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Chamber of Deputies, Paris 1819.

Lothaire watched as the debate progregressed and the voting were to end - and it were not going for the better. He would make one last appeal, one last attempt.

"M.President,

I stand here today. I stand here as a Deputy and man who who have sworn to uphold the rule of law, the Charter, the good of our Fatherland. Now these sacred duties are under direct threat. For what are we as Deputies sworn to uphold? The law! The rule of law! But these two last proposals are nothing but an utter contempt for that law! They should not have been here in these sacred Chambers, but they should be tossed in the fireplace where they belong! They are a direct threat to the stability of France and our laws, and I will show you now why.

First let us examine the vote to amend the electoral laws solely to dispose of a man who many of us, rightly so, do not agree with. But what do the Charter say, what do the piece of paper say that we are supposed to heed? That we are suppose to protect? That are supposed to be the contract between King and Country? It say no man can be charged for the interregnum offences, and the King upon the Restoration promised this. Now we are to go back on this? Are we to tear the rule of law apart only as we find it unpleasant at the time being? I say we should not, we should stand firm by the rule of law. For France and the stability of our realm.

The let us examine the Oath of Alligiance Act: "1. Each person, upon entering military or civil service, taking a public office, being elected or appointed into any of the state bodies, before being admitted to the exercise of their functions, in accordance with the customs and traditions of the Kingdom, take the oath of allegiance to the King and swear to observe the laws of the State, to respect the order of succession to the Throne and to exercise their functions with the sole goal of the inseparable good of the King and of the Fatherland. These who have refused to swear such an oath would be ineligible for office." Gregoire have now made that oath, and is by law allowed to be a Deputy. Are we, who are sworn to uphold the laws, in a position to break it? We already made this law in cases like this, to ensure the loyalty of the civil servants.

Now lets look at the so called militia act which only seek to tear down one organization that the Ultras for some reason do not like. For what harm have they done to our Society and great Nation? None! Other than of course giving the veterans who were forgotten a new life and hope and giving charity to those who were left behind by the government. But if we are to follow this proposal through. Where will this lead us? The National Guard is the only present Militia in France. Are we to disband it? If we follow this proposal through we need to disband it, as it is in fact a militia. Or are we not to follow the laws we set and only follow them when they suit us? Where is the rule of law there?

And why do we focus on the Veterans League who are not a militia? Where were you Ultras when the Verdets rampaged and raped southern France? Where were your demands to put down militias then? Did you support them in secret or were it of no consequence to you since they only killed veterans and poor peasants? The hypocrisy! And who are the real threat among organizations now, the so called Legionaires who flew the tricolors! But nay, we make no extraordinary laws to deal with them! Nay, let us focus on the terrible and dangerous veterans who use their rights to wear uniforms and hold public meetings!

If we follow these laws through, we are in violation of the Charter. We are in violation of the Rule of Law. And where will this lead us? If we can simply amend the electoral laws to get rid of troublesome deputies, who know where it will lead us in the future? Will Gregoire be the last? Fellow Doctrinaires, be not so sure that Decazes will sit ildly by, are you the next to be purged? The elections of France are to be respected! And for all of you who think little of the Veterans League. Fine. But what are the next steps? Are we to disband all groups who the current government do not like? Are we to supress the personal liberties of the French? Are we to ascend into barbarism? And if we follow it through, are we to disband the National Guard? They are in fact the only standing and working militia in France and not some conjured up fantasy milita! The very proposal is a proposal of fantasy and not rooted in reality, we should focus on real issues and not issues of a private vendetta!

Last, Doctrinaires see this for what it is! This is nothing but Decazes wanting to punish me for trying to reach a compromise! I chose civility and stability over conflict, and now he do this laughable proposal to end the personal liberties of the French! But the radical Ultras he bed with, they don't want him in bed! They still despise him and the Doctrinaires. I therefore urge you all to change your opinions and strenghten the Doctrinaires so we don't have to rely on the Ultras who don't even want us! And to the moderate Ultras, I urge you to follow your duty and observe the Rule of Law and the integrity of the Charter rather than plunge us into unpredictable governments!

Finnaly I will quote the Charter: "The king and his successors shall swear, at the solemnizing of their coronation, to observe faithfully the present constitutional charter".

Thank you President, that would be all".
 
((private))
Even though it was the right decision, it saddened Thibaut Duval. It was his family home after all, albeit one acquired by his noveau riche father. But now that Shoshanna and the household were moved up to Chaussée d'Antin in Paris they had no more need of the Canebière address that had been besieged by bread rioters during the famine of '17. In the place of his wife and their servants, the stone-walled manor now protected from the flames of riot and revolt the precious silks that had so recently lay vulnerable in wooden warehouses and ships. After that premonition of disaster, that horrific dream-state he experienced, Duval could not risk losing his wealth so easily. Should the Seine Bank ever fall, he had to have his fortunes, the fortunes of his future progeny, secured. And so now the Duval manor in Marseilles was now a Duval Company storehouse, crates of silk stacked above his family crypt in the old winecellar. Fitting almost, that his father's bones would be so near the precious cargo that had made him one of the richest men in France.

That left only one bit of unfinished business in Marseilles, the matter of the printing press. The Market Street Journal was doomed, Thibaut knew that. He himself had advertised in Le Constitutionel instead of his own paper, now that Constant's periodical was the premiere newsletter of the bourgeoisie in Paris, and thus all of France.

He could not sell those presses, in distant Marseilles, for a profit. But at least he could avoid a loss, and future fees and fines for owning them.

***
((public))
-Le Constitutionnel-
Petites Annonces


Printing Presses, Free to A Good Home

The presses of the esteemed periodical, The Market Street Journal, are being offered free of charge to other newspaper concerns on condition of said parties taking responsibility for all fees for dismantling and shipping the presses from Marseilles, in addition to any taxes or government securities under the press laws.

Interested parties leave inquiry with Monsieur Thibaut Duval of Chaussée d'Antin
 
M. de Bourbon is compelled to offer a much more extensive statement on the subject of Gregoire, given the regicide's recent speech before the Chamber.

"Listen and be amazed as the lies fall freely and without restraint from Gregoire's lips. It is not often that we mere mortals have the opportunity to witness a master of treachery at his vocation in such a public forum. We, as men constrained by ethical beliefs and moral principles, cannot help but stand back and observe with incredulity his talent for deception, unfettered by basic decency or regard for the truth. This is one of the men who inspired national hysteria! Who brought the old order crashing down with appeals to man's basest nature! A man who practiced upon the hopes and dreams of an entire nation for his own benefit and who conspired to murder its rightful rulers! And yet, as such arch-traitors inevitably do, he condemns himself with his own words.

Gregoire cites the recent royal ordinance as the source of his undeserved salvation. He is perhaps unaware that the words he cited are my own, written in the spirit of amity and reconciliation for those accused of lesser offenses, those men deserving of forgiveness, then later adopted by the government of the time. He attempts to shield his own outrageous crimes beneath a wall of legality meant for other men, for better men, who acted out of ignorance or lack of opportunity to do otherwise. Unfortunate for the serpent, then, that I am here to recall that ordinance in full.

The seventh article of the ordinance, published five years previous, provides for the establishment of warrants by the Ministry of Justice for all known traitors who conspired against His Majesty King Louis. Therefore it must be imagined that such a warrant exists for Gregoire, unserved, somewhere within the Ministry of Justice. As Gregoire has been in hiding for years prior to his sudden and inexplicable election, naturally that warrant must have been left to molder without fulfilling its essential purpose. Under his present parliamentary immunity, he cannot be served with that warrant. Only his expulsion will subject him to royal justice.

However, let us indulge Gregoire in his mistaken belief that he has somehow been pardoned for his crimes against the royal family and France, however momentarily. Perhaps no such warrant exists. Perhaps he was indeed formally forgiven for his behavior. Perhaps he has wriggled himself beneath the legal shield and cannot be prosecuted. For such concerns, we turn ourselves to the tenth article of that ordinance.

By refusing to address the martyred King Louis by his rightful title and position and instead referring to him by the Revolutionary slur under which he was unjustly murdered, Henri Jean-Baptiste Gregoire has openly and publicly committed lèse majesté in a roomful of witnesses. Though the man is not liable for prosecution for his words under his present parliamentary immunity, his statement nevertheless constitutes aggravating circumstances. Therefore, any such pardon unjustly acquired on Gregoire's part is, necessarily, forfeit! Under the same ordinance which he cites to free himself from the consequences of his actions, he is brought to account. He is condemned, not by an unjust law, not by royal whim, and not by circumstance, but by his own words, freely given before a public gathering.

I say now to the legislators and people of France: do not allow yourselves to be blinded by partisan concerns, by ideology. Gregoire is a regicide, a thief of the life that belonged to the martyred King Louis, a man who openly cheered the king's death. He must die for his crimes, by order of the king, by the will of the elected representatives of the people, by that commandment of almighty God that says 'whosoever sheddeth a man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed.' If he is to receive his justly earned reward for his crimes against France, for his crimes against the House of Bourbon, and for his crimes against God, then you must set aside your partisan concerns. The Chamber must be dissolved!"
 
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Saint-Aignan Proposition for Electoral Annulment and Exclusion: Non
Proposition on Militias: Oui

[Minister of War, Maréchal de France]
[Doctrinaire]
[Minister of His Majesty, +1 PP]

Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey
 
Voting is closed. Wait for an update.
 
To various subjects ((PRIVATE - @Noco19, @Fingon888, @Shynka, @oxfordroyale, @Qwerty7, @Cloud Strife, etc.))

August sir/My lord/Your Grace,

It is my pleasure, on behalf of their parents, to invite you to the impending nuptials of Henri Jules, M. de Bourbon, and Elise, Lady Oudinot. It is my sincere hope that you will be able to join the happy couple on this most joyous day, to attend the service and to enjoy the subsequent reception. The service shall be held in the Church of St-Roch in Paris, with the subsequent reception to be held in the Hotel de Lassay. All invited guests are welcome to bring a guest of their own.

To the Duke of Piombino ((PRIVATE - @Noco19))

To my elder brother,

I have contemplated upon your call for charity among the members of our order, and I believe that I may be able to provide an option for such works. It is known among some societies to have a lower order, consisting of members not initiated into the upper order's mysteries but rather aspiring to do so, which can then interface with the necessary day-to-day affairs of the upper order. Such affairs would include but not be limited to the dispersal of charitable funds and bread to the needy. I had a notion of calling them the Good Fellow-Subjects of the Desired King, as that would assure the authorities of their patriotic nature in this somewhat suspicious time. Please do not hesitate to offer your critique of my proposal.

In more personal news, I hope you have received your invitation by now. I must confess that this is an entirely new experience for me, and it is my hope that you will be by my side throughout. It is therefore my pleasure to invite you to stand with me on the day of my wedding as part of the wedding party. I am naturally required to have two witnesses, and it is my hope that you will serve in that capacity alongside our brother St-Germain. Do let me know.

Your brother,
Henri Jules

To the Count of St-Germain ((PRIVATE - @Shynka))

To my brother,

You may recall that our grandmaster set forth the challenge to our order that we further engage ourselves in charity and the needs of the people even as we further enlighten ourselves. I have conceived a notion, which I have lately proposed to our elder brother, of a lower order to serve our own enlightened upper order. This order would be our contact with the needs of the people and would naturally involve itself in the ground-level affairs of our lodge without being a direct part of it. I hope that, should the grandmaster's approval be forthcoming, you will assist me in this endeavor.

Moreover, have you received your invitation yet? I do hope that you attend. Should you be willing, I would like to include you among my witnesses along with the grandmaster, so that you might attend me and my very mild case of nerves on this most important day. Are you amenable? Do reply soon.

Your brother,
Henri Jules

To the Bishop of Montauban ((PRIVATE - @Eid3r))

Your Excellency,

Having served as a colonel in His Majesty's army for the past year, I find myself with a salary for which I have little need, given my father's own manifest blessings. As such, I feel that it should properly be dedicated to the good works of the Church -- namely, your own laborers' society. Please receive this gift of 10,000 francs in the spirit of charity and fraternity.

On an unrelated manner, I am to be married in the Church of St-Roch in the coming weeks and I require an officiant. We are not political allies, but I do hope that I have always conveyed my utmost respect for you and your rank in the Church. As such, I do hope that you will consent to officiate the service, as a favor both to myself and to Lady Elise.

Your humble servant in Christ,
Henri Jules
 
((Private @Syriana ))

Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Marquis de Valence
Your Excellency,

Let me first congratulate you on the recent conclusion of the Congress of Aix-la-chapelle in which you have most brilliantly defended the honour of France and successfully led to its reintegration into the heart of European politics.

I have been most heartened by your hard work and personal industry, which shone as a lone light of competency in a serie of rather tepid governments. Rest assured of our support going forward, should you require it.

Likewise, I would like to thank you warmly and proffusely for your most generous donation to the good works of the Most Christian Society of Saint Isidore the Labourer. Thanks to benefactors such as you, we have been able to provide food for those who might have very well trespassed from the inaction of Dhuizon.

Should your excellency find some time through his busy schedule, it would me my pleasure to host you for an humble meal in order to discuss the state of our politics and some educational reform I cherish and would like to hear your thoughts on.

Avec vous dans la Foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban
My dear monseigneur,

It is a pleasure to receive your letter. I am most grateful for the flattering comments contained therein, though I must reiterate that I am but an obedient instrument of His Majesty, whose will is made manifest in my actions. Nevertheless, your appraisal is appreciated.

You need not mention again the donation to your society; it is absolutely no inconvenience to myself. I only hope that my minor contribution was able to do provide a degree of relief for those afflicted by this disorder.

His Excellency is, alas, accurate in his estimation of the burdens of my labour upon my time for leisure. However, I shall certainly see to it that a moment might be set aside for the engagement so prescribed. I shall certainly not be averse to hearing your sentiments on such matters.


Sincere salutations,

His Majesty's Minister of Foreign Affairs

Marquis de Valence
 

(( Private @etranger01 ))


Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to Monsieur Henri-Jules de Bourbon

Dear Monsieur de Bourbon,

Let me first congratulate you upon hearing of your betrothal to Mademoiselle Oudinot. It is my sincere hope, that such an auspicious match will be favored upon by the Lord Almighty and lead to a numerous and prosperous descendance to carry forward your name and character. It will be a great honor to bless your union in front of the Lord. I assume that our secretaries will be in touch shortly to go over the details and planning of the ceremony.

While I am deeply touched that you thought of this old prelate for the celebration, let me assure you that the political divide between us is naught as big as you would imagine in. While it is true that we do not see eye to eye on several issues, I still believe there is much more uniting us than dividing us, as illustrated by the firm stance you took on the affair of the Abbé régicide. I look forward to positive collaboration with you on issues of common interests, and as such, I would be delighted to exchange thoughts with you on the status of France’s veterans.

In the meantime, let me also thank you for the extreme generosity you are showing through your donation to the good works of the Most Christian Society of Saint Isidore the Labourer. Men of your character are the bedrock upon which this Kingdon is built.

Avec vous dans la Foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban
 
((Private letter to @DensleyBlair ))

M.Cazal,

I'm a big fan of your works. I would ask you humbly if you come back from your expedition, could you come to my chataeu? I would like you to be my biographer up until now. I look forward to your reply.

-Capitaine Lothaire Lécuyer.



M. Lécuyer,


I thank you for your kind words. I enjoyed my time in Haïti and found the island to be of great interest, both politically and elsewhere. Having arrived back in Paris
in the Spring, I am available to come to your château at your convenience.

Your proposition intrigues me, I must say—although similarly I must warn you that, if it is a biased account you seek, I will be unable to provide. In engaging my services as a writer, you will also have to engage my judgement—which, I warn, will be what it will be.

Nevertheless, all of this may be discussed further chez vous. If you wish to provide me with a date and time for a meeting, I will be happy to advise on my schedule.


Je reste,

Cazal
 
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A Vote of Les Hommes
Their coffers, empty.

Their printers, destroyed.

Their protection, gone.

Their orders, kill.

Les Hommes were given their orders, a throwback to the bygone days of le Boucher. To remove Henri de Bourbon through violent means.

For a Count that barely cared and his minions that didn't. Les Hommes were not an army, they were no longer a gang. It's Verdets had by and large quit in the formation of the Les Hommes or died in the era of the Verdets. Perhaps the common man and the nobles above thought of the Ultraroyaliste tricolour as not much more than a mob, however all but the seediest members were new and non-violent.

To which, a vote would be had. To each member, a pair of marbles. One white, one black. One yes, one no. Les Hommes was many things, but it wasn't an army. It would decide for itself should it once again cast itself into violence.
 
Chapter 5: Les impatients and Les circonspects
(June 1819 - January 1820)


The opening of the parliamentary session was taken up with a hot debate on the case of Gregoire and the repression of the Veterans League. The Left was first presumed to be apathetic to the cause, and eager for Gregoire’s resignation as to avoid antagonism with the incumbent powers. This supposition, however, was harshly rebuked by the sovereign convictions of the Left, which burst out in an extraordinary display of eloquence in defense of the Abbé Grégoire. Jean Maximilien Lamarque, recently returned from exile and more recently elected to the Chamber of Deputies, gave the inaugural speech in defense of the controversial bishop, and claimed that the new Deputy could not be excluded unless Grégoire was formally charged with a crime. Lamarque’s speech inflamed the passions of Parisian society, and revived old accusations of treachery; the King for his party was said to be incandescent with fury. The aristocracy — those within and without the Chamber — made it their preferred pastime to inflame the sentiments of the nation. In La Quotidienne, writers railed against freemasonry and the liberal radicalism that was supposedly brewing in the plebian cafes of Paris. Le Constitutionnel and Le Censeur responded in kind, and while the publications skirted around the controversy of Gregoire, they ridiculed Decazes’ attempts on the Veterans League. It was not long until the The London Times and the European sovereigns were made aware of the controversy; Lamarque’s brief but impactful remarks were soon disseminated throughout every capital. Valence became distressed that the affair would discredit the Monarchy and undermine his diplomatic efforts. The royal favorite was especially keen to retain the confidence of the Holy Alliance, and stymie the insurrectionist sentiments that could enfeeble the refurbished perception of France. He recommended to Louis XVIII and Decazes that the election of Gregoire be annulled and suggested that the electoral law be revised to prevent further humiliations.

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Henri Jean-Baptiste Grégoire, otherwise known as Abbé Grégoire

Decazes and the King were anxious to revise the electoral code and fortify the position of the Ministry, but Marshal Marmont and Baron Louis wanted no part in the dismantlement of the former code. After the passage of the famine relief laws and the new statutes on the press, Marmont and Baron Louis resigned their appointments to the Cabinet. Louis XVIII and Decazes sent an emissary to seek out Richelieu, who was enjoying prolonged vacation in Holland, to beg him to become the President of the Council. When he positively refused, Decazes had to accept the presidency of the council and the full responsibility for the policy he intended to carry out. Louis XVIII thus appointed Decazes as Prime Minister. De Serre, the brilliant parliamentary architect of the press laws, was made Minister of the Interior, and began to draft the new electoral rules with all the sagacity that apprehends great men. The extirpation of the Doctrinaire left-wing from the Ministry and the drift towards conservative proclivities did little to appease the victims of the new laws.

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Marshal Auguste Frédéric Louis Viesse de Marmont, duc de Ragusa and Joseph Dominique, baron Louis
Deputy Lothaire Lécuyer, now the doyen of the Doctrinaire left, was pushed leftward as Decazes cozied to the Ultra-Royalists. Lécuyer attempted to advertise compromise for the dissolution of the League on the condition of the establishment of their rights, but the entire demand was deemed imprudent by the Ministers and dismissed without deliberation. Faced with the forced dismantlement of his organization, Lécuyer’s discourse turned vitriolic, and the Independents once again lined up behind the Captain, and showered him entreaties to join their ranks. The Deputy of the Seine remained reticent about a defection, but admitted he foresaw the Doctrinaires as a “petite-Ultra” faction. As Lécuyer’s defense of his League and Gregoire’s seat radicalized the right and the left, the Ultra-Royalists assumed the apparatus of the offensive. Saint-Aignan assailed, in an acerbic speech packed with slanders on Decazes, Lothaire, and Gregoire, the Ministry and the liberal left. Saint-Aignan was now acclaimed among the Ultra-Royalists, but Decazes saw opportunity to foment division on his right-flank. He first refused to submit another proposal regarding Saint-Aignan, and instructed his faction to vote on Saint-Aignan’s proposition as to craft the perception of compromise between the Ultra-Royalists and the pro-ministry politicians; Decazes wanted no mishaps about the denial of his seat.

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Claude Louis Marie de Beauvilliers, duc de Saint-Aignan

But the Prime Minister found nothing but treachery among his confidants. When Abbé Grégoire was permitted to speak for the final time before the Chamber of Deputies, he delivered an oratory of such eloquence and strength [and also brimming with legal falsehoods] that the Left of the Chamber was roused with applause. The affair of voting invited further drama when several Doctrinaires, generally placed on the left of the caucus, abstained from the vote. But even more scandalous than the abstentions was the defection of Marshal de Moncey to the side of the Liberals in the vote; the king, on account of what he considered political treachery, forfeited de Moncey’s “second chance” and sacked him from the government within the hour after the news of the vote reached the Tuileries. Marie-Victor-Nicolas de Faÿ, marquis de La Tour-Maubourg, replaced de Moncey as Minister of War. Despite the betrayals, Grégoire’s election was annulled, partially by the virtue of support from the Doctrinaire faction of M. de Bourbon, a
nd the Abbé was convicted by the Chamber of Deputies, but by the nature of the king's practical consideration, and desire to prevent further inflammations of anger, the Louis XVIII pardoned Abbé on the condition that he take upon himself a self-exile from Paris.

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Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey, duc de Conegliano [1]
The affair had damaged the legislative clout of the Ministry, and if only the king had not loved Decazes as he loved Valence, the Ministry would have collapsed. Paris, however, was not so forgiving, and Decazes’ ministry now rested on the ability of his government to appease the King’s sensibilities on the proposition of the new electoral law and the repression of the Veteran’s League. Support from the Right was indispensable to obtain passage for the both laws. By the nature of his reaction to Saint-Aignan’s speech, Decazes had positioned himself comfortably to master the affairs of the Ultra-Royalists, and as a result of the adoption, had invited the comte de Berstett, Saint-Aignan’s principal Ultra rival, to revolt from the duc de Saint-Aignan. Bersett had decried in the Chamber of Deputies that “With Decazes there is no salvation!” Saint-Aignan, despite his rhetoric against Decazes, had been slowly drawn closer to the Ministry, by virtue of the king’s entreaties and the invitation of an law favourable to the Right. The leaders of the royalist Right were now very hesitant and divided on the tactics to be followed. Some of them, like Chateaubriand and Bersett, wanted to take advantage of the situation to force the immediate resignation of Decazes by voting with the Left — as Bersett had de facto done by his abstention in the question of Abbé. These gentlemen were known as “les impatients." Others, like Villele and Saint-Aigan, thought it more politic to let Decazes go through with his change in direction and make himself odious to his former political allies — Fivee dubbed them “les circonspects.” When the government asked for a vote on the abrogation of the Veterans League and all institutions of similar disposition, the Right went along with it in spite of its repugnance. “We have given M. Decazes enough rations for six months,” one deputy said.

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Monsieur "Intransigeant," Arnaud Alexandre Saint-Maurice de Loritz, comte de Berstett
But the prospective electoral law was never to be developed; the comte de Serre, who had prepared the bill and intended to present it and defend it, had to go south for his health. Decazes, much upset, at first did not know who could replace him; he lost a lot of time in indefinite consultations with representatives of the Right, who were very demanding because they knew that they had the minister at their mercy. Louis XVIII, who disliked Saint-Aignan for his hyperbole, even offered to Bersett the Interior, and by extension, proposed to make him the leader of the Ultra-Royalists, but his intractable disposition prevented acceptance of the position. [2]

The Left, on the other hand, did all they could to counter the blow by arousing opinion against the “liberty-killing” plans of the ministry. The whole month of January resulted in nothing but growing impatience in all parties. Finally, Decazes succeeded in making a deal with Saint-Aignan, reconciling the king and Saint-Aignan, and he could announce that a new electoral bill would be sent to the chamber. But something happened first.

[1] I did say ministerial responsibility was now a thing.
[2] Bonus to @Firehound15 --> Bonus PP: +1 PP, Name: Intractable Disposition, etc

--

Wait.
 
A NIGHT AT THE OPERA
(February the 13th, Eighteen Hundred and Twenty)
Recounted from the diary of Robert Chambers [1]
Actually read it, it's pretty damn beautiful.


The Night was alive with the sensibilities of grace; the Théâtre National de la rue de la Loi, which hosted the Opera, was packed to capacity. In total, 2,5000 attendants had gathered for the Sunday night evening performance. That night it was to be presented three pieces, La Carnaval de Venise, Le Rossignol, and Les Noces de Gamache.

There were to be several esteemed persons at the Opera; Alexander Cazal, the duc and duchesse d'Orléans, and the duc and duchesse de Berry. The duc and duchesse de Berry arrived late, missing
La Carnaval de Venise after deliberations with politicians in the ground floor; an occupation that Berry had always scorned for his general disdain of politics. When Le Rossignol commenced, they proceeded to their box, and saluted to the duc and duchesse d'Orléans, who were present that evening in a neighboring box, with their children.

The two families, who were very intimate owing to the relationship of the two duchesses, saluted each other with smiles of recognition. During an interval between the performances, the duc and duchesse de Berry paid their cousins a visit in their box. The duc embraced their children, and played with the little
duc de Chartres. On passing through the lobby to return to their own box, the duchess was struck in the breast by a box-door, which was violently thrown open at the moment she was passing. She was then pregnant a few weeks; and fearful that the blow, the fright, and fatigue might be injurious, she expressed a wish to retire before the end of the opera, and the bal masqué, which was was to follow it.

Berry rose to conduct her himself to the carriage, intending to return to his box to enjoy the remaining pleasures of the night. The young duchess, supported by her husband's hand and her equerry, the comte de Mesnard, followed by her lady-in waiting, the comtesse de Béthisy.

"Adieu!" sad her husband as he smiled to her, "we shall meet again soon." The footmen then folded the carriage sets as the prince spun around to enter the vestibule from the street. At this moment, a pedstrian, or at least someone posing as a pedestrian, or pretending to be a servant waiting for his master, sprang forth, with all the vigor that his body could endure.

He leaped between the sentinel presented in arms and the footman who was closing the carriage door, seizing the left shoulder of the prince, and struck him with a poniard in the ride side, leaving the weapon in the wound. The speed of the action confounded the spectators, and with the dimness of the torch light, and the staggering of the prince, prevented the Choiseul and Mesnard from reacting to the gesture. The attack fled unpursued towards the Rue de Richileiu. Having turned the corner of the street, he changed his pace to a careless stroll towards the Boulevard.

On recovering himself, Berry put his hand on the place where he had been struck, and felt the hilt of a dagger; "I am assasinated; I am a dead man!" he cried. "I feel the dagger; that man has killed me!"

At this exclamation, his wife, whose carriage had remained stationary, belched a screech, as she shouted for the footman to open the door. She sprang out from the carriage and threw her arms round her husband, who had just jolted out the poniard, covering her dress in his blood.

They quickly seated the fainting prince upon a bench in the outer hall, and tore open his dress, upon which they saw that the blow had been struck on the right breast. "I am killed," he repeated on recovering his senses; "send for a priest: come here, my dear wife, that I may die in your arms."

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During this momentary pause in the vestibule, the sentinel, the footmen, and three gandarmes, struck by the deed, pursued the assassin, who had lready passed the Opera-house and had concealed himself in the shadow of an arcade. A visitor, named Belle, and a waiter of a café, named Paulnier, seized him round the body, struggled with him, and assisted the sentinel and the gendarmes back to where he had done the deed.

He had nearly fallen victim to the fury of the spectators, who collared and dragged him towards the vestibule, but the officers of the prince, trembling that they should prematurely destroy with the criminal the secret of the plot of the crime, saved him, and conducted him to the Opera guard-house.

M. de Clermont-Lodèeve followed him there to witness the first examination, and found upon him a second dagger and the sheath of the one which he had left in the prince. M de Clermont returned with this weapon, and these evidences of the crime, to the vestibule.

The duc de Berry had been moved, after the recovery of his senses, to a small saloon behind his box, where he was surrounded by medical men probing his wound. The first doctor to arrive ordered Berry moved to a larger room, and the footmen carried him next door. Here he was informed that his attacker was French. "Alas, what a cruel fate, that I should die by the hand of a Frenchman!"

A ray of hope then bestowed upon the princess and the medical men, but this did not convince the prince, who said "No, I will not delude myself; the poniard entered up the very hilt, I can assure you." His sight was now becoming dim, occasioned by the loss of blood, and he felt about for his wife, stretching his arms in all directions.

The surgeon of his household, having hastened to the prince upon receiving the news, sucked the wound after the blood had ceased to flow. "What are you doing, Bougon?" asked the prince; "Perhaps the poniard was poisoned!"


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He had now passed in one second from the spectacle of a fête to contemplations of his death, like men who are suddenly immersed in cold war. The priest now came at length; and members of the royal family hurrie to the place on learning the news. Surgeons, the most celebrated in Paris, also attended; but his case was beyond their aid. His wife did not quit him for a moment. He said upon her, "Caroline, take care of yourself, for the sake of the child you bear."
This was the first revelation of the birth of a child who escaped the crime.

He recommended his servants with tears to his father; and expressed a wish to see his assassin, to demand of him the cause of his hatred, to reproach him for his injustice, and pardon him for his death. "Who is this man? he murmured; "what have I done to him? It is perhaps some person that I have unknowing offended."

His father, the comte d'Artois, assured him that the attacker had no personal animosity against him. "It must be some maniac, then. Ah! I would live until the king arrives, that he may grant me the pardon of this man! Promise me, father, promise me, brother, promise me all of you, to ask the king to spare this man's life!' They all promised him this in order to calm the ardor of generosity and pardon upon his mind.

Decazes rushed to the place, where Artois jumped up and embraced him, and asked him to return to the Tuleries and inform the king. Others described a more hostile reception. Regardless, Decazes left hastily to give news to the king.

The king, apprised of the disaster, arrived by day-break. The clattering of the horses of the escort on the pavement of the street made the dying prince start with joy. "Uncle!" he exclaimed, as soon as he saw the king, "give me your hand that I may kiss it for the last time." Louis XVIII held out his hand and grasped that of his nephew. "Uncle," resumed the prince, "I beg you, as my dying prayer, to spare the life of my assassin!"

"My dear nephew, you are not in such danger as you imagine, we will speak of it another time."

"Ah! you do not consent" replied the prince with an accent of doubt and sorrow. "Oh say yes, say yes, that I may die in peace. Pardon, pardon for the man!" The king, however, was silent, or endeavored to divert his nephew's thoughts to other subjects: "Ah! the pardon of this man would at least have consoled me in my last moments! If I could only have the gratification of knowing that this man's blood would not be shed for me after my death!"

A few moments after, he expired, still articulating in his delirium the ungratified wish of his heart. He died in the act of pardoning; a great soul obsecured in life, shining forth in death; a hero of clemency, having at the first effort accomplished the most difficult and the most meritorious act of humanity - that of dying well.

The deep sobs now rushed forth. His wife fell into a state of great depression, and cut off her hair as a last token of affection, and laid it upon his body; then widly cursing the country in which her husband had been murdered, she demanded of the king, in angry accents, permission to retire for ever to Sicily.

The king, without response, knelt down beside the bed, and closed with his own hand the lips and eyelids of the last living hope of his race.

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"Monsieur Artois, kneeling from the front, and the Duc d'Angouleme, brother of the dying man, also kneeling from his back. To the left of Louis XVIII, Who blessed the dying, the Prince de Conde, and to his right, Louis-Philippe, Duke of Orleans. Leaning at the foot of the bed, the Duchess of Orleans and her sister-in-law Madame Adelaide d'Orleans." Other nobles are noted on the flanks, such as Chateaubriand, Decazes, and Saint-Aignan.
[1] most credit to him for this wonderful account.
 
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Chère Adélaïde,

I write to you in desperate need. Jean-Marie has been inconsolable since we received news of the assassination of the duc de Berry. Upon receiving the news he ran from our headquarters and rode to the Théâtre National de la rue de la Loi. He returned around 11 o’clock the following morning with his face bearing the marks of greatest sorrow. He has not spoken more words to me than simple requests and has not left his office since. Whatever he saw in the presence of the dying Prince has left him in a deeper sort than than I have seen him since the execution of the King. I need you to come to Paris as soon as possible to do something to bring him out of this sorry state. I understand the farm needs managing but I can only do so much for the sanity of my friend and leader. I await your coming.

Your friend and servant, Jacques Roches
 
((Sent before the event leading to the death of the Duc de Berry.))
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To the Duc de Saint-Aignan
From Maréchal de Moncey
My dear Saint-Aignan,

I am terribly sorry, and in deep regret for my vote against your proposal and that even arrived in the Chamber that morning, that led to my resignation. I was however, influenced by a growing fever and sickness that developed over the months and I believe that I was in a terrible condition to arrive in the Chamber of Peers on that day, which led to my unfaithful and confusing vote, which I myself is confused and outraged with, for it was not a proper display of ministrial responsibility and friendship on my part.
I have been bedridden for many days, but as of now I am recovering, with my wife and servants to help me through horrible nights and horrible days, but God seemingly still favour me, even if His Majesty does not.

I hope that you will forgive me for my insolence, and dare I say, revolutionary vote.


Best Regards
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Lothaire were in one of his usual theatre cafés after the resounding defeat in the Chamber of Deputies. As he discussed politics and future actions with his fellow attendants a young boy rushed in, sweat dripping all over him. He were to speak up, but all he did were stutter. "Speak up child or begone!" Lothaire ordered him. It was then the esteemed gentlemen in the theater café heard the news; the assassination of the Duke of Berry.

Time stood still for Lothaire and all air went out. He was in disbelief over the recent events. First the split among the Deputies, the limitations of political liberties. And now? Now the hope for the French monarchy were dead, slain. Were this to lead to yet more violence? Were this to make the royal family and the cabinet turn to reaction?

All the men were in disbelief and shock, it was then Lothaire spoke up. He spoke that they should all grief and pay their respects. That they should be united in the coming events. Lothaire would rush out of the café and to his home. He wanted to see if his family were okay and prepare for the next move. Were the recent events all an omen of a coming conflict? First the conflict of a killer of a king in the Deputy Chamber, the dissolution of a peaceful organization and now the murder of a Duke. Lothaire could not tell, but he would prepare for the worst. When he had reached his home and made sure his wife and children were safe, he would go to his study and make a small letter to various Doctrinaire leaning papers.

((Public letter in le Journal and Le Constitutionnel)).

My condolences go to the family of his Grace Charles Ferdinand, Duc de Berry. May God watch over his soul. A monumental loss to France and the French. Let it be known to those who held him dear, that the people of France mourn with you in these troubled times. May God guide you in this horrible event which words can't describe.

-Capitaine and Deputée Lothaire Lécuyer.
 
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The Votes
The votes were counted, numbers coming in from across France. Each sect was entitled to their own count, one vote per member. A list with two sets, one black, one white.

The numbers in the votes were overwhelming, there was no dispute. The appropriate action was called for.
 
Palais-Royal, Paris

The morning after the duc de Berry's untimely demise, the normally bustling commercial section of the compound was shuttered and the rest of the complex draped in black. Louis-Philippe was especially fond of Berry and his family and through their wives shared familial bond as members of the House of Sicily. Family visits were made to share condolences. Feeling pressure from his wife, Orleans resolved to put away his more liberal inclinations to preserve the unity of the larger royal family. Already rumors were swirling about the benefit upon the House of Orleans that Berry's demise has created. He was now third in line to the throne by Salic law, after Artois and his surviving son, and with Angouleme lacking sons it made a Orleans succession look inevitable. It was why Louis-Philippe prayed for Berry to have a posthumous son. Anxious to avoid more controversy dogging his house, such a son would divert controversy away from his family and give him a break from fending off the accusations of his many enemies.
 
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THE DUKE OF BERRY STRUCK DOWN BY THE VILE DAGGER OF LIBERAL REPUBLICANISM

“A dagger strike at the heart of an inconsolable nation”

The unspeakable has happen. Once again, the pavement of Paris drank the crimson of a most sinful act against the most holy and noble royal House of France. Our beloved Duke of Berry, struck down by the dagger of an unhinged man, drove to madness. Struck down, most assuredly, by the dagger of liberal republicanism, which gnaws at the roots of the monarchy day and night.

But for now, let us talk about our beloved departed, which to the very end, pleaded for the tormented soul of the man who betrayed all of France and took from her a most prodigious son too soon. Of the Duke of Berry, let it be known:

He received a warrior’s education; he saw those with no religion as children gone astray; his heart, impregnable to vengeance, was always open to the cries of the unfortunate. He was lively to the point of brusqueness; he made up for the wrongs of his life up to that point with such grace and charm that their absence would almost have been regretted. He was full of nobility and frankness, and could not imagine treason or baseness. If he was sometimes led astray by the strength of his passions, there were two passions which should win him pardon for the others, his love of country and love of glory. This good prince was murdered; France will never be consoled. The nation will erect monuments to him, and his memory will always be held dear.

Good men of France. We must refuse to let this vile murder unpunished. This assault of the Royal Family is an assault on all we hold dear. In this time of sorrow, may every man who calls himself a royalist stand up and be counted.

May the brave spirit of Berry lives on and may we live up to his example.

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban


Standing up and being counted.
 
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((Chamber of Peers - Public)).
«Monsieur President de la Chambre de Paire.

Some time ago the two Chambers of the legislature have been discussing quite hotly, whether to keep a regicide in their midst. Many of the esteemed gentleman of the Left have found Monsieur Gregoire quite an appropriate company for themselves. They mobilized all their forces to prevent any form of justice of happening towards him, clearly seeing his treacherous assault upon his Sovereign in the past as something immaterial.

Well, now the royal blood has been spilled once again - and recently. An illustrious young prince, the future of the august House, was murdered in broad daylight! Can something more foul be imagined, Monsieur President?

The death of the Duke of Berry is not only the fault of these vile conspirators who have committed the act, but all of these members of the Chamber of Deputies that morally encouraged such line of thought by vigorously defending the regicide Gregoire. For when one sees that that individuals that have committed such acts are tolerated as members of the highest organs of authority, does not it bring certain ideas into mind?

The august blood should be sacrosanct, due to both law and public ethics, and these that have spilled it should always be treated as outcasts. In other case, the whole idea of the monarchy is endangered.

However, they are not the only ones who may be blamed. I must say that I am astounded by the negligence of the our law enforcement bodies that did not only not uncover this plot before its implementation, but were not able even to guard the Duke of Berry as they should have. The responsible official figures should have handed their resignations immediately after the affair – however, as the sense of duty is not among the leading during these said times, I would not get my hopes too high.

It is clear now, Monsieur President, that the time for indulgent chattering has ended. It is important to speedily judge the assassin and hold him responsible – by God, if the consequent governments have not been able to do so regarding any past regicides and terrorists since my departure as Minister of Justice, then it should at least do so regarding the more current one! It is also clear that is time to end with the lax policies regarding Jacobinism, republicanism and antidynastic movements. But not only through energetic use of force, but towards weighted changes. A system of government that tolerates its open enemies in its midst, that does not draw a line between the Opposition of His Majesty, as the Brits call it, and the Opposition to His Majesty, is as if devouring its own flesh and body. It is clear that the laws that allow persons such as Gregoire, ones who do not respect the King or his rule, ones that are tainted by foulest crimes, to be elected into legislative bodies, make the whole system of government prone towards self-destruction.

The tragedy that has happened must show all these that are loyal to the King that it is time to end with the obstruction, infighting, the nonsense of the radical liberals and draw an ultimate line between loyalism and disloyalty, guaranteeing peace and security in the great Kingdom of France.

The intrigues against the pure royalists, in which, sadly, even some moderates participated in, have led to national chaos and the strengthening of the elements hostile to the Monarchy both in the legislature and beyond it. If I am to quote such an unappealing figure as the Prince of Talleyrand, it is worse than a crime, it is a mistake,

All of us must make sure that the criminal mistakes are not repeated again.

It is our choice, gentlemen. Order or disorder, Law or licentious "freedom". The Duke of Berry - or Gregoire. It is only for us to choose the path,"

- SAINT-AIGNAN
 
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Chamber of Deputies, Paris

The atmosphere was grave in the Chamber, normally alive with chatter. The Bishop of Montauban had come in early, to discuss the situation with several of his ultraroyalist colleagues. He received several positive nods from certain colleague who had read his paper in the Gazette de France, and the spiteful looks coming from several liberal members of the Chamber told him they read it too. When business resumed, he stood up and was recognized by the speaker. Dressed all in black, visibly in mourning, he spoke:

“Monsieur le Président,

The whole kingdom grieves this morning. The treacherous dagger of a vile man deprived us of one of France’s brightest son, whose kindness and amicable shone as a sweet light over all who ever encountered him. Until the very end, Monsieur le Président, he pleaded for the soul of his murderer, acutely aware that his most unhinged person must have been but the tool of greater forces at play. And those forces, we find them being abundant in our beloved realm.

Was it not yesterday that we were still debating if a regicide could be standing in this Chamber? DEBATING, Monsieur le Président, DEBATING what is self evident. There are in this Chamber, men who are but royalists in name only. They know who they are, and this debate we had revealed their real sentiments toward the monarchy.

And today, we stand in front of the most desolate of scene. Royal blood, spilled in our streets, by a madman stepping in the gaping hole of morality, order and good conduct created by the very man who in this chamber, made it fashionable and acceptable to suggest a hard-core regicide could maybe stand among the true servants of the King.

Shame on you. Shame!

But Monsieur le Président, I will hold my grieving heart to the standards set by the most noble Duke of Berry and not pursue these remarks further.

However united we are by the memory of our beloved Duke of Berry, we must also remember that memory fades with our own mortality. In a millennial city such as Paris, we commit the memory of our greatest to the stone and marble of our monuments. Which is why, I would like to table the following bill, which I urgently hope will be taken by the Government.”


(( @99KingHigh ))


Loi sur la commémoration de la vie du Duc de Berry

Law to commemorate the life of the Duke of Berry


1. This law enables His Majesty’s Government to appropriate 1,000,000 francs to commission a monument commemorating the life and virtues of the Duke of Berry.

2. This law enables His Majesty’s Government to open a public account to receive donations for the realization of the said monument.