a well-functioning society.

Also around this time, Merivée began to lecture at the University of France, where he assisted in both the faculties of law and letters. Through his lectures, Merivée promoted the idea of a system of government with the Charter at its centre. In one celebrated address, expanded and published in 1829 as On the merits of the Charter of 1814 as a defence against anarchy, Merivée gave his view that a constitutional system rooted in the ideas of the Charter remained “the greatest mechanism for preventing the overthrow by rampant democracy of a society bound to reason by a just contract of understanding between classes.” Against the backdrop of Charles X's increasing absolutism, this was a clear statement against the ministry of the day and earned Merivée some approbation from more liberal circles. He remained wary of democracy as a system for judicious government, however, and spoke of monarchy as being the best guard of the social contract, as envisaged by thinkers such as Hobbes and Rousseau. In early 1830, he delivered a lecture on these thoughts, published in March as On monarchy and the social contract. The publication caused a stir in conservative circles as it went beyond Merivée's previous lectures, in which he had spoken about an ideal system of government with only implicit reference to the Bourbon regime. This time, however, he went further: in On monarchy, Merivée explicitly described how a system of absolutism worked to erode the trust between social classes which, in his view, held society together. In this way, Merivée attacked in a public forum the policies of Charles X as being damaging to France. The lecture very nearly resulted in Merivée's dismissal from the university, prevented only by the intervention of more sanguine ministers who counselled that to dismiss Merivée would mean dismissing many more radical academics, which the government was unwilling to do. By the time opposition to Charles swelled into full-on revolution, however, Merivée was a leading figure of the conservative opposition.


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Merivée in 1830.

Following the issuing of the ordinances of Saint-Cloud by King Charles, which recorded the liberty of the press, Merivée urged Chateaubriand to defy the new laws and continue printing. Chateaubriand demurred, however, preferring instead to avoid hasty action. Nevertheless, Merivée met with other journalists at the residence of Adolphe Thiers, his former rival, and was one of forty-four figures to sign the drafted statement of protest against the laws. As a consequence, a warrant was issued for Merivée's arrest, but he evaded capture, along with the other journalists, by leaving Paris for a brief period. As it became clear that the situation was worsening, however, he soon returned in order to assist in the efforts against the ministry's counter-attack.


Positions Held

1830–36; 1840–46 Deputy for Calvados
1836–40 Ambassador to the Court of St James's
1840–44 Minister of State for Foreign Affairs
1846–48 Ambassador to the Austrian Empire
1848–50 Ambassador to the Court of St James's
1850–52 Senator for the Ve Province
1856–58 Minister of State for Foreign Affairs
1856–58 Prime Minister
1858 President of the Council of State
1858–63 Ambassador to the Court of St James's
1863–66 Minister of State for Foreign Affairs


Titles, Honours and Appointments

1848 Knight Third Class of the Order of the Iron Crown (Austrian Empire)
1851–Present Member of the Académie Française (Seat IV)
1853–Present Vicomte du Bessin
1853–Present Pair de France
1858 Knight of the Order of the Holy Spirit
1858–Present Foreign Member of the Royal Society (United Kingdom)
1860 Honorary Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (United Kingdom)
1866 Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Isabella the Catholic (Spain)
1867 Honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (United Kingdom)
1868 Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Ferdinand and of Merit (Two Sicilies)




Memories of All Seasons
The Life of the Vicomte du Bessin

BOOK VI – 1831–32, England


Chapter 3
Chapters 4&5

BOOK VIII – 1836–37, England

Chapters 3&4
Chapter 7

BOOK XIII – 1852, England

Chapter 6

BOOK XIV – 1853, The Second Restoration

Chapter 1
Chapter 2

BOOK XX – 1863

Chapter 3

BOOK XXIII – 1867

Chapter 2
Chapter 3

BOOK XXIV – 1868

Chapter 1
 
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Le Comité des Bons Citoyens de Paris
While Paris descends further into fighting, the Committee, with as provisional presiding officer Victor Durand, has spend the previous hours organising a system of communications, resources and hospitals to the best of their limited ability. Each Arrondissement recieved a delagete, either a respected locals who displayed their good character, or an experienced former deputy from the region, tasked with assisting the citizens present with gathering and organising supplies. The Delagates used a system of local boys as runners to pass on messages to one another and to and from the Committee. The Delagates would assist in organising Communal kitchens, limiting theft from fellow citizens and organising local hospitals or care points for the wounded citizens. However, of course, looting was not stopped completely and in some arrondissement it was actively encouraged to loot military supplies and other property held by the army. Lastly, the Committee, fearing total anarchy, encouraged the creation of local citizenry police, composed of national guardsmen and trustworthy armed citizens to prevent violence between revolutionaries from occuring on a large and leathal scale.

((Private letter to the committee)).

"Paris is soon to fall to the revolution. Send out the National Guard to aid the final push for the palace. Do this to take control and leadership of the situation and prevent another evnt as the terror of the night. Secure and reinforce the positions we already hold. Both to keep the situaiton from escalating further and to establish yourself as the true government. If possible send National Guards in screening manuevers to prevent further Royalist Forces to enter the fray.

I also strongly advise to send terms of capitulation to the palace and the various Royalist Forces. Give them the chance to capitulate peacefully. Their weapons can be confiscated and used by the National Guard.

Eitherway the attack for the Palace will take place. Choose to partake and take lead of the revolution or not. We will attack anyway, the attack will come and victory is within our grasps.

-Lothaire Lécuyer."

Lothaire had the Palace in his sight. He had briefed several men on how to take on the attack, mostly men who were veterans or national guardsmen, but most would simply follow them. The preceding night he had held many speeches and elegant briefings. Organising the rabble as good as he could and gave them promises of the National Guard to aid them and the news of a Provisional Government. Trying to keep them in check and prevnt as many from turning to terror. He was simple this time, the Tricolor in one hand a saber in the other. He cried "Follow Liberty! Attack!" and they charged..
 
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Le Comité des Bons Citoyens de Paris

***

DOES HEREBY declare their demand to see King Charles X abdicate and renounce his claim to the throne of the Republic of France, as he can, after this bloodshed and the Ordinnances of Saint-Cloud, no longer be expected to uphold his oath to protect the Constitutional Charter and the basic freedoms of the French enshrined within it.

***

DOES HEREBY declare their demand that the Ministers, whose incompetence and immorality have forced upon the Good Citizens of Paris this great and unneeded bloodshed, chief among them Saint Aignan and Saint Flugent removed from Office and the Ordinnances of Saint-Cloud, which has only contributed to the great harm befallen upon this great capital, repealed.

***

DOES HEREBY declare their support for the Good French Citizens of the National Guard and shall send delegates to each arrondissement to coordinate the Good Citizens of Paris.

***

DOES HEREBY call upon all Good French Citizens who are currently Members of the Forces of Destruction, Tyranny and Destitution of Saint Flugent and Saint Aignan to hold true to their good nature and their good minds and lay down their arms or join the Good Citizens of Paris in their protection of the City from pillaging, murder and rape.

Printed using Les Hommes' printing presses. Bold indicates edits.
 
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Le Comité des Bons Citoyens de Paris

The Committee of the Good Citizens of Paris does hereby APPOINTe Marquis de Armentiéres as the Commander of the National Guard in Paris and shall be tasked with capturing the last regions of resistance to the French People and their calls for liberty, prosperity and peace, through the means of arms if necessary.

The Committee of the Good Citizens of Paris does hereby APPOINT le Marquis de Lafayette as Deputy Commander of the National Guard in Paris and shall be tasked with securing and maintaining the Rule of Law in Paris and negotiating the surrender of Royalists Troops who have seen the futility and illegitimacy of their violence.

The Committee of the Good Citizens of Paris does hereby APPOINT General Étienne Gérard as Commander of the Chartist French Army and shall be tasked with assisting the National Guard in maintaining the Rule of Law in Paris and capturing the last regions of resistance to the French People.
A Runner is sent to le Marquis de Armentiéres to ask him to accept his commission, since both Lafayette and Gérard are present at the meeting in Durand's Apartment, they are quickly and unceremouniously appointed, wished Godspeed and sent on their way.
 
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