Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[99KingHigh]

((Private - Council of State))​

​

MEMORANDUM

FROM THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

FOR PERUSAL OF HIS MAJESTY'S COUNCIL OF STATE

STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL

​

In consideration of certain developments in the domestic sphere, it would be prudent for His Majesty's Government to reassure its allies abroad of its resilience and determination to uphold the constitutional order, as well as service the interests of the realm. As such, the following recommendations are prescribed by the Ministry for the foreign policy of the Kingdom:

First, the pact between the Royal Houses of France and Spain should be renewed. This agreement carries a greatly symbolic significance of the solidarity of the House of Bourbon, as well as a recollection to the simpler times before the revolutionary period. Moreover, consequent to the conferences at Paris and Vienna, no treaty has been signed between His Majesty's Government and that of Spain, which would do much to diminish the hostility engendered by the Bonapartist occupation. The occasion of this renewal would also serve as a venue for the resolution of any other disputes, or other agreements of mutual benefit, to be contracted.

Second, that the matter of Saint-Domingue be revisited and finally settled. As you shall be aware, certain liberal elements have been stirring up consternation regarding the island. These reports in the press are doubly damning. On the one hand, they remind the population of the unresolved status of the Saint-Domingue Question, which is humiliating to the French prestige. On the other, they engender dangerous sympathy for a rebel regime. Should such sympathy expand unchecked, it may yet limit our options in dealing with Saint-Domingue. As His Majesty's Government shall soon be in discussions with their Spanish counterpart, I suggest that this may be an opportune moment to revive the option of ceding our sovereignty over the island to Spain in return for capital compensation.

Third, that a new treaty of navigation and commerce be contracted between the Kingdom of France and Great Britain, by which our mutual trade and enterprise - ravaged by the long twilight of the Bonapartist period - be stimulated into new life. Such an agreement, which I believe that the British shall be wholly receptive to, shall not only enrich our coffers and alleviate the ravages of the famine; it shall further enhance the bonds between us. A new commercial treaty would not only capitalise on our benevolent relations, but serve to reinforce them.

On an unrelated matter, I understand, according to our minister to the Vatican, that there has been no progress made on the putative canonisation of His Majesty's brother, King Louis XVI, of late and glorious memory. Naturally, this is an internal affair of the Papacy, and I would not suggest that His Majesty's Government should intrude upon this. However, I should note that in the convention contracted between His Majesty and His Holiness the Supreme Pontiff, the latter agreed to promote the candidate of Louis XVI for beatification and canonisation. Therefore, I shall place it at the discretion of His Majesty's Government whether we should pass a note to the Pontificate enquiring as to the progress of canonisation, which might enhance the speed of the process.

I present this memorandum for the consideration of His Majesty's Government.

Signed,

His Majesty's Minister of Foreign Affairs

Marquis de Valence​

LOUIS XVIII, By the Grace of God, Most Christian King of France and Navarre

​

My Valence,

Last evening, I had the pleasure of taking dinner with Decazes, and we discussed a great number of matters that seemed to me of supreme importance. He addressed the opinions you had proposed in council with some length, and the issue of the most immediate concern seemed to be the reconciliation between the Crown of France and our Spanish cousins. I admit my bias in this matter, but as it is now the custom of Europe, I know that it is our the solemn duty to undergird the entitlements of Monarchy. Decazes made it known that he had no preference with regard to the approaches of the Spanish affair, but was resolved that whatever your opinion, he would think it imprudent not to gain some impressive sum for compensation of the privileges of Saint-Domingue. He knows you are in concurrence with this position, but I am uncertain as to the generousness of my cousin Ferdinand, who is not always held in the highest esteem.

Nonetheless, it is no longer prudent to ignore the issue; it remains foremost in the minds of our subjects and will not depart despite the passage of time. I thus instruct you to take whatever measures necessary, and exert whatever energies are required, to auction the privileges of our former colony to Spain, and amend relations with our cousin, Spain. I also order the officers of your ministry to chronicle our position with relation to the South American colonies of Spain, for I have been informed by the visitation of Luis Fernández de Córdova that the Ferdinand intends to launch a secondary expedition of notable size against the former colonies. Whether it would be in our interest to participate in such an expedition, and earn the good faith of Spain, perhaps for later attempts on Saint-Domingue, or the contrary, I defer to your position.

I have no further commentaries on external matters, aside from the purpose that I have delegated the matter of my elder brother's canonization to my younger, and that as plenipotentiary representative to the cause, I have entrusted the execution of its purposes to his own conviction, to which he is much attached. For other purposes that you have forward, and that I have neglected, you may proceed with good faith with the consent of the crown.

The conclusive matter that I wish to press upon you is one of political content. I admit myself somewhat uneasy with the present status of affairs, but would find it the gravest difficulty to dismiss M. de Decazes when his programme of reform resembles identically my own convictions. I am, however, considering some gentlemen who are more amicable to the present Chamber, those of the "pure royalists," and so I would ask you to submit me names of those among such ranks that you would find disposed to moderate and good governance.

Visit soon,​

 

[G.K.]

Auguste de Latouche

Born: 28th of May 1771
Affiliation: Left wing, liberal​

Auguste de Latouche was born in 1781 on a family estate near Marseille as the third son into a family of a not-so-significant local nobility. As per the family tradition, his oldest brother Pierre was to become the heir of all the family lands, and both Auguste and his older brother Jéan were to pursue a decent education and a career in service of the state or the Church. Jéan, deeply pious since his childhood, has later became a priest. Auguste on the other hand favoured philosophy and sciences, and decided to pursue a medical career. His studies were at times interrupted by the revolutionary wars, but in the end he managed to finish and start practicing medicine in Marseille.

Facing the family pressure to join the French cause and follow the example of his oldest brother, whose courage has already earned him a rank of colonel in the army, young Auguste, who was never fond of violence, has decided to join the French navy as a surgeon on the ship of the line “Redoutable”. Auguste spent almost seven years on board, both in European waters and in Carribean, but his service, along with his promising career of a surgeon, came to an end in 1803 after suffering almost fatal wounds in a battle against British ships raiding the French fleet retreating from Haiti. After his return, Auguste spent some time teaching future surgeons at his alma mater.

Auguste was generally fond of the ideas of the French revolution, but became disillusioned with Jacobinism after witnessing its means. In a quite similar matter, he hoped that Napoleon’s regime will bring some stability to France again, only to see him betray the ideas of liberty and equality in 1804. Since Auguste became increasingly active in politics after his return from the sea, he soon found himself in the sights of the French Empire and, facing arrest for his anti-Bonapartist activities, Auguste left France in 1807 and fled to the United States. During his stay in Boston and later in New York, Auguste has made some friends in the young republic, and has also married a girl of French-Canadian descent he met there, named Amélie.

After the defeat in 1814, Auguste returned to France hoping to spend the rest of his life in peace, only to join the resistance against Napoleon’s second attempt to seize France when he returned from Elba. After the former Emperor was defeated again, Auguste finally went back to Marseille to reunite with his family. Yet, there was none left – his parents died of old age years ago, Pierre perished in the Russian campaign and Jéan was murdered in the era of general lawlessness surrounding the end of first Empire.

Now, Auguste hopes that the King’s reign will bring some needed peace to the land, but at the same time, he hopes to see some of the civil liberties granted to the people before return to France. In order to help this goal, he is planning to run in the next election for the Chamber of Deputies.

 

[ManuelD'Garkia]

[Agree]

 

[ManuelD'Garkia]

- The attack against the Légion was a fatal one. Almost all of the Legionaries and their assets where confiscated, Alexandre's old pub was shut down and they lost almost all their printing material and their safehouses, not even La Petite was safe anymore. Just one mistake and everything went down.

Earnest tried not to think about that as he made his lasts moves in Paris. He and the other six Legionaries left decided that they would needed to get away from Paris some time while the waters calmed themselves. They planned to travel all over Northern France gathering support for their cause, they needed to gather strenght before attacking again.

But before leaving Paris, Earnest had one last thing to do in the city. In the middle of that night, he and a fellow Legionarie called Andre, a young man, 19 years old, but with the fervor and the conviction of a thousand men, walked towards the old tavern. It was closed, as they expected, so they quickly grabbed a flag from Andre's bag, a tri-colour but with some words labeled in the middle "The Légion is not dead, you can't stop the anger of the people of France. Alexandre will be avenged". They hanged the flag in front of the door and left running.

They didn't stop running until tbey where out of the metropolitan are of Paris, fron there, they took their horses and traveled back to La Petite.

Once they arrived, Earnest gave the last check to everything. They had hanged the flag and other two men gave some liberal sympatizers in the city some pamphlets made from the few printing equipment they had left in the warehouse that read: "Martyrs have died again for the people of France, but the Legion is alive and fighting for you. Remember Alexandre, remember Jarrett, remember the twelve brave men that died for your freedom. Vive la Révolution, vive la République!".

Once he made sure La Petite was completely locked, he gathered the Legionaries. He gave each one of them a carabine, a pistol and a dagger, the few guns left where storaged in the warehouse. With the few money they had left they managed to buy a horse for every one of them since the owner of the stable was a sympatizer.

As he gave a last look at La Petite, he and his fellow Legionaries mounted on the horse and started the travel, vowing to return when the time was right.

Just seven men, seven horses, a few guns and some francs, that was all the Légion had now, but that was enough, Earnest thought, to enlight the flames of the Révolution again.

 

[99KingHigh]

​

((I've heard some constructive criticism, and thus I've withdrawn my earlier proposition for a money stat. You can continue to ask me for estimates of how much money you might have and how much money things cost. Democracy quashed, happy days.))

 

[MadMartigan]

((Private))

Journal, After a Nightmare
​

Life is a formless, meaningless mass of meaning. At any moment it can become an entirely different thing. In one moment you go from a living soldier to a corpse, a crippled beggar, a prisoner, or a rebel and a traitor. From the hairs on your head to the soles of your feet, each bit of stinking matter is loaded with meaning. If your legs are bent you are no longer the same thing as when they were straight. When your hair turns white your life no longer means what it once did. A carriage rushing down the lane, a ball fired from a pistol, nineteen years in the prison galleys. They can come from nowhere and in a short moment the meaning of your existence is altered, not in a way that cannot be altered further, but in a manner that can never be returned to the precise meaning that once was there.

You eat every crust of bread, suck the marrow from every bone and for what purpose? To enjoy the life you currently possess before you lose it by the perversity of fate? By living in that way you are despoiling the meaning of your existence, as the shapeless pile that is your self within the universe collapses from its comparatively noble upright sack-like state to one fallen and wormlike.

Everywhere you go when you see men and women you are seeing lies. All that really lay before you are sacks of undulating concepts lacking in any kind of permanence, with no divine plan or natural law to arrange them in a pleasing fashion.

This applies not only to the natural world but the metaphysical realm as well. The Platonic realm of pure meaning is not an orderly land of crystal palaces. It is a writhing Hell of twitching definitions constantly devouring one another and excreting new definitions in their place.

If God is Beauty, as I once believed, than to be alive or dead; to exist; is to spew bile into the face of God.

 

[Dadarian]

((@99KingHigh))

M. comte de Bertier de Sauvigny,

We are not in the position to engage in a drawn out battle with the son of the richest man in Paris. While M. Pavilion has requested receipts in order to reimburse, we currently in Les Hommes are suffering to the extreme in both moral and finances. Our coffers have been gutted buying bread, our new print shoppe burnt down due liberalist thugs, and the members of the Ultraroyalistes give not a single second of attention. Les Hommes, and it's affiliates, are one of the premier defenders of the truth in the lower classes, and only yourself and M. Pavilion have had the decency to even address us and ours.

Leave it be, in the state we are in, our members are tired and poor. I can personally begin the motions of filing criminal charges against M. de Bourbon for arson and conspiracy, however I will quickly open myself up to countersuits from the estate of M. de Bourbon concerning the not-entirely-legal Le Desole.

This is further worsened, thanks in part to the rank and file of the Ultraroyalistes, by the fact that no press laws have been reformed, meaning that I am in risk of spending the next ten years (at the minimum) in the Bastille. To wit, I must have guarantees upon my person that I will be protected by (at least) the majority of the brunt of M. de Bourbon's suits. Being in a court proceeding with the son of a fishmonger over common thuggery will cause a massive distress to higher society, however if I were to be imprisoned and abandoned, Les Hommes would have their collective morale collapse.

The powers at me must understand that we are not an army, furthermore we are not even the largest or richest royaliste society in France. We must act with guarentees, or else all we do could very well be fruitless.

Grandmaitre des Hommes d'Artois,
H-M de St. Germain
​

 

[99KingHigh]

An invitation to the more moderate leaning ultras as well As some ultra-leaning doctrinaires in the Chamber of Deputies (Private to NPCs, I imagine about 60, split around 40 ultras and 20 doctrinaires)

An Invitation to the Hôtel de Lassay on the 15th of March, 1819

It is the Prince’s wish to invite you to a banquet on the 15th of March at the Hôtel de Lassay, attended by his Highness the Prince of Condé himself, along with several other deputies from the Chamber. His Highness looks most forward to seeing you, to discuss either during dinner or afterwards the future of France, and where your person sees its path to prosperity.

His Highness therefore hopes that you will accept this invitation and entertain his presence for an evening with plenty of food, great wine and no doubt multiple speeches.

​

The candidates, after the enjoyment of the day's autumn climate, arrived at the Hôtel de Lassay around 7 PM for refreshments and supper.

In total, fourty-seven prospective deputies, of conflicting ideologies and sentiments, presented themselves to His Highness, prince de sang, known throughout France as the wealthiest of his fellow countrymen.

These candidates were given gracious reception at the Hôtel, and most were awe-struck by the extraordinary affluence of their patron.

As they gathered around the dinner tables, the guests awaited with great anticipation, the introduction of the prince, and the purpose of his invitation.

 

[99KingHigh]

((@99KingHigh))

M. comte de Bertier de Sauvigny,

We are not in the position to engage in a drawn out battle with the son of the richest man in Paris. While M. Pavilion has requested receipts in order to reimburse, we currently in Les Hommes are suffering to the extreme in both moral and finances. Our coffers have been gutted buying bread, our new print shoppe burnt down due liberalist thugs, and the members of the Ultraroyalistes give not a single second of attention. Les Hommes, and it's affiliates, are one of the premier defenders of the truth in the lower classes, and only yourself and M. Pavilion have had the decency to even address us and ours.

Leave it be, in the state we are in, our members are tired and poor. I can personally begin the motions of filing criminal charges against M. de Bourbon for arson and conspiracy, however I will quickly open myself up to countersuits from the estate of M. de Bourbon concerning the not-entirely-legal Le Desole.

This is further worsened, thanks in part to the rank and file of the Ultraroyalistes, by the fact that no press laws have been reformed, meaning that I am in risk of spending the next ten years (at the minimum) in the Bastille. To wit, I must have guarantees upon my person that I will be protected by (at least) the majority of the brunt of M. de Bourbon's suits. Being in a court proceeding with the son of a fishmonger over common thuggery will cause a massive distress to higher society, however if I were to be imprisoned and abandoned, Les Hommes would have their collective morale collapse.

The powers at me must understand that we are not an army, furthermore we are not even the largest or richest royaliste society in France. We must act with guarentees, or else all we do could very well be fruitless.

Grandmaitre des Hommes d'Artois,
H-M de St. Germain
​

Name: Henri Bourbon
Player: @etranger01
Bonus Name: Victor of Les Hommes
Description: Not even Artois can bring him down.
Bonus PP: +1 PP

 

[99KingHigh]

((@99KingHigh))

M. comte de Bertier de Sauvigny,

We are not in the position to engage in a drawn out battle with the son of the richest man in Paris. While M. Pavilion has requested receipts in order to reimburse, we currently in Les Hommes are suffering to the extreme in both moral and finances. Our coffers have been gutted buying bread, our new print shoppe burnt down due liberalist thugs, and the members of the Ultraroyalistes give not a single second of attention. Les Hommes, and it's affiliates, are one of the premier defenders of the truth in the lower classes, and only yourself and M. Pavilion have had the decency to even address us and ours.

Leave it be, in the state we are in, our members are tired and poor. I can personally begin the motions of filing criminal charges against M. de Bourbon for arson and conspiracy, however I will quickly open myself up to countersuits from the estate of M. de Bourbon concerning the not-entirely-legal Le Desole.

This is further worsened, thanks in part to the rank and file of the Ultraroyalistes, by the fact that no press laws have been reformed, meaning that I am in risk of spending the next ten years (at the minimum) in the Bastille. To wit, I must have guarantees upon my person that I will be protected by (at least) the majority of the brunt of M. de Bourbon's suits. Being in a court proceeding with the son of a fishmonger over common thuggery will cause a massive distress to higher society, however if I were to be imprisoned and abandoned, Les Hommes would have their collective morale collapse.

The powers at me must understand that we are not an army, furthermore we are not even the largest or richest royaliste society in France. We must act with guarentees, or else all we do could very well be fruitless.

Grandmaitre des Hommes d'Artois,
H-M de St. Germain
​

H-M de St. Germain,

Remember what make you gentlemen esteemed. Kill him. ​

Bert Sauv.​

 

[Nax24]

​

An Invitation by the Comte de L'Isle Jourdain​

To whom it may concern:

You are hereby invited to the wedding of Nathanaël Barrande, Comte de L'Isle Jourdain and the Lady Sophia Dawes on September 3, 1819. The wedding shall be held at Basilique Cathédrale Sainte-Marie d'Auch in the City of Auch at 2:00 PM on that day. We hope that you are in attendance.

​

 

[Nax24]

To His Serene Highness The Prince of Condé ((@Sneakyflaps))

Spoiler

General sir.

I am writing to you to formally request leave from active duty in order to marry the Lady Sophia Dawes. The wedding is scheduled to take place on September 3, 1819. I will be forever grateful if you allow me leave, sir.

-Colonel Nathanaël Barrande, Comte de L'Isle Jourdain

 

[Fingon888]

((Private - @Maxwell500 ))

Addressed to His Serenity, Monsieur Claude-Joseph François Dieudonné Laurent de Béthune,
duc de Sully, marquis de Rosny, prince de Henrichemont et baron de Bontin;
Dear Monsieur,

I have heard that you sir, are the Grandmaster of the Order of Louis XVI. In regarding this most noble order I have heard much of the good deeds of your order. I shall cut straight to the point of my writing as I am sure you are a most busy man, I wish to join the Order of Varennes. I shall present to you my credentials, being a man raised from the highest of commoner to a soldier of the King, most faithful. I served in the Royal Army of Louis XVI until the most sinful Revolution upon which I took up arms with the Catholic and Royal Army in the Vendée and then served in the Army of Condé throughout the existence of that most noble force under arms in the name of the Bourbon Kings. Upon the return to France of the most wicked Bonaparte I helped organize the resistance in the Vendée during the Cent Jours. I have served since as a General in the Royal Army of His Most Christian Majesty Louis XVIII and recently been appointed Vicomte de Saint Fulgent. As a man of property and arms I wish to provide my services to this society.

Further, if you should accept my membership I should like to discuss with you the possibility of forming a subsidiary organization in secret among officers and trusted soldiers of the King in the Royal Army who are most amenable to our views, the protection of the King, and the eternal service of our Heavenly Sovereign. I pray that this letter finds you well and I pray for the protection of our Christian realm.

Dans l'attente de votre réponse, veuillez agréer, cher Monsieur, l'expression de mes sentiments les meilleurs.

Sincèrement, Jean-Marie Chagnon, Vicomte de Saint Fulgent.

 

[Ab Ovo]

The Bishop of Montauban was absolutely appaled by the election and the subsequent seating of the Abbé Grégoire, a man who had played a direct role in the death of Louis XVI. He spoke gravely and briefly.

"Monsieur le Président,

This chamber is to be composed of men loyal to the king. Alas, in our midst, a most vile men who had a and in condemning our Beloved Louis XVI to the scaffold.

For the love of my King, I shall not suffer to share a seat with him in this assembly. I move that the Abbé Grégoire be expelled from this Assembly and tried for his most despicable participation in the murder of King Louis XVI."

He sat down, staring coldly.

((Chamber of Peers - Public))​

"Monsieur President de la Chaimbre des Pairs,

"Today I want to speak on two matters - while different, they are closely related, for are connected to the same topic, the defense of the Monarchy and security of the Kingdom.

The two Chambers of our legislative assembly are a royal organ - however, currently,. strangely enough, enemies of the King and Kingdom have been admitted into their ranks. The two Chambers are also charged with discussing and advising His Christian Majesty regarding passage of laws - however, it seems, that some members of these Chambers and some of the Ministers have been themselves ignoring the existing French laws.

One of such persons who has currently been elected into the Other Place is one Henri Gregoire, a fallen priest. An ardent enemy of the Monarchy, he was in fact a president of th eConvention, the organ that organized the horrendous detainment and execution of His Most Christian Majesty, King Louis XVI and his family! The fact that such a person, due to whose doings the predecessor of our gracious Monarch, was deprived of freedom and life, is alone enough for making his presence in the royal legislature inadmissible. However, while the good King Louis XVI is the main victim of the doings of revolutionary fanatics like Gregoire, he was not the only one. One must remember that during the dark years he was one of the people who energetically called for prosecution of the "enemies of the republic", urging the Convention to purge "foreign emissaries who should be crushed by the revolutionary chariot", as this gentleman put it. And we know that the Convention acted on such advice - thousands men and women, loyal to their King and Country, were executed or detained.

However, if the two Chambers are not interested in the moral side of the question, I would appeal to the language of law.

Under the Ordonnance du Roi sur l'affaire de la Justice Royal (of 26th of October, 1815), Articles I and III, Henri Gregoire should be arrested and judged for state treason and connected crimes as a person who played a role in the causation of death, illegal arrests and detainments of King Louis XVI and his supporters. Sadly even the previous Minister of Justice failed his King and did not prosecute Gregoire before his election. Neverheless, the law must be upheld - therefore I motion the Government to take measures neccessary for annulment of the election of Gregoire, and the Chamber of Deputies, in meanwhile, to give consent to the arrest and prosecution of Henri Gregoire as it is demanded by Articles 52-53 of the Constitutional Charter.

Failure to do so would be, in my opinion, borderline disloyalty to the throne of His Most Christian Majesty. It is quite typical that among ardent supporters of the election of Gregoire is General Lamarque, a person who has betrayed the King during the Hundred Days and whose hands are still covered by the blood of the royalists of Vendee.

M. de Bourbon, consumed with his impending nuptials, has time for a brief comment.

"There are some issues on which we must adopt positions of ideology, in order to advance our various beliefs, and to support those who act and feel in a like manner to ourselves. This is an acceptable course of action in politics. The issue of the regicide Gregoire is not one of those issues. That he did not formally vote for the death of the martyred king is a technicality, a coward's ruse. He committed an unforgivable crime against France and against the royal family, then boasted of the fact. If the entire Chamber must be dissolved to see him brought to justice, then let justice be done, though the heavens fall."

Grégoire stood finally after listening to the incessant bickering of his colleagues for many hours. He had attempted to keep a sharp ear out for comments as they related to him and while indeed such comments were made, the raging debate concerning the Veteran's League bored him. In ordinary times he would have supported the League but these were far from ordinary times. Thanks to the flatulent bloviating of Saint-Aignan Grégoire's own life was on the line. Taking a deep breath, then flashing a brilliant smile, the bishop began to speak...

I must of course thank l'honorable messieurs for their many kind words and considerations. Although there are quite a few comments which deserve my attention it is only natural that I first address my beloved colleague in the episcopate. Your Grace, mon frère, it is my opinion that you brand me unfairly. Although it is true that I played a role in the imprisonment and trial of His Majesty the late King it is indisputable that I spoke out against his execution. I have never approved of or advised that any man, King or otherwise, be put to death -- such would be incompatible with my calling as a pastor to God's people. It should as well be mentioned that you yourself have witnessed my oath to His Majesty. Indeed, that such an oath is a requirement of this office is hardly unknown. Does His Grace suggest that I was somehow unaware of this basic fact when conducting my candidacy? Or perhaps (as I expect is more likely) His Grace simply believes that I am a liar. In either case he is of course mistaken.

And now I shall address the objections of my detractors in more general terms. Specifically my status as a so-called 'regicide'. As I have before indicated, I regret in the deepest way that I my actions in any way could have lead to the death of Louis Capet. {Ultraroyalists, and even many Doctrinaires, look aghast} Yes, I know. Louis Capet. The man who died on that scaffold was just that: a man. Un homme. He was not a king on that scaffold. He did not rule it, and in fact at that point he ruled nothing -- not even the ground beneath his feet. It does not matter when a king dies. It means nothing. A king is not a man. A king is an object, like a bowl or a plate. Bowls can be broken and plates can be shattered but no matter how fine they are, they can be made again by a skilled enough craftsman. A man as he is can never be made again. As a Christian I believe in the Holy Scripture. And therefore as a Christian I take as an article of faith the words of Genesis:

et creavit Deus hominem ad imaginem suam ad imaginem Dei creavit illum masculum et feminam creavit eos

'So God created man in his own image, in the image of God he created him; male and female he created them.'

We are created in the image of God. Louis Capet, Louis XVI, was a king. But that was ashes compared to his having been a man. And for my complicity -- even unintentional as it was -- in the death of that man I will always carry the mark of Cain. This is all I have to say on the matter of His Majesty the late King. To say any more would be to water down my sorrow for my own sake, or for the sake of appeasing those who wish to martyr me, and I would not do either. However there is still one last thing to be addressed: my role as a legislator and as a politician during the Revolutionary period. In this I wish to make one sentiment absolutely clear: Beyond Louis XVI I do not now, nor will I ever, carry an ounce of regret for my actions as a legislator, as a bishop, or as the president of the Convention.

During the Revolution and the Empire I did not turn tail and run as so many of you did. I did not kneel before a foreign power as a craven disguised as a marionette. I did not kill my fellow countrymen on the field of battle. I stayed; and I sought to protect the people of France as a legislator, and to protect the soul of France as a bishop. In this I have no regrets. France could not and would not be sheltered by pampered aristocrats fled to hither and yon; and the return and ascension of those aristocrats does not in any way change that fact of history. As well I can only treat the comments of M. Saint-Aignan, given in the Other Chamber, in regards to my supposed complicity as hangman of the Revolution with the derision which they richly deserve. To say they are laughable would be a criminal understatement. Illustrating the gentleman's stark ignorance concerning his homeland during the Revolution, ils sont la plus haute stupidité. I should be clear that I in no way wish to defame the gentleman -- given his extended service in the employ of the Tsar his ignorance is perfectly understandable -- but that I merely wish to reinforce the foolishness of his accusations. I am deeply impressed, admittedly, that M. Saint-Aignan has done his research. For those of my esteemed colleagues interested in such antiquities I am quite sure the speech to which the gentlemen is referring is freely available in some archive.

In any case had the gentleman desired to actually read that speech -- one which I remember quite well, as it concerned a subject which I hold dear in my breast -- he would have observed that the enemies being crushed underneath that chariot were not the elderly royalist fathers of his fellow Peers. Rather they were ruffians. Scoundrels. For those uninformed I was speaking of the pestilential 'citoyens de la république' who, in the embryonic days of our Revolution, looted and pillaged as if they were Vandals. I will not be a hagiographer for the era of the tricolore and pretend as if we walked on water after the declaration of the Republic. Times were hard and many great pieces of our heritage and our cultural patrimony were lost to barbarism as were, in the case of more recent works, their creators. Zeal for the ideals which had birthed the Republic was in many cases transformed into iconoclastic savagery and it is against this that I took a stand. If M. Saint-Aignan wishes to criticise me for attempting to save French civilisation he is more than welcome. I also question why, if the gentleman is indeed so intent on hanging a priest, he as Minister of Justice did not see fit to bring me to any trial? When the Ultraroyalists comfortably had Paris settled within their palm the Ministry plainly did not find my activities during the Revolution worthy of comment. I am suspicious of this sudden thirst for my blood by the aforementioned gentlemen now that they find themselves barred from the halls of power. I also believe that the language of the mentioned ordinance could perhaps be clarified by a colleague more skilled in civil law than I. For my own purposes I usually endeavour to have a copy of said ordinance upon my person, and I am reminded of a specific article:

VI. Should a person not be charged with a specific crime under the legal code of France, he or she shall be considered to have been fully pardoned of all interregnum-related offenses against the Kingdom and the people and shall not be subject to further prosecution. This clause shall only pertain to those individuals who have publicly sworn loyalty to the King and the Kingdom.

As I recall, this law was promulgated close to half a decade ago and yet it is only in the present that certain men bay like hounds to see me tried. I do wonder whether, having not been charged with any specific crime and having sworn public loyalty to His Majesty and His Majesty's institutions, I am pardoned of any offenses I may have committed? But it is as I said a question for greater legal minds than I.

I have pontificated long enough but I beg that the Chamber deigns to allow one final comment. I stand before you as a flawed man and as a sinner. I do not pretend otherwise. I have sinned. And yet I have repented of my sins and regretted my follies. I have been at peace with the monarchy for many years now since the fall of Napoleon even prior to the Hundred Days. As long as His Majesty has reigned, I have done nothing but remain as I am and have always been: a simple curé. You men of great honour and distinction may try and hang me as you see fit but all the machinations of men will not tarnish me. I have discharged my duty to God and to la patrie and it is this that I shall never regret.

Should Henri Jean-Baptiste Grégoire keep his seat: Oui, je le crois

Saint-Aignan Proposition for Electoral Annulment and Exclusion: Non! Soyez damné!
Proposition on Militias: Non bien sûr que non

[Évêque constitutionnel, député et révolutionnaire condamné]
[Les libéraux, s'ils le prennent]
[Malheureusement, aucun bonus pour un regicide sanglant]

+Grégoire
Successeur des Apôtres et homme de distinction

 

[Syriana]

LOUIS XVIII, By the Grace of God, Most Christian King of France and Navarre

​

My Valence,

Last evening, I had the pleasure of taking dinner with Decazes, and we discussed a great number of matters that seemed to me of supreme importance. He addressed the opinions you had proposed in council with some length, and the issue of the most immediate concern seemed to be the reconciliation between the Crown of France and our Spanish cousins. I admit my bias in this matter, but as it is now the custom of Europe, I know that it is our the solemn duty to undergird the entitlements of Monarchy. Decazes made it known that he had no preference with regard to the approaches of the Spanish affair, but was resolved that whatever your opinion, he would think it imprudent not to gain some impressive sum for compensation of the privileges of Saint-Domingue. He knows you are in concurrence with this position, but I am uncertain as to the generousness of my cousin Ferdinand, who is not always held in the highest esteem.

Nonetheless, it is no longer prudent to ignore the issue; it remains foremost in the minds of our subjects and will not depart despite the passage of time. I thus instruct you to take whatever measures necessary, and exert whatever energies are required, to auction the privileges of our former colony to Spain, and amend relations with our cousin, Spain. I also order the officers of your ministry to chronicle our position with relation to the South American colonies of Spain, for I have been informed by the visitation of Luis Fernández de Córdova that the Ferdinand intends to launch a secondary expedition of notable size against the former colonies. Whether it would be in our interest to participate in such an expedition, and earn the good faith of Spain, perhaps for later attempts on Saint-Domingue, or the contrary, I defer to your position.

I have no further commentaries on external matters, aside from the purpose that I have delegated the matter of my elder brother's canonization to my younger, and that as plenipotentiary representative to the cause, I have entrusted the execution of its purposes to his own conviction, to which he is much attached. For other purposes that you have forward, and that I have neglected, you may proceed with good faith with the consent of the crown.

The conclusive matter that I wish to press upon you is one of political content. I admit myself somewhat uneasy with the present status of affairs, but would find it the gravest difficulty to dismiss M. de Decazes when his programme of reform resembles identically my own convictions. I am, however, considering some gentlemen who are more amicable to the present Chamber, those of the "pure royalists," and so I would ask you to submit me names of those among such ranks that you would find disposed to moderate and good governance.

Visit soon,​

Your Majesty,

Grateful as ever for your prompt reply.

In regards to the pact with Spain, I am glad that myself and the President of His Majesty's Council are in accordance on this matter. I shall prepare instructions straight away for the execution of His Majesty's will. With particular regard to the Saint-Domingue Question, His Majesty is surely right that the price of his sovereignty should not be assayed too low. We shall not easily forget the Corsican's shameful concession of New France for a pittance to the American republic. Should Spain not be forthcoming with a suitable estimate, then we may reserve His Majesty's rights over the island and proceed regardless with a general agreement.

With further regards to the matter of Spanish intervention in the Americas, I shall have the Ministry prepare a memorial on this matter with all possible speed. My provisional opinion, however, is that it might not be in the interest of His Majesty's Government to commit itself to such an open-ended policy. Since we have no knowledge of how long such an intervention may last, or of its prospect for success, we may find ourselves entangled in a Sisyphean affair, from which we may only eventually extricate ourselves at a blow to our prestige and Spanish opinion. Moreover, the necessary martial preparations for such an intervention may well act to question the concession of Saint-Domingue, for if it is within our power to aid Spain in the recovery of its rebellious provinces, surely it shall be asked why it is not within our power to subdue Saint-Domingue.

Advancing now to the matter of His Majesty's dear and cherished brother, I am in full comprehension as to why His Majesty would delegate such a personal affair to the Comte d'Artois. I repose my faith in the judgement of His Majesty and the talents of the Comte. Should the latter require any assistance in the matter, His Majesty may assure him that I am at his disposal.

In regards to the final point, it is naturally not for myself to instruct His Majesty on the formation of his Government or to question the appointment of the President of His Majesty's Council. Should His Majesty by desirous of new appointments, however, and is solicitous of external recommendation, as he has indicated, then I shall naturally consider the ranks of the royalists par excellence and make recommendation of those of sound character, judgement and ability. Such a list shall be forthcoming shortly.

Of course, all such matters may be further discussed at the occasion of my next audience with His Majesty.

I beg to remain His Majesty's most humble and obedient servant,

Valence​

 

[ThaHoward]

Lothaire were in the Chamber of Deputies and listened to the sudden surge of moral corruption. Indeed his dear League were endangered, but there was something greater at stake. The Charter itself were being directly ignored by the Ministry, Deputies and Peers. It had to be stopped now, or else the very idea of the Charter might be at stake. He would then write a few letters to people he had never imagined he would write to before, but desperate times were in need of desperate measures.

((Private letter to @MastahCheef117 ))

Honorable Comte de Dhuizon,

Padon my intrusion, but I believe the current debate is of outmost importance. I believe if Decazes is to continue with his quest for glory he is to jeopardize not only the Doctrinaires but the Charter! I therefore, humbly, ask that you make a comeback. Come back as the strong leader you were and unite the Doctrinaires against Decazes's new line. In order to preserve the Charter and the Doctrinaires, and perhaps you will once more be seen as the uniting figure of the Doctrinaires or perhaps France. I urge you to come back and vote, vote for what is right and just. Not for what will empower Decazes and put years of hard labor on your part on risk.

-Capitaine e Deputée Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @Cloud Strife ))

Your Grace,

Excuse my boldness, but these are desperate times. You have proven yourself to be a man of great importance, a unifying figure, a capable leader and a true liberal. I know this is none of my affairs, but I have seen you have been absence in the current debate. Now I do not ask of you to take direct intervention in the current debate, but to sway your likeminded men of great importance to vote for is right. To vote against the obvious infrigments the Ministry impose on the Charter and the very liberties of many French. I beg of you to use your position as a leading figure in the Liberal Opposition and sway people to vote No to the so called militia act.

Your obedient Servant,

Capitaine e Deputée Lothaire Lécuyer.

 

[Eid3r]

((Private @Sneakyflaps ))

Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to his serene highness the Prince of Condé​

Your Highness,

It is with no small measure of shame that I write to you today, to confide my most destitute situation with regards to the Most Christian Society of Saint Isidore the Labourer. Indeed, the sucess of our relief effort for the famine brought great christian renown to the benefactors such as yourself and assuaged the plight of many of our hungry citizens, all the while the Government languished in inaction.

However, the default from one of our main benefactors has left the accounts of the society in debt of more than 200,000 francs, which are today being asked of me by the most dreadful usurers of Pictet and Cie. I have myself secured half the sum through my industry and personal relations, but I am lost as how to raise the last 100,000.

I must admit that, being an humble man of the cloth, I certainly lack in the economical acumen of which your Highness is most naturally endowed. I would therefore be most relieved should you be able to provide counsel on how to entangle myself from such a dreadful situation.

Avec vous dans la foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban

 

[Eid3r]

((Private @naxhi24 ))

Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Comte de L'Isle-Jourdain​

My dearest friend,

It is with a light heart set aflutter by the news of your nuptials that I write to you to offer my congratulations on your engagement with Mrs. Dawes.

Your bethrotal with this fine young women, raised in the most esteemed house of Condé, will for sure be prosperous and felicitous.

May the Lord Almighty bless your union and provide you with numerous descendant to carry forward the great name of Barrande, and bring you the happiness that only a loving wife and children can provide.

Avec vous dans la Foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban

 

[Eid3r]

((Private @Syriana ))

Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Marquis de Valence
​

Your Excellency,

Let me first congratulate you on the recent conclusion of the Congress of Aix-la-chapelle in which you have most brilliantly defended the honour of France and successfully led to its reintegration into the heart of European politics.

I have been most heartened by your hard work and personal industry, which shone as a lone light of competency in a serie of rather tepid governments. Rest assured of our support going forward, should you require it.

Likewise, I would like to thank you warmly and proffusely for your most generous donation to the good works of the Most Christian Society of Saint Isidore the Labourer. Thanks to benefactors such as you, we have been able to provide food for those who might have very well trespassed from the inaction of Dhuizon.

Should your excellency find some time through his busy schedule, it would me my pleasure to host you for an humble meal in order to discuss the state of our politics and some educational reform I cherish and would like to hear your thoughts on.

Avec vous dans la Foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban

 

[Marschalk]

((Chamber of Peers - Public))​

"'Monsieur President de la Chambre des Paire.

The speech of Gregoire is full of the same revolutionary lies as the ideology he preached during the dark years. A man of the breed that claimed ancient virtues now attempts to twist the truth and the words he has said in the past in order to save himself from justice. It would be comical, if it was not horrendous.

If I am to comment on a mentioned document from the past, the report to the Convention that Gregoire has submitted on the matters of destruction of monuments and such, it is quite clear that by "foreign emissaries that should be crushed by the chariot of the revolution", he means not plunderers, but royalists, for he then continues to clarify - "the hoard of brigands has emigrated". In the same report he spoke of the "men who prostituted themselves to Royalism, that so say, every sort of crime". If you read this report, you would understand one horrible fact - even in the case that was connected solely with the vandalism of the revolutionary thugs, who used the license to kill and plunder given to them by such persons as Gregoire, this man tried to accuse "foreign conspirators" and "counterevolutionaries"! There are many more fiery speeches in which Gregoire tried to connect any possible malevolence to the supporters of the righful King, whom he branded the enemies of the people, and, should a legal proceeding finally take place, numerous evidence in that regard would be presented

However, it is not the question now. The question is that this man is punishable under the Royal Ordinance and all the laws of God and men. Due to his actions King Louis XVI and others were deprived of their liberty and died on the scaffold. Under the Royal Ordinance such crimes, as the explicitly stated in that decree, can pe prosecuted at any time - and they should be.

IF Gregoire indeeds believes that all his actions were simply discharging duties to "la partie", he should find enough courage to stand before a fair court of justice and answer for them, as the lowliest of ruffians or thieves does, when he is caught, instead of trying to hide behind formal parliamentary privilege."

- SAINT-AIGNAN

To th Bon Adrien Jannot de Moncey, duc de Conegliano ((RR - Private))
​

Dear Bon-Adrien,

I have indeed spoken in the Chamber of Peers and am only happy that this speech could have brought public attention to a certain important issue. The man that has been elected as a deputy was one of the organizers of the revolutionary anarchy and the detainment and, as the consequence, murder of King Louix XVI, the Monarch due to the succession to whom our present Sovereign now possesses regal power. Is not such an event a grave insult to the Monarchy, Dynasty and Law?

I am sure that you remember these years when everybody could have been arrested and executed for even the merest suspicions. Even yourself was at one point dismissed as "royalist", for simply not holding the same radical views that the revolutionary masters of France had!

It is also good to know that you are working tirelessly in the Ministry of War. Hopefully you would be able to implement the betterments you are planning and make French Royal Army a truly effective force that would guarantee our security and independence in the years to come.

Regarding the proposal of the matrimonial ties, I would say the following: we do indeed believe that our eldest daughter, Bernardine, is in need of a good and respectable husband, coming from a family of esteem and sound morals. However, nowadays it is also important that young men and women would find each other appealing, not only their parents. Therefore I would invite you and your son to dine with us tomorrow. My daughter would also be present.

I most faithfully remain,

SAINT-AIGNAN