Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[ThaHoward]

Chamber of Peers, Paris.

Lothaire met with a friend of his that were in the Chamber of Peers and he gave him updates of the recent developments in said Chamber. As Lothaire were made aware by the Duke of Orleans he were to be carefult to comment the debates in the Chamber of Peers, he asked his friend to speak for his behalf.

"Protector of the Seal,

My fellow Peer the Comte de L'Isle Jourdain bring up several vital points.

He wish to repeal the Bill for the Governance of Voluntary Associations which I welcome. Alltough it's many things I disagree with Deputy Lécuyer on, as I honestly see him as a rabid liberal rather than a true Doctrinaire, I believe his reform proposal for the militias are sound and would work hand in hand with repealing the Bill for the Governance of Voluntary Associations.

Now for the ashes of Napoleon. I am currently not certain if I support it. But to play the devils advocate, I believe he intend to return the ashes of Napoleon to show some sort of equality before the law. Many here might not actually believe in it, but it would send a message to revolutionaries that there is hope. Also many still reveer Napoleon as a hero and would go to great lengths to follow in his steps. One of their causes might be to return his remains. I believe Deputy Lécuyer intend to return said remainds in order to still those sentiments and moderate potential radicals and bonapartists.

Thank you that is all..

----

Chamber of Deputies, Paris.

Lothaire listened to the Archbishop and became irritated of his remarks, he were to lash out on him, but fortunately he managed to cool himself down.

"M.President,

I thank the Excellency the Archbishop of Reims for his comment. Now I would like to note that I do not sympathise with the rebels as said Deputy and Excellency insinuate, I rather want to combat them. Now I am a man of practicality, and I must admit ideals, and I believe said course is not the right path to combat them. Their radicaliation are not due to a too liberal policy from the government. Contrary it were sparked as the last ministries contracted the liberties and press rights of the French. We should look at our errors from the last sessions, amend them and not furhter them!

For the educational bill, I believe it is flawed as it place the minds and education of our youth under the Church. Or rather a few men. It should be based upon reason and science and appropriate knowledge. The Church indeed have a place in our education. But only in its own field; theology; religion; herbs. Natural Sciences, history, politics, philosphy, linguistics, arts, economics and so forth should not be under the thumb of the Church.

Now I am pleased that his Excellency the Archbishop are willing to look at my petitions, but I beg him to revise his current educational bill. It have even gained traction and opposition outside of the Chambers as we can see in the latest issue of Constitutionnel.

Thank you, that is all. Also I would like certain Deputies to refrain from petty insults and remarks, we're gentlemen afterall and not some uneducated fools that belong in places like Albion".

-----

Paris.

Meanwhile Lothaire had hired a local artist to write a poem for him. However the writer of the poem and the one who hired it were to remain hidden as the poem were to be delivered on various pamphlets distribitued to the coffee houses, cafés and theaters of Paris. On said pamphlets two satirical drawings and one satirical poem were to be found.

Bishop Deficit


There once was the Bishop of Reims

telling the mass, what a nice man he was

It were people he fooled

In his dreams thém he ruled

Oh, how we loved our Bishop of Reims


Preaching the people, he'll help them in need

This glorious man was bursting with greed

A sinner behind that masquerade,

As a saint he himself portrayed

In hate and greed, shunning no sin to meet his need


This loved Bishop pursues to be King

plotting what horrid means he's to bring

A stick will hold his head

And our words we shall spread

We march as we sing: „Down with this King“

 

[Nax24]

"Protector of the Seal,

My fellow Peer the Comte de L'Isle Jourdain bring up several vital points.

He wish to repeal the Bill for the Governance of Voluntary Associations which I welcome. Alltough it's many things I disagree with Deputy Lécuyer on, as I honestly see him as a rabid liberal rather than a true Doctrinaire, I believe his reform proposal for the militias are sound and would work hand in hand with repealing the Bill for the Governance of Voluntary Associations.

Now for the ashes of Napoleon. I am currently not certain if I support it. But to play the devils advocate, I believe he intend to return the ashes of Napoleon to show some sort of equality before the law. Many here might not actually believe in it, but it would send a message to revolutionaries that there is hope. Also many still reveer Napoleon as a hero and would go to great lengths to follow in his steps. One of their causes might be to return his remains. I believe Deputy Lécuyer intend to return said remainds in order to still those sentiments and moderate potential radicals and bonapartists.

Thank you that is all..

*Nathanaël rises to speak again*

Monsieur President, would it be apparent to tell the prior speaker that our mission is not to encourage Bonapartists and Revolutionaries? We are not a Kingdom that caters to the demands of those who followed the Emperor and wished to see his Empire reborn. At the same time the Deputy in question needs to understand that the Emperor was a usurper occupying the throne of our monarch. We do not honor usurpers in France for the same reason we do not honor traitors, Monsieur President.

 

[ThaHoward]

*Nathanaël rises to speak again*

Monsieur President, would it be apparent to tell the prior speaker that our mission is not to encourage Bonapartists and Revolutionaries? We are not a Kingdom that caters to the demands of those who followed the Emperor and wished to see his Empire reborn. At the same time the Deputy in question needs to understand that the Emperor was a usurper occupying the throne of our monarch. We do not honor usurpers in France for the same reason we do not honor traitors, Monsieur President.

The Peer rose up again.

"Protector of the Seal,

It is not our mission to encourage Bonapartists and Revolutionaries. That much is true. And as such bringing back the ashes of the tyrant will indeed not encourage said groups. Bringing back the rotten ashes, which reflect the rotten soul, will indeed give one less case, one less battlecry for such groups. It is, however, our tasks to protect the intergrity, stability and continiuation of France. And I believe that is what our Deputy seek. That he seek to bury the past beind us, literally, and to move forward. To not make Napoleon some sort of battle cry and rally, but instead bury him and let him be forgotten. Now I do not ideologically agree with the Deptuy of the Seine's proposal, but from a mere practical point of view I may see its merits. And I believe we should focus our decisions and policies upon practicality and not blind dogma.

Thank you for your time fellow Peers and Protector of the Seal, I have nothing more to comment".

 

[m.equitum]

In fair Verona where we lay our scene

(( @99KingHigh -- Secret ))

 

[Shynka]

​

A revised charter of the humblest society of the Young Franks


Influenced by the great political movements rippling through the society & state of France, and the wave of liberalism, republicanism and enlightened thought making itself present throughout Europe, the Society of the Young Franks can no longer justify having debauchery as its sole purpose. In order with these recognitions, the Society seeks to give itself further purpose, and all members have unanimously decided to abide by the rules, directions and principles outlined below.


On expansion;

1. In order to become an organisation for the many and by the many, the members of the club recognise the need for Expansion of club meetings to other army units, navy units and civilian circles affiliated with the army.
2. In order to manage the expansion, a hierarchy is to be established. A President of the Council of the Society is to be elected once every 2 years, for a maximum of eight terms. The Count of Saint-Germain is to serve as the first interim President. Each chapter of the Society is to elect its own President. Charter presidents will gather and form the Council of the Society once every quarter if time permits. Absentees are allowed to send proxies.
3. The Society is to be more keen to accept new members. Abstinence is still to be strictly banned.
4. The Charters are encouraged to support each other financially in the quest of obtaining large quantities of alcohol.

On politics and ideas;

1. The Society is in every way loyal to the King and the State of France which he represents
2. The Society is to most vehemently oppose Republican actions, but permits Republican thoughts, words and expressions.
3. Members are encouraged to share their political beliefs without worry for reprimand. All political views are to stay strictly confidential between members.
4. The pursuit of new knowledge is to be encouraged over all else. Every new idea is to be given equal respect and only fair criticism.

On charity;

1. Each charter is to support the local winery establishments.
2. Each charter will offer to make easier the lives of non-officers within the French Army in order to provide egalitarianism and to grow closer bonds within the Army.

 

[Eid3r]

Chamber of deputies (Paris)
Ultraroyalist cloakroom

The Metropolitan Archbishop of Reims also enjoyed some personal time, between the various sessions of the Chamber of Peers. While he never understood why he kept the habit of checking in on the deliberation schedule of that legislative body, in which he had no seat and therefore, the smallest of interest, he seemed to have been unable to shake it off. This being said, sometimes in his dreams, he would imagine having a mouthpiece in the Peers, the Honourable Duke of Saint-Ignare, to whom he could dictate his thoughts.

Well seated in an armchair in the ultraroyalist cloakroom adjacent to the Chamber of Deputies, he was shown a rather idiot looking picture under which a political poem was written. Some deputies insisted it was about him, which made no sense for two reasons. One, he was beloved and popular, so he thought, and two, there had been no Bishops of Reims since the ninth century, Reims being thus elevated to an Archdiocese.

“Well, my friends, other than being a fairly bad bit of prose, which proves without a doubt the necessity of our educational reforms, I fail to see how this could be about me. Although, this could certainly apply to Tilpin, the last Bishop of Reims, who died in 794. I assume we shall survive this one...”

He then threw the pamphlet in the fireplace, returning to the Chamber to resume the analysis of the proposed legislation.

 

[Qwerty7]

Liberalism after the French Revolution: Artaud, Constant, Cottu, Tocqueville, and Safeguards against Despotism (Part Two: Tocqueville and Dogma and Artaud and Education)​

The Protestant Pluralism of Benjamin Constant stands in contrast with the admiration of Catholic dogma and fixed principles evident in Alexis de Tocqueville's writings. Both would be distinct from Claude Artaud who, while recognizing that religion "can have useful attributes," emphasized the importance of a progressive education in creating rational citizens to protect against despotism and anarchy.

Alexis de Tocqueville
​

Tocqueville and Constant did agree on religion in some areas. It was agreed that religion was essential to the preservation of liberty. It was religion that fought off egoism and radical, destructive individualism. Tocqueville believed that "there is no religion which does not place the object of the desires of man beyond and above the goods of the earth." Christianity forced men to think of not only their short-term, selfish interests, but to make long-term decisions which would improve the morality of the nation. Jacobin attempts to impose atheism on the French people were fruitless, as religion was a natural "instinct." Likewise, attempts by the state to force religion on people, a result of illiberal alliances between church and state, would drive people away from religion, but only temporarily as religion was the default position of man. This was the extent of their agreements on religion however.

It has already been noted that Constant and Tocqueville's differing views on Safeguards against Despotism can be traced to their upbringings: Constant being derived from a Swiss Calvinist family, and Tocqueville being educated as a Catholic by a Jansenist abbe. Constant believed that religious sentiment and religious pluralism, found most easily in Protestantism, were the most important characteristics which religion had for society. Religious debate would lead to more active citizens.

Tocqueville disagreed. It was not sentiment and pluralism which benefited society the most. It was the fixed principles and dogmas which appealed to him. If people were not even certain of their God and of their religion then their is a sense of dread and despair which is induced in people. "This perpetual agitation of all things troubles them and fatigues them." This dread would lead to political apathy which was a necessary precondition for despotism. For political freedom, man must sacrifice their religious freedom. For to stay alert politically, man must be assured of all matters of religion.

It was submission to religious dogmas which would prevent submission to political ones. This was clearly in opposition to Constant, who believed that blind obedience to religious principles would prepare men for servitude. It is for this reason that Constant believed that Protestantism was the best religion for liberalism. Tocqueville, on the other hand, believed that it was Catholicism which was best suited for liberalism, for it served as a "remedy" for the excesses of democracy.

Claude Artaud​

While Constant and Tocqueville were arguing over which version of Christianity was most conducive to preserving liberty, Claude Artaud carved out a distinct, third position. It was one which was founded in the opposition to organized religion and scepticism of the Enlightenment. Artaud believed that a progressive education would provide citizens with the necessary tools in order to combat despotism. It was also, in some ways, rooted in the Christian Humanists of the 16th century such as Erasmus who believed that the laity should read the Bible themselves, and in the fundamental Protestant belief in interpreting the Scripture for oneself in reading it.

Artaud believed that literacy and education allowed men to have well-informed opinions which would "sedate the violent passions which are sometimes found among the less educated." If men are not able to rationally think for themselves, then they would fall victim to an overbearing despotism. "Tyranny prospered most often where it can disguise itself as liberty." Despotism would easily crumble under a rational inquiry. If the citizenry was not well-educated, they would not know how to distinguish between genuine or pretended liberty.

Religion was, in Artaud's works, of secondary importance in protecting against despotism to education. Artaud believed that religion was often used for purposes both beneficial and dangerous to liberty. Some of history's most oppressive rulers had employed religion in their destruction of liberty.

These three men were considered to be "standard" liberals of the Restoration era. Indeed, when one thinks of liberalism during this period one often thinks of them and of their positions. They were, however, another group of men who could be considered liberals. These "aristocratic liberals," sometimes called "royalists," were different from the standard liberals which have already been discussed here. However, they have a considerable amount to contribute to the debate on how to prevent despotism which was so important in this post-Revolutionary France.

Liberalism After the French Revolution
1. Benjamin Constant and the Two Liberties
2. Artaud, Constant, Cottu, Tocqueville, and Safeguards against Despotism (Part One: The Protestant Pluralism of Constant)
3. Artaud, Constant, Cottu, Tocqueville, and Safeguards against Despotism (Part Two: Tocqueville and Dogma and Artaud and Education)​

 

[99KingHigh]

In fair Verona where we lay our scene

(( @99KingHigh -- Secret ))

CONGRESS OF VERONA (I)

​

After Castlereagh committed suicide on August 12th, George Canning became Foreign Minister, and the Duke of Wellington was instructed to go to Vienna, but he was hindered by illness and the whole affair was delayed. After weeks of frustrating delay, the three sovereigns on September 12 decided that they would wait some more days, and if the Duke did not arrive in Vienna, the princes would go to Verona; they were nonetheless eager for anxious to participate as Britain had not been party to the resolution at Laibach in 1821. His presence in that capacity was needed to give the appearance of unity to the tottering alliance. Finally, Wellington was instructed to go Vienna and Verona, but Canning instructed Wellington that "come what may," His Majesty, George IV, would not be a party to any "project of interference by force, or by menace, in Spain."

The statue of Wellington, erected in 1822.​

Polignac had similar difficulties; the Council had established no recommendations for the Foreign Minister, and Polignac was left stranded in Vienna until Artois took the matter into his own hands to present his position to the prince. Artois' instructions to the Verona delegates covered the situation in Italy, Spain, and Latin America; in Artois' view the congress should be focused on Italy in order to distract the Tsar's attention from the East, and also, to contain the expanding domination of Austria in Italy, confirmed by Valence in his treaties with Metternich. The instructions from Artois showed that Monsieur wanted France, not Europe, to be the executor of policy in Spain. He would have preferred, on the whole, that this controversial issue not be discussed at Verona, and declared to Polignac: "We are taking charge of Spain ourselves...should Britain object, France would require only moral support from her allies."

The Foreign Minister: the Prince of Polignac.​

Polignac had kept his deliberations with the Tsar sufficiently vague to allow maneuverability on the issue, and now sought the persuasions of Britain by appeals to their interest, but by the virtue of Canning's letter, it seemed that no action could be licensed to support the Spanish action on the part of the British Monarch. Thus it was revealed that national rivalry had weakened the alliance; Austria (secretly), Prussia, and Britain opposed armed intervention in Spain, while the London cabinet objected even to the exertion of moral or diplomatic pressure. The tsar had taken the opposite view, and wanted to lead a Russian (or at least an allied army) across the Pyrenees, but France strongly resisted any such project, desiring to reserve for herself complete independence of action. Faced with the equally repugnant alternatives of a French army in Spain or the transit of Russian troops through Austrian territory, Metternich was on the horns of a dilemma. The removal of Valence from the French presidency had soured Metternich's opinion of the new government, and was not much inspired by the influence over the government exercised by the Prince of Condé, who the Austrian Prince knew did not enjoy a good opinion of himself. He did not want war, being apprehensive that a victorious France might upset the balance of power established at Vienna in 1815, but he wanted even less a rupture with Russia, whose views on the Spanish constitutional regime had been set forth in the tsar's denunciatory circular of May 1, 1820. The chancellor, therefore, resorted to duplicity: to the French, he decried the tsar's bellicose attitude; to the Russians, he questioned the loyalty of the French army. Sphinxlike, he watched while France and Britain dashed the tsar's dream of Cossacks in Andalusia as Wellington and Polignac found common enemy to avoid a complete dissolution of good relations.

Congress of Verona; a depiction.
​

The disharmony of interests, the clashing of personalities, and the conflict of policies made it impossible to achieve concerted action on any major issue. The Vienna impasse was severe; just as the Troppau conference had adjourned to Laibach to continue its debates, so the Congress of Verona was a continuation of the Vienna conversations. Thus when negotiations on the Spanish question was resumed, the position of all the powers were known to each other. On October the 30th, after much speculation, Wellington refused intervention in his public reply to the Prince of Polignac, which ended the possibility of a multi-lateral intervention in Spain. Realizing that nothing could be done with Wellington, the continental allies deliberated in secret between November the 2nd and November the 20th. The Duke admitted that the jealousy of Britain by French ministers, the presence of ulta principles in Paris and at Verona, and fear of offending Russia all conspired to impede a Franco-Spanish reconciliation. But he was also convinced that allied disunity and the doubts of the French delegation concerning the outcome of war would forestall intervention. The other members of the alliance, meanwhile, decided on November 4th to send separate instructions to their ambassadors in Madrid. Polignac agreed to send a dispath to the French ambassador in Madrid, although he interposed the reservation that it was subject to the regal approval and the royal council. Metternich was now hopeful that he had dissuaded Polignac from taking any belligerent action by means of the diplomatic delay; he was convinced she was effectively restrained by her allies. Despite his great diplomatic talents, Metternich's optimism was premature, for he had not reckoned with the other French diplomats, most notably pro-war Chateaubriand, who by November the 5th had convinced Polignac to favor war. Through flattery and personal attention, Alexander convinced the famous author that an invasion of Spain would certainly restore French prestige.

But first the opinion of the French premier and the royal council had to be made...

 

[Fingon888]

Letter to the Louis XVIII, His Most Christian Majesty, King of France and Navarre ((Private - @99KingHigh ))

Your Majesty,

I have attached to this letter an order commissioning a full report on the state of the French navy and her capacity to build and upkeep ships as well as training and retaining sailors and a naval officer corps. In the interests of my ministry this is a key action that must be taken. All that is needed is your signature and seal. I shall not require any more of your time, my most Gracious Sovereign.

Your most obedient servant, Vicomte de St. Fulgent, Minister of Navy and the Colonies

 

[Eid3r]

((Private - @99KingHigh ))

Letter from the Metropolitan Archbishop of Reims to his Most Christian Majesty, Louis XVIII, King of France and Navarre​

Your Majesty,

It is with great humility that I write to you, as your most loyal subject and your Minister of Education and Religious Affairs, to inform you on the state of the épiscopat in the Kingdom of France.

I am most saddened to report to your Majesty the death of Monseigneur Louis de Villeneuve-Bargemont, Bishop of Gap, a diocese located in the Province of Aix. Monseigneur Bargemont has been beset by extreme fatigue for several years. Your Majesty will surely be most pleased by the fact that Mgr. Bargemont’s last wishes were for the health of your most kingly person.

Through preliminary discussion with Monseigneur Pierre-François-Gabriel-Raymond-Ignace-Ferdinand de Bausset-Roquefort, the current Metropolitan Archbishop of Aix, whom your Majesty might recall having appointed, I have been informed that the good people of Gap are clamoring for a quick replacement at the head of the See, given the ongoing reconstruction of the Cathedral of Gap.

Given your Majesty extremely busy schedule, I have taken the liberty to propose for royal consideration three worthy candidates for the position.

Father François-Antoine Arbaud, a rather traditional clergymen in matters of dogma and religion, has distinguished himself through charitable deeds during the most recent famine. He holds a good reputation through the region, having served in various capacities in the ecclesiastical province of Aix for the past 20 years.

Brother Anselme Béchaud-de-Frésenzac, a dominican monk who has shown considerable piety and asceticism. He currently serves in the parish of Rambaud, in the diocese of the Gap, and is of moderate consideration in matters of dogma.

Giulio Della Porta, a corsican priest which spent several years in the Vatican, has recently returned to Aix-en-Provence. Rather conservative, his appointement should certainly please the Holy Father, thus adding weight to your Majesty’s hopes for the Canonization of Louis XVI.

Praying for your Majesty’s help, I remain your most faithful servant

Henri-Charles-Victorin du Bourget
Minister of Education and Religious Affairs
Metropolitan Archbishop of Reims

 

[Michaelangelo]

Beauty and the Beast: Part V

The period following Belle’s first dinner with the Beast was a drastic improvement to the time she had spent locked in the tower. Now that she was no longer confined to her room, she felt free, although every time she looked out of the window at the world outside she was reminded that that was not true. Regardless, she enjoyed her change in circumstances while she could. She wandered the castle during the day, exploring each room one by one. Some doors were locked, preventing her from exploring every room, but she did not let that bother her. Most of the castle seemed decrepit or unused, filled with broken furniture and decaying tapestries. At one point she had even gathered up the courage to test the front door, only to find it locked as well. It seemed that her host only trusted her so much.

With little in the way of things to do, Belle had found herself seeking out the company of the household servants. Mme Potts was her favourite to spend time with, for the older woman was always cheerful and kind. Belle often helped her in the kitchen and with various chores as an excuse to chat with her. She had also been surprised to discover that Mme Potts had a young son named Chip, an odd name for a boy no more than eight years old. He often helped his mother with the chores and was incredibly inquisitive. He followed Belle around when he wasn’t helping his mother, asking her question about the outside world. It seemed that the servants were at times prisoners like her, for they never left the castle grounds.

When she wasn’t spending her time with Mme Potts, Belle would often seek out Lumière. The manservant could be just as jovial as Mme Potts, although at times she found him a tad overbearing. Despite that, he had taken the time to show her around the castle after the first dinner and assisted her whenever she needed anything. He had also introduced her to the Monsieur Cogsworth, a plump Brit who was placed in charge of the house accounts and managed all the Master’s business. The man spent all day in his office and generally hated any intrusion. Belle had once wandered into his office, only to be shooed away almost immediately. She had avoided visiting him after that.

As for the Beast himself, Belle rarely saw him other than at dinner, and even then he was not always there. Whenever he did wish to see her, he would send Lumière to request she join him for dinner. They would eat together and talk, although their conversation often remained banal. At times she tried to ask him something personal, but he’d always get defensive and steer the conversation somewhere else. If she was too persistent, he’d yell and storm off. It was clear the man had a troubled past he did not wish to discuss just yet. She had considered trying to get to know him better outside their dinner dates, but she never saw him around the castle. Lumière had hinted that the Master never left the West Wing, and she kept her promise not to intrude on his private area of the castle for now.

Over time, the castle became almost dull. All the rooms blended together, and her curiosity about what laid behind the locked doors grew. Assisting the servants with their work gave her something to do, but made her feel like a slave. There was also only so much she could discuss with them. She wondered how they all managed being cooped up in this castle all the time. Her longing to see the outdoors only grew, or at least somewhere yet unexplored. When no one was watching, she tried the front door again. It was locked, as usual. She tried to unlock it, but it needed a key. It seemed odd that a door would be designed to prevent people from both entering and leaving.

As Belle’s boredom grew, so did her curiosity regarding the West Wing. There was nothing keeping her from that area of the castle, no locked door keeping her at bay, only a warning. Every night that she retreated to her chambers, she would ascend the staircase leading to the second floor and gaze into the dark recesses of the West Wing. Every night her curiosity grew. She needed to know what was in there, if only to stop her from going stir-crazy. What was so important that it had to be kept secret from her?

One night after dining with the Beast, she excused herself, lying that she had a headache and wished to retire early. After convincing Lumière that she could return to her chambers on her own, she wandered out alone into the entrance hall. Glancing around to make certain no one was watching, she ascended the staircase and crept quietly into the West Wing.

Compared to the rest of the castle, the West Wing was even more poorly maintained. All decorations along the hallway seemed to be either torn to shreds or covered in a thick layer of dust. Belle ran a finger along a stone gargoyle poised in an alcove, leaving a clean streak as she lifted the dust away. Obviously none of the servants cleaned this part of the castle. She continued into the dark recesses of the West Wing, intent on unravelling the secrets of this forbidden area of the castle.

Eventually Belle reached a large wooden door. It had grooves dug into it as though someone had scratched at it repeatedly or carved at it with a knife. One of the hinges was broken clean off and the door tilted to the side. The poor condition of the door only fed Belle’s curiosity. She pulled it open, greeted by a loud metallic screech as the remaining hinges struggled to cooperate. She was met with gloomy darkness within. That did not deter her as she stepped into the mysterious room.

As Belle’s eyes adjusted to the dark, she started to make out details. A pile of random wooden furniture lay on one side of the room as though someone had taken every breakable piece of furniture in the room and smashed them there. A four-poster bed rested against the wall, the curtains hanging from the posts in tatters and the sheets all askew as though the last occupant had had an extremely restless sleep. A French door led out onto a balcony, the glass in its frame either broken or shattered. A fireplace stood nearby, unused and covered in soot. Above that fireplace was a painting. She moved closer, almost stepping in broken glass from a discarded mirror. As Belle drew close, a sliver of moonlight filtered in from the balcony, revealing the portrait. It depicted a noble couple and their young son. The man wore a military uniform and stood next to his wife, who sat in a chair with their son in her lap. They all had pleasant smiles on their face. A typical happy family. What drew her attention most though was the young boy’s eyes. They were bright blue and oh so familiar.

Belle backed up to get a fuller view of the painting and almost knocked over an end table. She hastily grabbed at the table to keep it from tipping over. A book that had been resting atop it fell to the floor. She knelt down and picked up the book. It seemed to be a journal of some kind, filled with script written in an elegant hand. She flipped through it, stopping at a page that differed from the rest. On the page was a pressed rose, carefully preserved to withstand the test of time. Somehow, the rose seemed vaguely familiar.

“Why did you come here?”

Belle dropped the book back onto the table and spun around, coming face to face with her host. The Beast’s grizzly face was only a foot away from hers and she could feel his hot breath against her skin. His lips were curled up into a grimace and his teeth were clenched. His deep blue eyes flashed with anger. She backed away, nearly knocking over the table again, only able to stutter out an apology.

Without warning, the Beast grabbed Belle by the wrist and dragged her closer. Glaring down at her, he said, “I warned you never to come here.”

“I didn’t mean any harm,” Belle said, trying to break free from his grasp but failing utterly.

Her response only seemed to further enrage the Beast. Growling like an animal, he tossed her away, sending her stumbling towards the door. He grabbed the end table and tossed it across the room, shattering it against the wall. Belle could only watch in horror as his heated gaze turned back her way. “Get out!”

“I’m sor--”

“Get out!”

For the first time since he had locked her in a tower, Belle feared for her life. She did not hesitate to turn and run. She dashed out of the West Wing, only taking the time to glance over her shoulder in case of pursuit. The Beast did not seem to be following her. She hurried down the stairs, nearly tripping in her haste. As she reached the front door, she tried to force it open but without success. She could not stay any longer in the house of that temperamental lord. It was only a matter of time before he hurt her. She had to break free.

No matter how hard Belle tried, the door would not budge. Forcing the lock did not work either. Eventually she gave up and looked around for another route of escape. She nearly smacked herself on the head for her stupidity as she spotted an open window. Why didn’t she think of that before? Hearing footsteps coming from somewhere else in the castle, Belle did not hesitate to climb out the window and drop down into the bushes below.

Belle nearly cried when she landed on the hard ground, the first time she had been outside in what seemed like forever. The scent of the earth was intoxicating and the vibrant colours of the foliage took her breath away. The horizon seemed to stretch on for forever. She could go anywhere now, anywhere she liked. Although she desired to explore the world, now more than ever she longed for the comfort of her father’s arms. Was he okay? Did he still worry about her? She needed to find him.

Picking herself off the ground, Belle sprinted away from the castle, making her way through the front gate and onto the road. From there, she tried to regain her bearings and remember which way she had come on that fateful night so long ago. She made the best guess she could and hurried on her way. She did not look back.

 

[Cloud Strife]

The Palais-Royal, Paris

The duc de Orléans in the uniform of a Colonel of the Hussars.​

The duc de Orleans poured over the copious amounts of legislation being introduced by the Cabinet. While Spain and Greece were the most popular subjects of the day, Louis-Philippe was now more concerned with domestic matters in this "preview" of the realm being ruled by Artois in the near-future. Berstett's proposals from the Interior Ministry were not bad and in some ways would strengthen the ability of wealthy Liberals and Moderates with rural interests to hold seats. He would instruct the Deputies and Peers beholden to him not to oppose such measures too much and when possible vote in favor as to take credit for sensible legislation. In terms of foreign policy it was time to change course now that the arch-Austriacist, Valance, was gone. In exchange for support with Spain those beholden to Orleans would ask for support with Greece. Perhaps there could even be cooperation on buttressing Spain's possessions in the New World in exchange of the support of the Spanish Armada Real in executing a "contingency" towards Santo-Domingo.

In other areas the Orleanists would stoke the flames of opposition. The repeal of Rothschild's forward-thinking regulations on the stock exchange and financing would have to be defended. If the Ultras wanted Orleanists votes on the Restitution Law they would have to abandon their assault on the scientific advancement of the market. In regards to education, no quarter would be given. There would no compromise on Archbishop Deficit's bill, it would give the non-Gallicians in the Church free reign over the minds of French youth, if the Ultras would pass it the Orleanists would make it a priority to repeal it if the center or left took power again. Indeed the Ultras had opened to door to a revolving door of repeal of past measures and only inflamed public sentiments further by their attempts to turn back the clock and muzzle French social progress.

The other initiative of Louis-Philippe was more social in nature. Every Thursday invitations were sent out to most influential figures in politics, the military, and business to discuss current events in a new portion of the Palais-Royal set aside from maximum privacy. Only those significant figures of the mainstream of French society were invited; those holding titles, wealth, and influence. This excluded controversial figures such as the Archbishop of Reims and Captain Lecuyer whose rabble rousing and ideological commitments made compromise difficult, and known madman and cranks such as the comte de L'Isle Jourdain; who was best known for speaking with great vigor before empty rooms. The purpose of the "Thursday Club" was to find areas of agreement, to set the conditions to act upon those areas, and to reduce the ungovernability of the Chamber. While Louis-Philippe was a committed man of the Left he was concerned about the rise of "pure democracy" as opposed to the Aristotelian inclinations he had inherited from the French Enlightenment. The fact both Archbishop of Reims and Captain Lecuyer undertook much the same tactics to advance their agendas, such as campaigning in person before the masses as was degrading to the dignity of the Primate of France or inciting crowds to collective action as with the Veteran's League, was a sign of great troubles to come. While he continued to believe Lecuyer had his heart in the right place, he increasing saw him and Archbishop Deficit as two sides of the same coin.

Louis-Philippe began his march towards the center; a move on his part, long in planning, that started with distancing himself from Freemasonry and overt support for figures of pure protest. For now, against the advice of his sister and committed Liberals, he would experiment with horsetrading to advance the cause of progress in France, and to defend progress' gains.

 

[ThaHoward]

Lothaire's favorite Café, Paris.

In between the sessions of the Chamber of Deputies Lothaire liked to hang out in various coffee houses and theaters. Both to relax, but also as this were the various hubs for writers, artists and liberal ideas. He greatly enjoyed the bitter, yet sweet, taste of the various coffee types and even more the Bohemian, yet formed, enviorment.

As now he were in the finer districts, close to the Chamber of Deputies, as such he were naturally surrounded by the finer elements in society. He joked aroun with his friends, discussing politics and getting the piano player and singer to play the poem of Bishop of Deficit. They all had a laugh of the poem. As they were greatly humored that the Bishop were carictured, and also since the poem had a very.. unique and unusual composition - not so stiff as the usual poems one might find in the intellegista.

As they spoke, joked and a had a good time a man of great wealth came to Lothaire. Lothaire recognized the man, as he had conducted bussiness with him, but he were also one of the rich merchants he had layed out his plans for electoral and economical reforms many years prior. The man with the top hat and a cigar bigger than his fist hit Lothaire with a strong arm on his back. Such strength the stroke possessed that Lothaire spilled his coffee all over his tuxedo - much to the entertainment of the visitors to the Café. But the rich merchant had news that would sadden Lothaire greatly..

He would tease Lothaire that he, as opposed to the merchant, were not invited to the good company of the Duke of Orleans. Lothaire listened to this so called club of the Duke and it were as if a bullet struck him. He were at a loss of words and breath. Did not know what to do next. He did not feel betrayed, but he felt as if he had failed. As he had looked up to the Duke. Perhaps as some sort of subsitute of a father figure, or perhaps even as a subsitute of a superior officer. He had looked up to the Duke and his leadership and were prepared to follow him where he wanted him to go and compromise his own principles in order to further the cause of the Duke. Now he were cast out of the good company, and this greatly saddened the young Deputy.

But Lothaire did not give up. He invited the merchant to sit by him, waved his other friends off and ordered drinks and coffee to the merchant. For hours they sat and spoke together, but soon the liqour from Lécuyer, as afterall he were called Captian Liqour in certain circles, loosed up the tounge of the merchant. As Lothaire had spilled his coffee all over his tuxedo the merchant would spill the content of the thursday club all over Lothaire.

As Lothaire went back to the Chamber of Deputies, to the great hall that had always greatly fascinated him with its great arches and majestic columns stretching to the vast roof, he knew what to focus on next. He would make it look to the Duke that the two shared common goals, and perhaps then he would come back to his good company.

Chamber of Deputies.

Lothaire sat down on his place, and much to the amusement of others and shame for himself he saw that he had not changed his tuxedo. It still had coffee stains all over it, making Lothaire look like a child. Nevertheless he signalled he wanted the next word and rose up and spoke.

"M.President,

Pardon my looks. I know I look like a mere child who can't even eat properly... but I am sure most of you already believe I am a child wo can't behave!" Lothaire said in an ironic tone and made a wink. To the amusement of many of the Deputies in the chamber.

"Anyway I believe we've more important things to discuss than my eating etiquettes and taste in clothing.. I have inquired the Excellencies of His Most Christian King's Council on their position regarding Spain and Greece. I believe such a decision are ought to be passed through the legaslative chambers considering the gravity of such a decision. Not only for France, but for all of Europe! I am still under the belief that the Eastern Question is the greatest question of our time, and if we are to call ourself good Christians, nay good neighbours, we are to look for ways to support our oppressed brothers rather than wage pointless wars against our neighbour. I humbly ask for the opinion of the Excellencies on this matter". Lothaire drank some water to thin out the coffee and liqour he had consumed to loosen the tounge of the merchant, shuffled around his papers and continued.

"For the attacks on his Excellency Rotschild's financial reforms, these should not be reversed. The French economy is still an economy under recovery. And the markets of today are different than for 100 years ago. We can't revert to the thinking of the past, when the reality of tommorow, nay today, are totally different. Many of you want to revert to an agrarian economy. To the good old days, before all the troubles. And I can see the romance in that. But the truth is that we live in different times now. We can no longer afford to be in a feudal economy, as if we do so we will face unemployment and even worse we will fall behind the other economies and markets of Europe. We are wise to look at the current situation and how to develop for tommorow. We can't look at a romanced and revised version of yesterday to form today's policies. And that's why I beg all of you to not reverse the reforms of Rotschild, but rather to keep them. You can still develop a solid agrarian economy even with modern financial institutions.

However I am a man of compromise..." Lothaire were interrupted as some started to laugh of that sentence, Lothaire raised his hand and continued: "I know many of you can't see that. But remember that I have many times reached out to compromise with my political adversaries, even the Excellency the Archbishop of Reims. It was said compromise that in fact made his Excellency Decazes incensed and went on a personal attack on me. It were those attacks that forced my hand to the left, even if I find myself more comfortable in the Center! Now back to topic.. I am indeed a man of compromise. I say to you that I am willing to support the "Restitution Law" if you abondon your attacks on sound economical science! I'm sure many other moderates and even liberals would be willing to make such a compromise. I would again ask of you to look over my petitions, as it will give a greater legal framework against revolutionairy groups and a de-jure foundation to take on these organisations and its membership.

Thank you that is all, and I hope others will come forth and give their opinion".

Lothaire sat down and his tone had been unusual mild and moderate. He of course knew that his petitions most likely would not be heard, perhaps not even the compromise he had so shamelessly taken from the social clubs of Orleans in order to gain his support. But it were worth a try, and it would steer him away from the perception of a rabid liberal to a moderate liberal who were willing to compromise.

 

[etranger01]

Paris*

Henri Bourbon is, quite simply, the most popular, beloved, and generally well-regarded man in France, if not all of Europe. His supporters are legion and fanatically devoted to his every word and belief. Somehow, there's always a small crowd of them around to laugh at his jokes, cheer his statements, and heckle his opponents. His detractors exist, but they are few in number and mainly exist to sneer ineffectually at his speeches, which are superbly articulate and always on the right side of any particular issue.

Naturally, M. de Bourbon's supporters are uniformly of the better class of people. Whether kindly aristocrats, wealthy industrialists, well-informed journalists, sturdy veterans, or cheeky young orphans, they're always there to prove that he has the complete support of any particular demographic. The women, of course, love him, but he remains steadfastly devoted to his beautiful wife and small army of children, whose names somehow never come up.

Henri's support transcends ideology and faction. His many Ultra supporters, swayed to his cause by his steadfast devotion to constitutional royalism, openly suggest that he is by far the superior candidate to succeed His Majesty, and that Artois would be better off accepting the inevitable and stepping aside. Conversely, the liberal republicans have his name at the top of every theoretical ballot for the day when the revolution comes and the Second Republic brings them all to glory. Naturally, the Bonapartist faction have abandoned the young Napoleon II and instead entertain fantasies of a Bourbon Emperor to lead the reconquest of Europe.

His salons are well-attended to the point of madness. Well-dressed men and women forsake every social opportunity to attend him and hear even the faintest whispers of his genius. His Majesty's court stands empty. On the weeks in which he chooses to hold his salon on Thursday, you can hear the wind whistling through the abandoned halls of the Palais-Royal.

Though he steadfastly denies the rumor, it is true that the men of the General Staff seek his advice daily on the coming invasion of Spain, and it is suggested that he will lead the whole of the army across the Pyrenees. Naturally, upon their arrival they shall be greeted by his devoted regiments of volunteer fighters already in Iberia, who fight and die at his whim. Atop his mighty steed Tecendur, he shall reunite the crowns of France and Spain through sheer force of personality...

Paris, M. de Bourbon's apartments

Henri awoke with a start. His eyes focused unevenly in the slanting morning sun coming in through the blinds, which seemed altogether too bright for... was it really... ah, yes. Mid-afternoon, after all. Well, what could be done? Rallying the royalist center was tiring work, and he was no longer an entirely young man. How many bottles of wine had it been? At least three...

He exhaled raggedly, then rose to his feet, assisted by his rather beaten-up 'at-home' cane -- the ivory-hilted cane only came out for public appearances, and he could hardly whack the furniture with it while reading the daily newspapers. His savings wouldn't last forever, after all.

The famous and universally beloved M. de Bourbon experienced a brief and intensely personal revolution in his upper digestive system, quenched the flames of revolt by dunking his hungover face in a bin of tepid washwater, and started to search for a clean suit. Maybe he'd take the day off... tomorrow. Yes, tomorrow. Definitely.

 

[ThaHoward]

Despit his political activism and romantic adventures to Italy, Lothaire were a man of the Academia (something that shocked many). Despite having graduated with degrees both in Politics and Economics the Deputy continued to issue several papers. One paper that he would write would spark much controversy. It took up on a scenario of what would happen if France and the German Confederation were to wage war against eachother. The paper had quite detailed remarks on how such a war should be fought and it were evident extensive research had laid the foundation for the strategies (as the author had interviewed many high ranking officers and attended to lectures in various War Academies) however it were also based upon personal experiences of the author. But perhaps they most controversial of this paper were in fact how a post war Germany were pictured. Many critised it for outright expansionism and imperialism and flirting with Bonapartism. Others saw it as a thought experiment on an extreme end scenario. The author himself defended the critics that this were not be taken as serious policies, but rather a hypothetical scenario. The author of the paper, Lothaire Lécuyer, would soon issue a shortened down and simplified summary of the various pieces of his paper. And he would start with the most controversial piece of it; the Post-War partioned Germany. Later on he would print two new issues, one detailing the strategy of the war and one third and final the summary of the situation leading up to such a war and why the war and partioned would be needed.

Partition of the lands of the Germans.

The German Confederation. Kingdom of Prussia in Blue, Empire of Austria in Yellow. Grey independent German states. Red the borders of the Confederation.

Before we examine the Partition of the lands of the Germans we need to look at its current structure. In short it can be said the Confederation is a loose assembly of the defunct Holy Roman Empire. The majority of the lands are controlled directly by the Habsburg Empire (through the Empire of Austria and Kingdom of Bohemia inside the Confederation) and the Prussian Kingdom in the north. It should also be noted that there is a de-facto split among the Confederation. In short the Southern States (Kingdom of Bavaria, Kingdom of Würtemberg and Grand-Duchy of Baden) and the Kingdom of Saxony are under Austrian hengemony. The Kingdom of Hannover is in a Personal Union under the British and are as such under their hengemony. The remainder of the North German states are under Prussian hengemony.

Such division is bound to lead up to conflict between the major German blocs one day. Between Austria who wish to re-unite their former Empire and Prussia who will use the power vaccum in the north to their advantage. Either prospect of unification, let it be all of Germany, South Germany, North Germany etc etc. is of utmost danger to France, and in case of either of the two German major states wish to unite the German lands, France should be on its guard and take proper measures to prevent this.

To keep it simple for the remainder of the text the major states of Hesse-Darmstadt, Frankfurt am Main, Hesse-Kassel, Braunschweig and Nassau will be reffered to as "the Hessian States/Hessen". Saxe-Meiningen, Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and Saxe-Weimar will be reffered to as "the Thüringian States/Thüringen". Lübeck, Hamburg and Bremen as "the Hanseatic Cities". All other major states will be given their own name. The author note that these divisions are arbritary and they exclude many minor states, but it is in order to keep it simple.

The Rhein Confederation in 1812.

The last time France were to partition the lands of the Germans it would be a loose Confederation of Client States dubbed simply "the Confederation of the Rhein". Said Confederation are used as the basis for the partition of Germany, however it will not be as extensive and dependant.

The new partition of Germany shall be somewhat of a Union or Association under the guidance of France. The idea in case of a victorious war against the German states the Nation of France are to occupy and integrate the Prussian lands west of the Rhein. In short this include the provinces of Saarbrücken, Trier, Kreuznach, Köln, Aachen and Cleves. This in order to mount a natural defense on the west bank of the Rhein ahead of the other set of hilly natural defenses in the current border region with Germany. The Nordrein and Moselland also hold some very promising lands cultivated with major resources, a certain boom to French economy. This leave the Hessian and Bavarian regions west of the Rhein intact, and it should be so in order to gain the loyalty of the Hessian states, but more important Bavaria.

The Prussian lands, in case of war, should be split further. Prussia are split in half. Simply said their eastern half is Brandenburg-Prussia while their western part are remnants of the Kingdom of Westphalia. The remaining parts of the western parts of Prussia should be released as an independent nation. Of course this new Westphalia would not be of the extent of its 1807 equialant and nor should it be. The King, or whatever other monarch it would be, are to be of a German house. This is in order to gain the loyalty of the German Princes - a Bavarian Prince would be preffered. The other German lands are to be held intact, mostly to not anger the German states further and more importantly the British. The Kingdom of Hannover are to remain its indepence and are to be under continued hengemony by the British.

And this is where the borders of the new French led German Union should go; Kingdom of Hannover and Thüringen. The Kingdom of Hannover are to be under British hengemony. Kingdom of Saxony are to be under Austrian Hengemony. Meanwhile Thüringen, Oldenburg, Mecklenburg, Anhalt, Hansa Cities and Mecklenburg are to be under Prussian hengemony. Holtstein are to remain in a personal union under the Danish and Schleswig crown. Luxembourg too will be carved out of the German Confederation, but the Netherlands will be recognized as its sovereign and are not to be part of the Union.

The Union itself will be composed of the French Saarland, French Rhineland and French Moselland. Furthermore its to be composed of Bavaria, Würtemberg, Hessen, Baden, Westphalia and Lippe-Detmold. The Union will be composed of independent nations. As opposed to the Confederation of the Rhine they will not be client states of France and there will not be a unified military alliance as with the German Confederation. However each memberstate are to join in a common market with France - a customs union. They will all also be guaranteed against German (Austrian and Prussian mostly) aggression by France and are encouraged, but not required, to engage in alliances with eachother and with France. Moreover France would make significant investements in the states's economies and infrastructures.

The current borders of the States would be intact. And the Union would not extend further to the east or north to not antagonise Britain or the other German states. However if more wars are to come, then Bavaria, if they are proven to be loyal, will be given their lost territories now held by Austria - in exhange for Bavarian Rhineland. If a future war with Austria would commence, the Kingdom of Saxony would be wrestled out of their grip and placed into the French-German Union. The same if Prussia waged war, the remainder of the German states would be forced out of their hengemony and into the French-German Union, while their Saxon possessions would be returned to Saxony.

If such a Union were to be created it would make the French situation in Central Europe much stronger and the customs union would provide lots of raw materials to the French economy, and the many small states are ideal for French exports (as small nations greatly rely upon trade as opposed to be self-sufficient). Moreover it would hinder Holy Roman Unification or German Unification and would as such weaken the positions of Austria and Prussia and instead strengthen the one of France.

 

[Shynka]

 

[Eid3r]

Notre-Dame-de-Paris (Paris)

The Metropolitan Archbishop of Reims was having a very busy Thursday, as it was the case every week. Indeed, he had not time for fanciful discussion in the shadiest parts of the high nobility, given that Thursday nights were devoted to the adoration of the Virgin Mary in Notre-Dame-de-Paris, where he would join the monks in prayers for wisdom and insight. It was thus quite a chance that he was not invited, for he would have had to displease people by declining and quite frankly, nobody likes declining invitations.

Kneeling in front of the altar, he was thus deeply in prayers, unaware of the scorn cast upon him in various circles. As a seasoned cleric, he had mastered the talent of muttering a prayer while thinking of something else.

So has he spoke :

Hail Mary, full of grace.
The Lord is with thee.
Blessed art thou amongst women,
and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus.
Holy Mary, Mother of God,
pray for us sinners,
now and at the hour of our death.
Amen

He rather thought :

“Dear God, allow me to continue the work you have set me upon and restore our realm to the one true faith. Be ever watchful for the wellbeing of the king, who seemed inexorably on his way to your providence. For all is liberality, he is your most dutiful son and he carried on bravely while you besiege him with trials such as morbid obesity, gout, gangrene, impotence and so on.”

“Now, bless our beloved Count of Artois, who shall be your shield and defender once he gets on the throne. Fortify his character, enable him to surpass his flaws and to bring an era of peace and felicity for the Kingdom”

“Kindly support Henri of Bourbon, who is struggling daily with the controversial nature of his birth and his inability to obtain the validation of his father. I do pray thee that this inheritance business does not rot his heart with greed and lust.”

And he thought ... on and on and on...

 

[99KingHigh]

Ordonnance du Roi pour la création du Ministère de l'éducation et des affaires religieuses

​

LOUIS XVIII, By the Grace of God, Most Christian King of France and Navarre; tous ceuz que ces presentes verront, salut.



Nous Avons Ordonne et ordonns ce qui suit:





I. The Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs shall henceforth be established, to serve the Kingdom of France in matters relating to educational and religious pursuits. The Minister of Education and Religious Affairs shall have the right to recommend appointees for educational boards and high religious offices, in addition to being responsible for matters of state relating to the furtherance of all forms of literacy, as well as organizing the dispersal of clerical salaries in France.


​

​

On the council of our ministers, and the conviction of our persons, the laws hereafter listed are proposed to the Chamber of Deputies and the Chamber of Peers.

Spoiler: Law on the Election of Deputies

I. Every ten years, each department shall be divided by the Ministry of the Interior into a fixed number of districts, to be known as collèges électoraux, and which will be drawn to have equivalent populations within their constraints. Districts may not be drawn to overlap, nor to be non-contiguous.

II. Each collège électoraux shall elect one deputy every five years, or at the instance of any general election, who shall be required to be a legal resident of the collège électoraux which he represents. Additionally, no individual who does not pay taxes may run for election as a deputy.
a. If a deputy becomes incapable of holding his seat through either death or incapacitation, the King may appoint an interim deputy; or the seat shall remain vacant until the next general election.

III. There shall be at least one voting station for each canton included within a collège électoraux. If a canton is divided between multiple collèges électoraux, each must provide a voting station to represent that canton. Additionally, for every 200,000 general residents of a department, an additional station shall be required. All those with a right to vote shall be considered 'members of the electoral college.'

IV. Individuals, displaying certification of their identity, may obtain legal documents allowing them to designate an individual to vote on their behalf at their assigned voting station. If documents are received, the individual may not, under any circumstances, personally vote, and the representative vote may only be received at a designated voting station.

V. Initially, the numbers of collèges électoraux in each department shall be set as follows, and may not be adjusted except by the passage of new formal allocations, either by ordinance or by law:

VI. The prefect of a department, or otherwise an individual selected by the King, shall be responsible for the organization of elections, the selection of polling stations, and releasing information.
a. If an election organizer or any individual working under his jurisdiction is found to have tampered with the results of an election, impeded the voting of legally-capable individuals, failed to disseminate information in a timely manner, or otherwise disrupted the manner of elections as prescribed in this law, the perpetrator of the crime shall be charged with a capital offense.
VII. The provisions of this law are complementary to the Law on Candidacies.

VIII. Individuals meeting the former qualifications for electors shall be those eligible to cast votes in the direct election of deputies and all who previously held the right of suffrage shall retain it. Additionally, the threshold for those eligible to be electors shall be reduced from 300 FF to 250 FF.

Spoiler: Law on the Post Office

I. The Ministry of the Interior shall be released the sums necessary to build and maintain an additional 900 post offices. Private post-carriers will be allowed to deposit deliveries at any government post office for a nominal fee of one centime for letters, and one sou for packages. These deliveries will be certified by the Ministry of the Interior, and their holding for a period of up to one month (unless otherwise requested) shall be publicly insured.

Artois and the King have elected to withhold the Rural Bank law until the government can clarify its involvement with the Banque de France, and also on their suspicion for pecuniary instruments of usury. Artois most strongly objects to the expansion of a system of banks, especially under the purview of the Monarchy.

Spoiler: Law on the Restitution of Property Unjustly Confiscated under the Terrorist Regime

I. The decrees of the National Assembly of 9th February, 1792, and of the National Convention of 25th October, 1792, and 26th February and 3rd March, 1794 are hereby declared contrary to the Constitutional Charter and rendered null and void.

II. Compensation shall be provided in all instances where property, land, assets, titles, deeds and all other forms of private goods were deprived from an individual by the power of the illegal decrees of the National Assembly of 9th February, 1792, and of the National Convention of 25th October, 1792, and 26th February and 3rd March, 1794, with the exception as stated in Art. VII.

III. The grounds for certification of compensation shall be as follows:

(a) The presentation of deeds, titles or other legal documents recognised under French law, attesting to the possession of the confiscated property;

(b) The order of a court with jurisdiction attesting to the possession of the confiscated property.

IV. Once the grounds have been obtained, certification shall be as follows:

(a) The party shall present their grounds under Article III to the Ministry of Finance;

(b) The grounds shall be considered by the Committee on the Restitution of Property (hereafter “the Committee”);

(c) If verified by the Committee, the certificate of compensation shall be awarded;

(i) If rejected by the Committee, the party shall have the right of appeal to the Court of Cassation, whose decision to accept or overturn the ruling of the Committee shall be final.

V. Once certification has been complete, compensation shall be arranged under the following formula:

(a) The Committee shall estimate the value of the confiscated property according to the public record and the advice of economists, as well as calculating any further losses of revenue and investment, as well as indebtedness incurred as a demonstrable and direct result of the act of confiscation;

(b) The party shall receive a Certificate of Indemnity, to the nominal value of the estimated losses.

VI. In order to provide for the scheme of compensation, a public fund, managed by the Ministry of Finance, shall be established:

(a) The sums neccessary for the compensation shall be raised over the period of the fifteen years since the end of the certification and estimation process.These sums cannot exceed five hundred million (500 000 000) francs.

(b) These sums shall be provided for in the Budget of the Government;

(c) Upon the end of the certification and estimation, a payment scale is to be developed by the Minister of Finance. The funds raised are to be disbursed to all holders of Certificates of Indemnity in periodic payments during the period of fifteen years since the end of the certification and estimation process.

VII. This law does not apply to the expropriated property of the Roman Catholic Church.

Spoiler: Loi sur l'Éducation du Peuple Français

Considering that all laws flows from the Rightful prerogatives of His Majesty the King.

Considering the grievous injury made to an entire generation of our citizenry by the wanton destruction of our educational system in the wake of the Revolution,

Considering that prior to the Revolution, the Kingdom of France could boast on having the finest educational system in Europe.

Considering that the Church of France has for centuries, ensured the education of our youth, and therefore, developed critical experience in the said matter.

Considering that the Church of France has adequately, and to a minimal cost to the State's finances, provided educational services in the past.

It is therefore resolved that a profound reform of our educational system shall be carried out in the following form:

§I. Administration

I. The administration of efficient educational services in the Kingdom of France shall be vested in a Conseil Royal des Études de France. ThisConseil shall be responsible for fostering and up keeping the highest standards of moral within our institutions of learning as well as promoting the highest standards of excellence throughout the Kingdom.

II. The Conseil Royal des Études de France shall be composed of administrators appointed on merit by his Majesty the King, selected in equal numbers amongst the clergy and the administrators of France's learning institutions.

III. The Conseil Royal des Études de France shall be headed by a Provost, to be named by his Majesty the King pursuant to the same nomination standards set for the administrators of the Conseil. The Provost shall report to the King on all matters under his jurisdiction, such as the state of standards and morals with institutions of learning and the logistical support of education in the Kingdom.

IV. Education for Service in the Armed Forces shall remain purview of the Ministry of War.

V. The University of France is hereby abolished.

VI. All Academies and legal equivalents are renamed Universités or Grandes Écoles.

VII. All Lycées and legal equivalents are renamed Collèges Royaux.

VIII. All legal equivalents of the Écoles de paroisse are renamed Écoles de paroisse.

IX. The Conseil Royal des Études de France shall take the necessary dispositions to ensure the education, in accordance to their own tradition, of the Fils et Filles de France who should happen not to be of the Roman Catholic creed.

§II. Écoles de paroisse

I. The primary education services for les Fils et les Filles de France are to be delivered by the Church of France, an institution already present of the entire territory of the Kingdom and doted of the sufficient expertise and knowledge for the deliverance of these services.

II. The Church of France shall establish Écoles de paroisse within every parishes of the Kingdom and educate the children of France in the much needed skills of reading, writing, and arithmetic.

III. The Écoles de paroisse shall also tend to the religious education of the Fils et Filles de France and teach the fundamental values of our society, namely, morals, faith, discipline, personal industry and obedience.

IV. The Government shall proceed to the rebuilding of all the schools which were disbanded, looted and destroyed by the Revolutionary Governments. These schools shall be put in trust of the Church of France, who shall be responsible for their administration.

V. The Écoles de paroisse shall offer education to all French citizens from the age of 7 to 12 who seeks admission. There shall be no fees for the admission of students and pupils.

VI. The Écoles de paroisse shall provide a curriculum of 4 years of education, paving the way for the admittance into institutions of higher learning such as Collèges Royaux. The curriculum shall be established within flexible guidelines provided by the Conseil Royal des Études de France, in order to meet regional aspirations and needs while maintaining a needed commonality with the Kingdom as a whole. A special curriculum for young girls shall also be determined by the Conseil Royal des Études de France.

VII. Every teacher in the Écoles de paroisse must comply with qualifications standards to be established by the Conseil Royal des Études de France, and with the following requirement:

VII.I)To receive an official recommendation by the Church of France, to be granted at the diocesan level by relevant authorities.

VII.I.I)The establishment established under Section I, article IX of this Law shall be exempt from the requirement of receiving an official recommendation by the Church of France.

§III. Collèges Royaux

I. The Government shall endeavor to fund the construction of a number of Collèges Royaux (henceforth referred to as Royal Colleges) within the Kingdom, which shall act as the second highest institution of learning within Kingdom and educate persons in ancient Greek and Latin, history, rhetoric, logic and elements of mathematical and physical sciences for further education at Tertiary Institutions of Learning, service at Royal Colleges or Écoles de paroisse, or for service to the French society at large.

II. Any Royal College disbanded or disturbed by Revolutionary Governments shall be fully reconstructed and their property fully restored by the Government. A fifteen year period is provided for the completion of such endeavor.

III. The Royal Colleges shall provide a six year education for citizens from the age of 12 and those having completed this education shall be awarded a baccalauréat.

IV. Royal Colleges established under this Bill shall maintain powers over their curricula, within the standards of the Conseil Royal des Études de France and in coordination with the Department wherein the Royal College is located, but are required to instill morals, discipline and loyalty in its students.

V. Special Royal Colleges shall be established or maintained under this Bill in the fields of military education, agriculture, practical skills, service for the French Government and business and shall maintain the required autonomy to educate their students under the purview of the Conseil Royal des Études de France.

VI. The adequate funding and upkeep of the Royal Colleges shall fall under the responsibility of the Department wherein the Royal College is located.

VII. Royal Colleges may offer education to those seeking a baccalauréat upon the resolution of their studies at their own discretion.

VIII. Should Royal Colleges see fit to offer education to those as outlined in Paragraph III.; Article VII., they may do so at a cost equal to that of the expense caused by such a pupil; namely, reimbursement of the cost of food and lodging, as well as the cost of providing all necessary materials for study.

IX. The Royal Colleges may offer scholarships to students falling under Paragraph III.; Article VII., to exempt them of such reimbursements if these students are of exceptional character and ability or otherwise deemed able to greatly assist the French Government, the Church of France or French society at large.

§IV. Universités et Grandes Écoles

I. The Government shall endeavor to fund the construction and upkeep of a number of Universités and Grandes Écoles (henceforth collectively referred to as Tertiary Institutions of Learning) within the Kingdom, which shall act as the highest institutions of learning of the Kingdom and educate persons preparing for service within the French Government, the Roman Catholic clergy or for service to the French society at large.

II. Any Tertiary Institution of Learning disbanded or disturbed by Revolutionary Governments shall be fully reconstructed and their property fully restored by the Government upon the constitution of an endowment fund equivalent to 50% of the value of the said reconstruction and restoration to be financed by the patrons of the said Institution and dedicated to this purpose.

III. Universités established under this Bill shall maintain powers over their curricula, although they are required and supported to establish respectable faculties of law, medicine, humanities and theology. They are further required to teach in accordance with the Roman Catholic tradition, especially with a view to the satisfactory training of clergymen.

IV. Grandes Écoles established under this Bill shall maintain powers over their curricula, although they are required and supported to establish respectable faculties in various fields of science, chemistry, engineering and mathematics

V. Special Grandes Écoles can be established or maintained under this Bill in fields such as agriculture, practical skills, service for the French Government and business and they shall maintain the required autonomy to educate their students.

VI. The adequate funding and regulation of the Tertiary Institutions of Learning shall fall under the direct responsibility of the Conseil Royal des Études de France.

VII. Tertiary Institutions of Learning may offer education to those not seeking placements within the clergy upon the resolution of their studies at their own discretion.

VIII. Should Tertiary Institutions of Learning see fit to offer education to those as outlined in Paragraph II.; Article VII., they may do so at a cost equal to that of the expense caused by such a pupil; namely, reimbursement of the cost of food and lodging, as well as the cost of providing all necessary materials for study.

IX. The Tertiary Institutions of Learning may offer scholarships to students falling under Paragraph II.; Article VII., to exempt them of such reimbursements if these students are of exceptional character and ability or otherwise deemed able to greatly assist the French Government, the Church of France or French society at large.

X. The cost of educating those pupils intent upon a career in the clergy shall be paid for by the Government.

§V. Fiscal Appropriations

I. Any contributions towards the maintenance of an Institution of Learning through profits from property owned or ventures by said Institution shall be granted a 10% tax exemption, to be increased by 10% each year until full exemption be reached.

II. The Church of France shall assume the costs of maintaining the Écoles de Paroisse and shall receive appropriations to be determined by the Minister of Finances in pursuit of this objective shall the need arise.

III. If a Parish is unable to maintain an École de Paroisse, the relevant diocese shall be liable to ensure the education of the pupils in other institutions.

IV. If a Department is unable to maintain Royal Colleges, the Government can be called to support the Institutions of Learning, until the Department and/or the Institutions of Learning has completed the necessary reforms to resume its duties. This duty expires if the Department and/or the Institutions of Learning is unwilling to complete these necessary reforms.

§ VI. National Division of Institutions of Learning

I. The exact number of pupils and general population per Institution of Learning is to be determined by the Conseil Royal des Études de France, based on the findings of the Conseil into the feasibility, efficiency and costs of such institutions.

II. The Conseil Royal des Études de France shall be awarded the ability to establish Tertiary Institutions of Learning in line with the demand of the population, determined by the size of said population as of the 1811 census and on the determinations of the committee, mentioned in Paragraph VI.; Article I., on the number of pupils and general population.

III. Each department shall be awarded the ability to establish Royal Colleges in line with the demand of the population, determined by the size of said population as of the most recent census and on the determinations of the committee, mentioned in Paragraph VI.; Article I., on the number of pupils and general population.

§ VII. Transitory measures

I. The Law on National education is abolished.

The Law 'for the Recognition of the Bourse' will be repealed.

The Law for the Private Printing of Specie will be repealed.

The Law for the Governance of Voluntary Associations will be repealed.

-
Law on the Election of Deputies: Oui/No/Abst
Law on the Post Office: Oui/No/Abst
Law on the Restitution of Property: Oui/No/Abst
Loi sur l'Éducation du Peuple Français: Oui/No/Abst
Repeal the Recognition of the Bourse: Oui/No/Abst
Repeal the Private Printing of Specie: Oui/No/Abst
Repeal the Governance of Voluntary Associations: Oui/No/Abst

[Profession]
[Party]
[Bonus]

- Name

24 hours of voting + debate. Government needs to make position known on Spain to @m.equitum, I'd prefer any IC debates on Spain to happen in the thread for update writing purposes.

New legislation, albeit a shorter round, will commence after voting.

 

[etranger01]

Law on the Election of Deputies: Oui
Law on the Post Office: Oui
Law on the Restitution of Property: Abstain
Loi sur l'Éducation du Peuple Français: No
Repeal the Recognition of the Bourse: No
Repeal the Private Printing of Specie: Abstain
Repeal the Governance of Voluntary Associations: Oui

[Bastard]
[Doctrinaire]
[Victor of Les Hommes: +1 PP]

- Henri Jules de Bourbon

 

[TJDS]

Law on the Election of Deputies: No
Law on the Post Office: Oui
Law on the Restitution of Property: No
Loi sur l'Éducation du Peuple Français: No
Repeal the Recognition of the Bourse: No
Repeal the Private Printing of Specie: No
Repeal the Governance of Voluntary Associations: Abst

[Deputy, Prefect, President of the Philhellenique Society]
[Doctrinaire]
[Social Reformer Mk. II +1 PP]