• We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
((No pamphlets, printers are closed.))

Lothaire understood he couldn't print his pamphlet. The printers had disappeared when he was drinking with revolutionaires.

He instead collected his many members of the festivity committee and asked them to write what he said by hand. They were then sent to various locations where the lower and middle class resided and read the content. They were told the times of talk had come to an end. They had to grip the situation lest they would lose it. A total of four tracts reached their targets, but it hit right into the working class, the industrial/commercial class, former national guards and nobles..
 
Last edited:
@naxhi24

@Davout

The Chamber of Commerce has made its voice heard, they have set into motion all that they can do. Now it is time for Deputies to make their stand. Duval looks upon the faces of his two colleagues, his partners in business, and makes an impassioned appeal.

"It is the duty of the better classes to lead the poor by example and not leave them to their own devices. We did not close down the shops of Paris so that idle hands could do the devil's work, we must go to the workers' quarter and call them to arms. This is no businessman's protest, no local matter of petitioning the Mayor, so I do not expect the Chamber of Commerce to follow into the slums. But as a Deputy and a former Minister, I have an obligation to go and speak, to put myself at the same risk as any other man, so that those with education and poise might lead the masses through the fog of war.

Alexandre, I know you are not a Deputy, not a politician, but you are the young hope of our class. I hope you will accompany me into the gutters of Paris so we may raise the united banner of one people, one nation, high.

Jakob, I know these times are more dangerous for you than for many, and you have much on your mind. But never has there been a Minister and a Deputy more unwilling to accept slander than you. Your voice is one that echoes throughout Paris.

As employers and men of political conviction, we stand at the threshold between two worlds. So we must decide for ourselves, do we fight only for higher interest rates, or is there a higher calling? In the light of morning we can see that the aristocracy is not here to lead the people they claim to protect, they will not and cannot. Tomorrow and the next day and after that it will be the captains of industry who serve as the patrons and protectors of the common men. And so we must accept, along with the reigns of power, the burden of noblesse oblige.

We must stand on tables. We must shout at the tops of our lungs. And when the time comes, we must lend a hand to the building of the barricades. Our dignity as the productive class demands nothing less.

Will you come with me to the workers' quarters? Will you follow me into the heart of danger for a noble cause?"

Alexandre walks over to Duval. He always thought that the man was going to be just another business partner with his father's company. Now though, here they are, acting together in the pursuit of a greater goal, a goal that Alexandre actually cares about.

"My friend, I will accompany you through the guts of hell for a chance to save what we have created."
 
Trecambien stands atop an upturned barrel outside of a small gathering of students and junior Officers, some of them True Franks. His forehead is covered in sweat, and he has a faint odour of wine on him. He shouts for order, to no avail; the street quietens down a bit when an Officer at his side fires a pistol into the air.

"Frenchmen! I call upon you!" He proclaims loudly, his voice breaking halfway through.

"Who are you again?" A woman screeches from a window. Some of the drunks laugh but others yell back at her. A flowerpot is thrown in anger, but causes no significant injury.

"It has become clear that we are at a critical juncture! The King has denied our demands and instead seeks to drown us in our own blood! In the name of Liberty, now is the time to declare our true intentions, our true convictions! If the new revolution fails, let us all be damned and killed, but let everyone know that we did not die in shackles!" His voice out, he takes a drink of water, choking on it. He sputters and coughs for a good twenty seconds while the crowd standds around awkwardly. "Sorry, sorry... Anyways, shackles! We'll have none! Long live the Republic!"
 

((@99KingHigh - Private))

To Jean-Henri-Claude Mangin, Prefect of the Police of Paris
M. Prefect,

Due to the disorders in Paris, I see it fit to use the emergency mechanisms as provided for in the Law on the General Security of 1820. I demand that you, in accordance with clause b) Article I of the Law on General Security to use your right to administratively detain (for the term not exceeding three monthes), these persons that actively, in resistance to the execution of the royal ordinances of 1830, violate laws and public order within Paris. Among these of the political elite that I may name as most important targets and suspects I would name Henri Jules de Armentiers and M. Trecambien, who have, during the last years, committed numerous violations (though seditious speeches) of the provisions of the Law on the Repression of Crimes and Offenses committed by the Press, or by any Other Means of Publication, openly insulting the Royal Majesty and his authority, Lothaire Lecuyer, a known radical and former Legionaire. I must also remind you. M. Prefect, that under amended version of the Law on the Repression of Crimes and Offenses committed by the Press or by Other Means of Publication, and in accordance to the Constitutional Charter of 1814, parliamentary immunity of the offenders is valid only while it exists - and therefore now these persons can be fully prosecuted for the committed offenses.

However, I encourage you not to be limited to my assumptions, but indentify any active leaders of the movements of ex-National Guardsmens, students, etc, who now act in violation of the applicable laws and ordinances.

Should that your powers are not enough in the situation (even though they are more than sufficient), I personally, in my capacity as the Minister of the Interior and in accordance with clause b) Article I of the Law on the General Security, would use my own legal powers.

After the arrests you are to transfer them to a safe and guarded location. Under no conditions, M. Prefect, should you allow the rebels to free these prisoners.

At the same time I demand that you take active measures in order to stop the illegal printing in Paris and conduct the forceful dissolution of any protest bodies. Coordinate with the military authorities and Royal Direction of the State Security, it will be instructed to give you all the due assistance.

Should you be in need of any further aide, write to me immediately. I also demand that you inform me swiftly of any change of situation in Paris. I have to warn you that I may soon arrive in Paris to personally check how my orders are executed.

Signed: SAINT-AIGNAN



To the Director General of the Royal Direction of the State Security​

Mon cher,

I here send you the copy of my instructions to M.Mangin, the Prefect of the Police of Paris and Seine. I ask you to provide him all possible assistance. However, I ask you, if necessary, to execute what he cannot and make all necessary arrests under applicable laws and ordinances and in accordance with my powers under the Law on the General Security.

I do also have additional instructions for you that in a separate addendum, written in the manner common for our interactions. Please submit to me timely reports regarding the situation in Paris. but be warned that I may soon personally arrive in the capital to check upon your progress. The coffers of the Ministry of the Interior would, as always, be open for the Direction.

I remain yours truly
SAINT-AIGNAN

The addition is written on a separate piece of paper in invisible ink.

As you know, the investigative organ that you have the honor to head have for a long time been creating a body of informers and agents within the antidynastic and opposition movements. Now I need you to use the agents of the body to create strife and discord between the protesters, to guarantee that they escalate into conflict with each others. Spread rumors that are useful for our cause– such, for example, that the ex-National Guardsmen are planning to assault the Hommes, that the radical republicans are planning to start pillaging the houses of the rich bourgouse one of these nights, and so on. You must do all you can to disunite and discourage the rebellious elements. During the rallies of the opposition, have people shout provocative slogans that would lead to contradictions between protesters of various creeds and clashes within the mob.

As the information of the secret operations of the state police should never fall into the hands of the rebels, you may burn this addendum.
 
Last edited:
Alexandre stands among a group of working class men in a tavern. The men are talking about the recent events of the morning. As they discuss the seizure of the press, Alexandre stands on a table in the middle of the tavern.

-------------------------------------------------------------

My friends. We stand here today, not as feudal slaves to lords, but as men of a new and independent working society. We are not shackled to land and forced to toil in servitude, we do our own work for our own living. We, the carpenters, bankers, tanners, shopkeepers, innkeepers, all aspire to greatness and wealth for ourselves and our children. In today's society, we are able to grow from humble beginnings to prestige and prominence. The days of being held back as peasants working on farms is over! Yet now, we have a government that is filled with people who wish to see us return to the days of servitude, to the days when men like us were shackled down on some noble's estate to toil for them with no way out. We, the working men of Paris, cannot allow this to continue! We, the smiths, clerks, the working men of Paris, are a beacon to progress within this Kingdom. We will lead the way forward for France to move into the modern era, away from its feudal past. We must not allow men to hold us back from aspiring to the same greatness the Dukes and Counts of today experience! We must not allow men to hold us back in working to achieving those aspirations via the sweat of our own independent labor! We must show that we, the working men of Paris, are the future of France!
 
Armentières, June 26th 1789 1830
Estate of the Marquise


Blissfully unaware of the events unfolding in Paris, which would not reach Armentières for another full 4 days, Amélie decided upon bringing the children for a little pique-nique near the pond that was located on the estate. While Louis was running around, chasing without success at some squirrels, she was making sure that Charlotte was eating properly the little bread and cheese they had brought. It was a beautiful day, the sort of uneventful day that really made life in the countryside the best part of France.
 
(( @Marschalk ))

Ql3UkC2.png
 
Belle awoke to another peaceful day in Guémené. She had nothing planned for the day, so what better time than to delve into another book. The one about Caesar had been fascinating, and she felt like finding something history-related to read. She perused the bookshelves in the library, trying to find something of interest. Eventually she came across a treatise on the Magna Carta. Not the most enthralling topic, but it piqued her interest nonetheless. She had a rough idea of the document's history. The English often attributed it as being one of the first documents to properly define the relationship between the king and his subjects, as well as the rights those subjects should be guaranteed. It made her wonder if France had anything similar. Perhaps the Charter of 1814? The Charter did indeed provide the people with various rights, guaranteed to them by the king. That seemed the closest comparison she could think of.

Belle read through the treatise, intrigued by the chaos that ensued with trying to get the king to respect the clauses of the Magna Carta properly. Thank god France did not have such problems. The Bourbon monarchs had pledged to uphold the Charter and it now served as a rallying call for all French citizens. Everyone could enjoy fundamental rights granted to them by the Charter. No French monarch would be foolish enough to abuse or violate the Charter like so many English kings of old did with the Magna Carta. As the treatise thoroughly detailed, to do so would only lead to conflict and rebellion. With the Revolution still in the memories of many, attempting to go against the Charter would be political suicide. Unlike the English, the French had much cooler heads. Belle continued her reading, content knowing that such chaotic events could never happen in France.
 
4f329a76d2d1117a0a4069051d080f63.jpg

l'Élan Journal
A Declaration

In solidarity with our fellow members of the Press, we hereby publish the following declaration.

We object in the strongest terms to the autocratic usurpation of power presently underway by the King's Ministry. We believe in a democratic, constitutional system ruled by laws; the Ministry instead seeks tyranny and rule by fiat. No loyalty can be expected to endure under such conditions.

We call upon the King's Ministry to repeal the Four Ordinances, to withdraw the Five Laws, and to hold the new elections without the spectre of corruption or the restriction of the franchise. We call upon the Ministry to uphold the Charter and to repent from its dictatorial course of action.

Should they fail to do so, then it becomes entirely clear that France is no longer a nation ruled by laws, but rather by force. The natural response to unlawful force is resistance; it falls to the people of France to determine just how far that resistance will go. Though the Ministry may blame the people for what is to come, they are owed no obedience for their attacks on French liberty, and should they seek to attack the French people themselves, they shall reap a bitter harvest indeed.

((This only applies if I am not one of the Liberal Presses shut down))
 
Last edited:

FROM THE SECRET MEMOIRS OF THE DUC DE SAINT-AIGNAN​

((Private))

"…His Majesty, King Charles X, has possessed a soul of noble intentions, a heart full of kindness towards his people, a dutifulness and diligence of extreme quality, but, I am afraid, more idealism than shrewd appoaches, often neccessary for the practical governance of the state. Sadly enough, he often preferred the realm of dreams and fantasies detached from the Realm that has been entrusted to him by God. In this Realm, among the magic castles, dragons and damsels in distress, he did feel himself more comfortable than in the mundane France he ruled.

Moreover, like his august brother, Louis XVIII, His Majesty had a tendency to fall in love with some of his Ministers – passionately and without doubt. As Louis XVIII loved the Duc de Valence, so did Charles X love the Duc de Sully.

It may be also added that His Majesty was a bit of a naïve appeaser – he considered himself a master of intrigue, while being but an apprentice.

This is perhaps what was one of the reasons that has led us to the events that took place in July 1830.

The affair of the Conde inheritance has made me ten years older. Through unwise politics, dictated, perhaps, by religious conscience and social prejudice, not pragmatism, His Majesty the King supported a will enrichening his liberal cousin. M. le Duc de Orleans, and making the extended family of his loyal supporter, M. le Prince de Conde, his bitter enemies. As result, Henri-Jules de Bourbon, Marquis de Armentieres, previously a loyal royalist and a moderate Doctrinaire (if now in Chartist armor), a Minister who drafted a petition to punish regicides with death and who prosecuted Abbe Gregoire for lese majeste and violations of press laws, became a radical. His grudges against what he has seen as an insult to the legacy of his father, defeated his sense of moderation and made him speak in a fashion that he, perhaps, would himself have found horrendous a decade, even a fortnight ago.

A number of members of the Chamber of Deputies with each day were becoming even more uncontrollable, rejecting the concessions offered by the King under the Headless Ministry and spouting most offensive speeches, each of which has been, for the heart of a Monarch, similar to a poisoned arrow. He has grown to believe that there is no more men of loyalty and decency among the Left, that their only aim is to dethrone him and recreate the corrupt Girondist "Kingdom" of the revolutionary times, if not the republic.

These who foolishly paraded in the Chamber, declaring their opposition to "Jesuits" and "absolutists" were constantly undermining the idea of the fragile peace, at that moment still possible within the bodies of the state.

It especially proved to be so during the discussion of the so-called Saint-Cloud Ordinances.

I still remember these long days when we have assembled in the royal cabinet in Thulleries to discuss these fateful decisions.

The Comte de Berstett, as sullen and grim as ever, immediately voiced opposition towards the Ordinances of Saint-Cloud. This statesman, constantly unhappy with his position and influence, always believing to have been slighted, now had more reasons to be disagreeable than ever. He said that we should either go for moderate concessions towards the Left or for the new elections, while the demonstrating to the electorate the hypocrisy the radicals demonstrated in the question on the compromise offered by the Headless Ministry.

He also mentioned that he suggested resigning, should His Majesty issue the new ordinances – but alas, he did not, but was later dismissed by the King due to his lack of vigour in enforcing the diplomatic agenda of His Majesty.

I must confess that I felt rather uncomfortable speaking of such delicate matters in front of the Comte de Berstett due to the fact that there were strong rumors of him submitting confidential information of the Council of State to the press. We did have a certain discussion with Comte de Berstett regarding the internal situation, though, and agreed we should oppose the Ordinances. However, I still remember one fateful phrase the Comte said during this conversation: "Ordinances or no Ordinances, I believe there is still may very well be an attempt of a coup or a rebellion."


Now I do believe that he indeed was right. Much of the Left within the Chamber of Deputies, during these years, due to a number of circumstances, has lost the decency and respect towards the Crown that their Doctrinaire brethren has been known for. Sadly enough, they too often saw the King not as the King, but as the Count of Artois of the previous years. And it widened the gap, even taking into account all good intentions of His Majesty.

Another person who spoke against the ordinances was Marshal de Moncey. A friend of my youth, whom I have, in the times of Louis XVIII, helped to drift from the wilderness of centrist Doctrinaries to the meadows of the Ultraroyalism, he looked like he only wanted to be left alone and enjoy his riches acquired during the years of service. By the time he already was very old and feeble – and lacked the energy necessary for vigorous command and legislation, speaking in our meetings very seldom. He has, like Berstett and myself, opposed the July Ordinances, mentioning a resignation. However, he did not give any more argumentation in this or that regard.

I was in agreement with my two ministerial colleagues in my opposition to the July Ordinances. I pointed that we should choose another path – try to reach accord with the moderate parts of the Chamber that are, per ideology, closest to us, that is the Saint-Germain Royalists and Chateaubriand Royalists. Should we present fairly moderate legislation (and perhaps, as suggested by the Comte de Berstett, negotiate regarding the budget with a few truly moderate liberals still existing in the Chamber), we can keep the Ministry as desired by His Majesty, If we cannot, we should go to elections. I also mentioned the possibility of my resignation, should the Ordinances be signed.

But what of the Vicomte de Saint-Fulgent, the President of the Council, one whom we nominated with the thought that he unites the moderate and traditional Right? This man was, by his essence, a Crusader, a loyal soldier of God and King, a selfless gentleman of Vendee, possesing honor beyond reproach, a soul as clean as the whitest of snows and extreme valor. It may have been quite comical, if it was not tragical, if I state that many of us did not know how far to the Right were the views of the good Vicomte . If we were, as often claimed by the Left, the men of the complex Ancien Regime, the Vicomte de Saint-Fulgent adhered, in essence, to the simple and saintly values of the times of Louis IX. After listening to our opinions, the President of the Council has stated that he would support the decisive actions of His Most Christian Majesty and asked us to demonstrate courage. His speech mentioned the consecration of France in the hands of the Holy Mother Church, Virgin Mary and One Godhead.

His Majesty listened to all of us, and when Berstett, Moncey and me spoke, I saw displeasure upon his face. While the President of the Council was, among the more influential ministers, the only one who spoke in favor of the Ordinances, I felt the shadow of the Duc de Sully looming in the chamber – and saw that the King was not of our views.

When the King responded, his voice was one of thunder, which was unusual for his most kind self. He accused us of wishing to abandon him at the times of peril, of submitting ourselves to the revolutionary sentiment. Then, however, he, suddenly for myself, agreed to let us try our legislation out in the Chamber.

Emboldened by that, I immediately set up a committee of lawyers under my presidency. We were to draft what has for a long time been my desire to pass – a Poor Relief Act. Such a bill, while it did have certain clerical reservations, that would have been agreeable to the King, the Right and Vicome de Saint-Fulgent, was mostly aimed at battling poverty and establishing a harmonious system of governance of almshouses. I hoped that the reasonable part of the Chamber of Deputies would see the many benefits such bill possessed and the good intentions of the government towards the people.

However, I did not now that there were othe plans within the Ministry. While I prepared this bill, the bills of other sort were drafted at the same time. First of all, His Majesty decided to submit the Anti-sacrilege Act, now rebranded as the Law on the Protection of the Church. It was quite clear that if the previous, much more rightist Chamber of Deputies, did not manage to pass that Law, neither would this, a far more radical one.

As for the Anti-Usury law, the Vicomte de Saint-Fulgent had the decency to share its idea with me and other Ministers. I immediately stated that I believe that all bourgouise deputies, especially these with the interests in banking, would oppose the bill and proposed a far more moderate version. I suggested that, should M. le Vicomte de Saint-Fulgent want to propose such a bill, he should set the limit of interest to 4% for private loans and 5% for commercial ones, Such a regulation would have lowered the caps created by the Anti-Usury Law of 1807 that were, at the moment, still in force, only by one percent. I also suggested to eliminate the "grandfathers clause" regarding the previous loans that existed in the passed bill.

It was not done and the Anti-Usury Law, together with the three other companions, was sent to the Chamber of Deputies without amendments – and result was expectable. One that probably was expected, I must say. Neither the Crown nor, probably, the Vicomte de Saint-Fulgent and Duc de Sully believed that this Chamber of Deputies could cooperate with the Council.

The behaviour of the many deputies, to a large extent, as if proved that fact.

The legislature did not simply reject the proposals – its radicalized members once again, in violation of the press laws and rules of common decency, started to spout insults and assail the Crown and the Government. One of them, M. Trecambien, clearly emboldened by his more respectable colleagues, such as the Marquis de Armentieres, declared a wish for the revolution against His Majesty and abolition of the whole regime. After that any talks became, for the King, impossible.

After many members of the Chamber of Deputies have demonstrated their continuous refusal to work with the government and ignorance of laws, the King returned to the idea he clearly continued to harbor – one of the Ordinances. He once again assembled us, clearly, after consultations with Sully.

He pointed at the many clear violations of the press laws and attacks upon his person by the deputies - and reconfirmed that he is intending to use his constitutional powers to put a stop to such chaos. He ensured us that he decided to make the Ordinances as corresponding to the Constitutional Charter of 1814 as possible. Only then the Monarch asked us for the opinion – however, demonstrating that the decision was already an accomplished fact

The Vicomte de Saint-Fulgent once again agreed with the King. The Duc de Conegliano voiced his acceptance as well, as the same time saying he is fearing rebellion. I have warned that, should His Majesty want to pursue this path, he should use a number of preventive measures as to minimize the disorders.

However, the Ordinances were signed without any of such – for His Majesty trusted the Prefect of Police. M. Mangin, who told him Paris would not stir.

Marschal de Moncey countersigned the Ordinances he accepted in the meeting of the Council, but soon after that, fearing the disorders, he lost spirit and handed his resignation to the Monarch. It has led to some sniggers in respect of his courage.

And what of me?

For some time I have kept silence regarding the whole affair, feeling more defeated than victorious. I did consider my resignation – however, when the Duc de Ragusa, as I expected, informed the King of the riots in Paris, I understood that I cannot now desert him. Charles X remained my King, he ruled by Divine Right – and I should defend law and order in His realm.

It is easy to serve when you agree, as the Doctrinaires gladly did with Louis XVIII. It is much harder to do so, when you do not, as I had to during parts of the reign of Louis XVIII and the latter years of the rule of his august brother…

To finish with the essence of the Ordinances, I would say the following. They were blunt and politically imprudent, but nor ill-intentioned nor illegal. Enforcing the press law of 1820, one passed by the Marquis de Valence? Pray, it was already in force and nobody needed a separate ordinance for that. The liberals have themselves, some time ago, refused a generous proposal of His Majesty abolishing and replacing the DeValence law, and, therefore, left in force the old regulations. Dissolving the Chamber of Deputies and calling for new elections? It was not only the constitutional right of His Majesty, but, possibly, necessary due to the fact that many members of the Chamber of Deputies have acted in violation to the existing laws and clear defiance of the Crown. Correcting the electoral system? One could say it was more tricky, but the Article 14 of the Constitutional Charter of 1814 did provide the King with the wide possibilities to issue ordinances "for the security of the state". And before such ordinances were used to regulate quite different issues – for example, none of the liberal Left protested when the King, by such ordinance, dismantled the system of the clerical education that was guaranteed by a law passed in the Chamber of Deputies. The only limitation that the Constitutional Charter of 1814 has, in fact, set was that the the imposition of taxes (and, by extension, all money bills) were to be considered laws and had to go through the Chamber of Deputies. And I do know that the King always refused to pass such bills by ordinances – when the Vicomte de Saint-Fulgent asked him to do that regarding my Poor Relief Act, he firmly pointed out that he considered it not corresponding the Charter.

However, here the King thought he was in the right – and, by laws Divine and human, as the establishing authority of the Charter and only one that can amend it, as well as the Sovereign possessing constitutional powers under the Article 14, he could indeed issue these ordinances.

However, one can only state that, in these circumstances and taking into account the existing practice, this measure was most imprudent.

Could it have prevented though, taking into accout the desires of many champions of the Left to make the King and his Ministry bow before them, and do that in most unceremonious manner? Charles the Tenth, ruling by the Grace of God, knew he represented the dignity of France - and would not bow before anybody but Almighty.

I would leave it here. Each should make his own conclusions.

The first two nights in Saint-Cloud I spent without sleep, thinking about the future of my King, my country - and the rightful dynasty…"
 
Last edited:
  • 1
Reactions:
The Saint Germain deputies, having been too cowed by their numbers to fully present their law to the public, re-presents their bill at Durand's house, hoping to once and for all gather the strength of will to present the long held desires of the former Saint Germain.

~

In Recommendation to His Most Christian Majesty, Charles X, King of France et al, We hereby do present the following document for consideration before the Law and His Government.

1. That any and all monetary restriction upon the Franchise of men, Catholic and uprighteous, before the vote be removed.

2. That elections be called in lieu of the expansion of the Franchise in France.

3. That the Ordinances of Saint-Cloud be temporarily withdrawn and submitted to the Chambers for debate prior to the return before the King.

 
Some salon.

Lothaire assembled several prominent men in a salon. There he spoke highly of the need for change. He argued they needed to take leadership in the coming revolution as to prevent it from being couped by Ceasarists or Republicans. The Bonapartists and Republicans were to be cooperatd with, but they were to adjust them to the juste milieu and prevent chaos and despair. He even went as far as to ask many to close their banks and bussinesses until their demands were met. The Charter had to be protected at all costs, it was liberty or death. The King had to accept that he was to rule, but not govern. The Charter was to be strengthened and the King had to draw his power from the people and not Divinity. If the King failed to do so he had to abdicate..

drapeau_francais.jpg


Lothaire would later summon men of his festivity committee, now much more a revolutionary committee. There he gave them several tricolors he had collected over the years. The members were to go to the various districts of Paris and either hose up the tricolors or to give them to the mobs.. It would surely provoke further action both from the masses and the government. He then also asked of possibilities to get prints from the countryside and into Paris. The cause for justice and liberty would not be quelled.
 
REVOLUTION 3: CONTRE NOUS DE LA TYRANNIE!


3:00 PM: The DEPUTIES, assembled to the number of FIFTY at Victor Durand's, REFUSE to support an INSURRECTIONAL RESISTANCE. They assign DURAND to prepare the text of a PROTEST against the ORDINANCES.

The CHAMBER of COMMERCE protests the ORDINANCES!

L'ELAN is SHUT DOWN.

But in the Streets, LIBERTY is in PROGRESS!

The forward units of the PEOPLE; valiant GUARDSMEN, WORKERS, and STUDENTS prepare to march against the PALAIS-ROYAL and the BOULEVARD DES CAPUCINES.

6aARhSd.jpg

Marshal Marmont, Commander-in-Chief of Paris.

By 12:00 PM there are FIVE THOUSAND at the PALAIS-ROYAL! The GENDARMERIE look with GRAVE apprehension. The MINISTERS, so far, keep away from PARIS.

AT 3:00 PM the INSTRUCTIONS from SAINT-AIGNAN ARRIVE. MANGIN has the PALAIS-ROYAL ORDERED clear; the ROYAL DIRECTION prepares to make ARRESTS. The CAVALRY IS LINED; A CHARGE!

With the flat of the SABRES the PEOPLE are removed, and the gates are CLOSED!

4:00 PM: Place du Palais Royal is BESIEGED! They cry REVENGE! DOWN with the MINISTERS! LONG LIVE THE CHARTER!

MARMONT lines his troops; a gendarme has been KILLED by the PEOPLE! The first VICTIM! The soldiers FIRE into the air! The CROWDS DISPERSE! Only two barricades remain around the PALAIS ROYAL; but the guard post at the BOURSE has been stormed! The INDUSTRIALISTS are fanning the flames of their WORKERS!


npB3Jnb.jpg

An early barricade at the Rue de Saint-Honoré.

5:00 PM: The MARSHAL is in CONTROL of the principle strategic points of the capital. From SAINT-CLOUD, the King is optimistic; the WHITE FLAG flies high over PARIS. NONETHELESS, more troops are called from the nearby DEPARTMENTS! More TROOPS and CANNON arrive.

The PEOPLE hiss at the MARSHAL; the great traitor of 1814! He takes his position at the Tuileries and the Place du Carrousel!

7:00 PM: THE discharged WORKMEN flock into PARIS from the environs, and DISPERSE across the CITY. PARIS has not been CLOSED! The tumult and alarm increases rapidly; bands of artisans BRANDISH the CORPSES of their BROTHERS: slain in attacks at the Rue de L'Echelle and the CHURCH de ST. ROCH!

THERE are RUMORS of DEFECTION! Some ROYAL GUARDSMEN quit their STATION! The people are ELATED by the NATIONAL GUARD!


What will the NIGHT bring?
 
Last edited:
Armentières, June 26th 1789 1830
Estate of the Marquise


The dinner had been quite fantastic. Martin, the house’s chef, had cooked delicious pheasant, with an entry of leek soup. The countryside certainly lacked the refinement and opulence of Paris, but it made for in simplicity and the freshness of the food.

After reading a story to Charlotte and Louis, Amélie tucked them in their bed. Kissing their forehead, she then blew the candles.

“Good night my little beauties. Sleep well, and maybe that tomorrow, Papa will be back from Paris.”

She then elected to read the newest book of Châteaubriand, for tonight was a good night to feel conservative.
 
((De Rothschild travelled to his neighbourhood in the Northern suburbs of Paris, to rally the workers. In at local tavern...))

Comrades! Listen please! I need your help!

I walk your streets. I sit in your taverns. I smell the odour of tanner's works and think of my home. I am one of you and I seek your aid.

I need your help to free me and my family! The Government has sought to oppress us. For in truth I am a Jew .The Government makes no pretence of seeking to strip me of my liberty because of my Faith. No amount of wealth, education or law will alter their hatred of me because I am not one of them. They come for me because of my blood. They want to take away my work, to take away my family, to abaise us.

And I ask you, my neighbours, for help. For after they have come for me, they will come for you too.

Already we see their plans to enslave you too. St Aignan has taken away your voice by illegally seizing the presses. St Fulgent has taken away your representatives by brazenly closing down the Chamber. The Ultra nobles have taken away your money by raising more and more taxes to pay for their own "reparations". The Government has taken the bread from your table with the ever doubling tariffs in order to pay for Berstett's mines in Loraine. Now they plan to take your jobs, to take your children and to throw you into the poor house with the "Almoners" decree.

They want to impoverish you, to force your sons and daughters in desperation to join the Church, not to serve God but to serve fat Bishops and Monsignors, who rule the poor parish priests as lords of old. To have the Church run France as a fiefdom. To force its masses to live in poverty and chastity as the sanctimonious nobles feed their faces in the Archbishop's Palace with their mistresses and bastards running around.

I am a Jew and am used to being insulted. But you, my friends? You are the proud French workers. The men who toppled a King and raised an Empire. You are the Pillars of Granite of our Nation. The muscles and sinews of industry. If you fall, there is no hope for any of us.

March with me to the Champs de Mars! I will go alone if I must, but you will never walk alone whilst I am standing!

So join me, men of the North! Stand with me! Stand with the Deputies! Stand with Liberty! Gather with your brothers from Montmartre, Montreuil and Montparnasse! And declare with me "There is no King but the King chosen by the North!"
 
Having spent the day in the company of the Fifty Deputies, Duval moves to join his fellow industrialists in the working class districts of Paris. His voice adding to the cry, his carriage adding to the barricade if need be. After all, the narrow alleys are in some ways safer than the neighborhoods closer to the heart of Paris and the government buildings.
 
The château du Raincy.

Lothaire's missive about what the Duc "ought to do" was met with confusion. Immediately one of the Left's surrogates wrote to Marshal Marmont if we would serve as a go-between with the King to negotiate the lifting of the Saint-Cloud Ordinances, provide for an easing of tensions, and to build upon those affirmative steps to quiet the national mood. Many of the more intellectual and noble bent of the Liberal movement had begun gathering at Raincy to await news of what was going on inside the capital. There Orleans stressed the need for calm but personally did not try to show his fear that this rebellion was quickly showing the signs of a full-fledged revolution.
 
((@99KingHigh - Private))

To the Prefects of the nearby Departments bordering Paris and the Department of Seine

Monsieurs,

As you know, there are certain disorders in the capital of Paris connected with the execution of the Royal Ordinances of July 1830. For this reason, I ask you to stay vigilant and, should any malcontents try to organize acts of such opposition within the department you have the honor to head, act swiftly and do not forget about your rights under the Law on the General Security.

I also charge you with the formation of additional troops of volunteer gendarmerie that are to, upon formation, be incorporated in the regular gendarmerie. You should recruit such bodies from the most loyalist and conservative elements that would be found in your departments.

As for the gendarmerie that are already in your disposal, you are immediately to send no less half of the available formations to reinforce the police acting in Paris and its neighbourhoods (judging by the amount you need to keep internal peace within your departments). They should report to M. Mangin or, should I be at Paris during that time, directly to me. Ensure that they are led by loyal and firm officers that possess influence within their units.

SAINT-AIGNAN

To Claude Mangin, Prefect of the Police of the Seine Department

M. Mangin,

I am informing you that I have written to the prefects of the bordering departments to, posthaste, reinforce your police in Paris with the available gendarmerie forces. Use them decisively to assist the military. I am still awaiting reports regarding the arrests of the leaders of the protests and the situation in Paris.

SAINT-AIGNAN


 
Last edited:
Paris
Hotel de Croy

Silence outside, as the crowds disperse.

Silence inside, as the residents are long gone.

The hotel's master, forewarned of the army's advance and carrying with him only the essentials, withdrew some time ago. He carried with him nothing but his essentials, neatly organized in a manner learned in Spain. He wore only plain clothes, his gilded knickers stowed safely away. His aides accompanied him, forming a protective crowd, hiding him from view.

The men went east for the evening, leaving behind a securely locked and boarded-up hotel for the residential suburbs. They were gone for today. Tomorrow, though... well. No one knows about tomorrow.
 
tdAd32S.png

The coming of Les Hommes
The rage was palpable, a feeling, no, a scent in the air. "Where were our rights?" cried Les Hommes as l'Élan was shuttered yet again by the government, strong armed bullies for the King.

"Where was our voice" cried Les Hommes as the Saint Germain royalists were ignored by the Liberals and Ultras alike.

"What do we do now" cried Les Hommes as they were thrown aside, revolution boiling and churning without influence or input by Les Hommes.

"To the barracks! To the cache! Grab your guns, grab your sash!

The Verdets are marching tonight.

By God and by Deed, we will not go aside! We will march as the others step inside!

The Verdets march tonight!

The King and the Gendarme, the Aristocracy and the Guard! Come out to play!

For the Verdets march tonight!"

They bull there way through the crowd, clad in revolutionary green. They are armed, long hidden beneath hidden screen. Liberals may shout, Liberals may cry. But tonight, as the Verdets march, somebody is going to die.