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(For Publication in the Oriflamme, Gazette de France, Journal de Paris)

“Fear not, hungry masses, for in ten years time, agricultural reform shall nourish your dead bodies.”

One can only wonder what lesson has been learned from the downfall of our most Beloved King Louis XVI, the Martyr, some 25 odd years ago. Astute students of history might remember that hunger brought down the monarchy more surely than all luminaries. “Bread, bread, bread” they clamoured. A dark chapter of our national history had open.

One would think that after decades in exile, and freshly at the helm of the Government, those who call themselves royalists, but doctrinaires, would hear the danger of leaving a famine unaddressed. Indeed, as the realm craves a loaf of bread, they spend their leisurely time debating the moot points of agricultural reform and road reconstruction.

Fear not, hungry readers, for the Dhuizon ministry is quite intent, shall its Reform and Stability Act clear the Chamber of Deputies and the House of Peers, to send emissaries to the four corners of Europe to find the best practices in agriculture. One can spare them immediately the travel, they shall come back with the brilliant and pristine idea to feed the starving peasants.

It is completely unbelievable that faced with a quickly spreading famine, this Government, rather than to enact emergency measures to bring much needed relief to the poor starving masses, takes it time to package meagre help in a bill dealing with posts offices and road maintenance.

While the salons of Paris are abound with endless talks of reform, and the peasantry is dwindling down, it appears that only the Church, old and venerable ally of the people, has any idea how to deal with such disaster. A loaf of bread, quickly dispensed, shall serve our King more than honeyed counsel whispered.

Publius
 
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Belle's stomach growled as she strolled towards the local market. She had been forced to skip breakfast, for her father was trying to ration what little food they had left. He had just been offered a rather profitable job, but would not have much in the way of funds until he was paid. For the moment they would have to make do with the scraps they had left. Belle was to use a tiny bit of the remaining funds to buy some fresh vegetables. She had started growing her own garden outside their house after the food shortages began, but it was rather small and nothing would sprout for another month or two. She prayed she had enough to feed them until her father received some payment.

On the way to the market, Belle passed the bakery. It was abandoned now, an empty shell with the door torn off and the windows shattered. If she wandered close enough, she could probably spot the blood stain marking where the baker had died. She walked on the other side of the street instead. The market itself was bustling as usual, although it didn't take Belle long to notice that most of the stalls were bare or near enough. Prospective customers were bartering with the vendors, trying to claim the few remaining products left for sale. Based on the prices she overheard being tossed around, she likely wasn't going to get much. Another growl rumbled from her stomach as to remind her of why she was there.

Belle spent the next several minutes moving from stall to stall, trying to barter for any food she could get her hands on. Everything was far too expensive, and it seemed likely that if she could afford something, it'd last her a day or two at most. As she reached the other end of the market, it she'd be going home empty handed. She stared down at her empty basket, deep in thought.

"My dear Belle, what are you doing out on such a lovely day?"

Belle spun around at the voice behind her, nearly knocking her basket into Gaston. He stood there with his usual smug grin on his face, a red apple in one hand. He took a large chomp out of the juicy apple, fluids dripping down his chin. Not even bothering to fake a smile, Belle simply said, "Shopping."

Gaston glanced down at her empty basket and smirked. "Not doing a very good job with that. Are the prices a bit too high for you?"

"I doubt anyone can afford these prices."

Gaston flexed his arm, showing off his impressive biceps. "I can."

"Good for you," Belle said with not a hint of emotion. She tried to step bpast Gaston, but he blocked her way. Typical.

"You know, Belle, that if you were to marry me, you'd never be hungry. I'd always provide for you, not to mention the many children we'd have."

The basket fell from Belle's hand at the shock from that statement and she went to grab it, but Gaston picked it up first. He twirled it around with a single beefy finger and handed it back to her, a toothy grin on his face. "What do you say, Belle?"

Belle snatched the basket back, holding it close to her body. With an icy glare on her face, she said, "I'd rather starve."

Not giving Gaston time to respond, Belle managed to slip past and scurried back into the crowded market. She heard him call out and glanced back to see him following her, but the crowd was thick and she managed to lose herself in the throng. Once she was certain he was no longer pursuing her, or at least not in sight, she hurried back home. Her stomach growled aggressively at her, but she ignored it. She'd have to live with being hungry for a little bit longer.
 
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LEAKED DOCUMENTS FROM THE PRIOR SITTING OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS,
And Considerations Relating to Acts of Plagiarism Committed by a Present Minister
___________________________________________________________

THE GAZETTE has recently received in its possession anonymously leaked copies of proposals submitted by the Minister of the Interior during the previous sitting of the Chamber of Deputies, prior to the pestilence and famine which has swept its way across France. For the benefit of the readership of the Gazette, we have copied the texts of both proposed laws herein, and in addition, have marked in bold those sections of the recent laws submitted by Monsieur Durand which are lifted verbatim from the proposals of the Comte de Berstett. While we were initially hesitant to publish such materials, especially in light of the recent break-in at the Count's Parisian residence, as well as their suspicious origin, the editors of this publication were overwhelmingly of the opinion that these discoveries merited publication.

THE EDITORS.

. . .

Loi constituant l’Institut Agricole de France

§Institut Agricole de France

I. The Institut Agricole de France (henceforth refered to as the Institut) shall be established with the purpose to gather and disseminate through the Kingdom the best practices related to agriculture and the production of foodstuffs.

II. The Institut shall be headed by a Board of 20 administrators named by the King and be selected from the merchant class, the farming estate owners, the clergy and the military.

III. The Institut shall be tasked with the creation of maintenance of a Registre Agricole de France, which shall document the state of agricultural estates and fields.

IV. The Institut shall head inquiries in the various courts of Europe to find the most promising agricultural practices.

V. The Institut shall commission a report on the possibilities for the conversion of unused lands in the Kingdom toward agricultural production. The report shall be presented to the King no later than the fall of 1817.

et,

Loi sur la croissance et l'infrastructure
§I. Authorizations

I. Through the powers of His Majesty, the King of France, the Ministry of the Interior shall be authorized funds to be used in the active maintenance and refurbishment those leagues of roads already constructed throughout France.

II. The Ministry of the Interior shall be authorized to build 6,000 additional leagues of roads based on the present needs of the economy, with an emphasis upon the movement of agricultural goods to market.

III. The Ministry of the Interior shall be authorized funds to be used for the purpose of maintaining, refurbishing, and building bridges, docks, windmills, watermills, granaries, government buildings, and bakeries in those regions, departments, and communes of France in which they are deemed necessary.

IV. The refurbishment of churches shall be authorized in those instances in which a community’s primary church is damaged, insufficient, or otherwise incapable of serving the needs of its community. The funds necessary to refurbish no more than one-hundred such churches shall be authorized at this time.

§II. L
a main d'oeuvre

I. All workers hired by the Ministry of the Interior must be resident in the Department in which work is taking place at the time that such work begins, and shall be paid a lump sum following completion of the project.

. . .

Reform and Stability Act
(With Notes)

AS a need exists for the expedient address of the status quo in which reform of and thereby restoration of stability in various sectors of the economy other relevant areas of French Society is undeniable, this Bill, seeking to encourage needed reform of the existing systems of economic discourse and thereby restore trust in trade practices and thereby growth in the economic systems, is hereby put to the Chamber for consideration:

§ I. Administration and Fiscal Appropriations
I. Roads in the Kingdom of France shall be divided into three categories; royal roads and infrastructure of general use, departmental roads, and local roads; the maintenance and construction of the first shall be the responsibility of the national government, the maintenance and construction of the second shall be the responsibility of the departmental government, the maintenance and construction of the third shall be the responsibility of the communal government.
II. A Seigniorage is to be established on all French currency and is to be levied and administered by the Ministry of Finance in the next Budget proposed by His Majesty’s Government.
III. The required surety to be payed by tax farmers if they fail to meet their obligations towards the French State, should, by act of the Ministry of Finance, be increased to incentivize adherence to the adhere to the demands and standards set out by the Finance Ministry.
IV. Tariffs on imported Industrial Goods produced in France shall be increased by the Ministry of Finance in the next Budget proposed by His Majesty’s Government.

§ II. Infrastructure and the Post Service
I. The Bridge and Road Service is hereby established under the purview of the Minister of the Interior and shall be tasked with the administration, construction and maintenance of Royal Roads and Infrastructure.
II. The Royal Postmaster is hereby encouraged to expand the Postal Service and Post Office establishments to all communes of France
III. The Bridge and Road Service is hereby encouraged to repair and reconstruct all Royal Roads and Infrastructure to acceptable levels for trade and regular use
IV. The Ministry of the Interior shall be authorized funds to be used for the purpose of repairing, refurbishing et c. bridges, docks, windmills, churches, water mills, granaries, government buildings, and bakeries in those regions, departments, and communes of France in which they are deemed necessary.
V. Utility Workmen Service shall be established under the purview of the Minister of the Interior and shall be tasked with administration and deployment of Utility Workmen for projects referred to in Articles II, III & IV of Paragraph II.
VI. Utility Workmen are unemployed men of good moral character and of the age of sixteen or higher who shall be tasked with the physical assistance of the Bridge and Road Service, Ministry of the Interior, and the Postal Service in (re)building, maintaining Royal Infrastructure and the Postal Network and other tasks deemed necessary and fruitful for the Utility Workmen and French Society by the Ministry of the Interior, supervised by specialists from the Bridge and Road, Ministry of the Interior and/or Postal Services with their tasks, until the full professionalisation of the Bridge and Road Service Construction Corps and new addition in Post Network and Post Offices has been completed and the Departments and Communes are able to bring construction and maintenance projects to a successful end.
VII. All Utility Workmen must be resident in the Department in which the work is taking place at the time that such works begin
VIII. Utility Workmen are paid in adequate food stuffs for them and their direct family for every day of work deemed adequately completed, the Utility Workmen who have completed all 6 workdays of the week adequately and have admirably completed their tasks shall be awarded a sunday wage of 2 francs.

§ III. Board of Trade & Banking
I. The Ministry of Finance shall establish a Board of Trade & Banking with its own responsible Undersecretary. It shall include respected Representatives from the Trade and Banking sectors.
II. The Board of Trade & Banking shall be charged with working to restore the workings of and trust in the aforementioned economic sectors.
III. This Board of Trade & Banking shall, with the consent of the Ministry of Finance, sell stable low-interest government bonds to reputable banks and other lending institutions to provide a trading fundament for those aforementioned institutions and exchange unfavourable state loans with such bonds.
IV. The Board of Trade & Banking shall advise the Ministry of Finance on the matters of import and export duties and tariffs to award the Ministry invaluable information on such matters and improve their ability to implement such measures.
V. The Board of Trade & Banking shall advise the Ministry of Finance on matters concerning the Compagnons du Tour France and shall investigate whether legislation is required and of what nature such legislation should be on the matter.

§ IV. Commission of Agriculture
I. The Ministry of Finance shall establish a Commission of Agriculture, until the food supply and food competition are restored to acceptable and stable levels in France.
II. The Commission of Agriculture shall be charged with the supplying areas of low food-self sufficiency in times of high food competition with enough foodstuffs to restore acceptable correlation between foodstuff supply and demand, thereby guaranteeing public peace & order.
III. The Commission of Agriculture shall advise the Ministry of Finance on matters of import tariffs on food stuffs, in order to prevent uncertainties and natural phenomena disturbing public peace & order through destruction of the status quo of peaceful food competition and the correlation of supply and demand of foodstuffs of French origin.
IV. The Commission of Agriculture shall also gather and disseminate through the Kingdom the best practices related to agriculture and the production of foodstuffs.
V. The Commission shall include administrators named named by the King and be selected from the merchant class, the farming estate owners, the clergy and the military.
VI. The Commission shall be tasked with the creation of maintenance of a Registre Agricole de France, which shall document the state of agricultural estates and fields.
VII. The Commission shall head inquiries in the various courts of Europe to find the most promising agricultural practices.

VIII. The Commission shall commission a report on the possibilities for the conversion of unused lands in the Kingdom toward agricultural production. The report shall be presented to the King no later than the fall of 1820.


. . .

Briefly, on the Activities of the President and the Council
In short, it is very much the opinion of the author of this article that the present Government has committed a significant grievance, and, in their haste to seize for themselves the rejected contributions of Ultraroyalistes, have proven to be far, far too hasty, and far, far too willing to claim the creations of other men as their own. Indeed, such a pattern only seems appropriate for brigands. Indeed, perhaps the Comte de Dhuizon and the remainder of the Council would be better suited to highway robbery than to the administration of His Majesty's Kingdom.

SAINT-MAURICE.
 
The Most Christian Society of Saint Isidore the Laborer

Cjmp4A5.jpg

The Great Famine of 1818


The Bishop of Montauban had deployed his usual industry to the task of soliciting funds for the noblest endeavor of feeding the hungry in the many regions affected by the famine.

The patronage of His Altesse the Count of Artois had made his task much easier, opening the pockets of many ultraroyalistes who saw in the work of the society a way to channel their current lack of political clout with their upright morals.

However, the effort was not favored only by one political faction, as exemplified by the donations from prominent members of the Government. Above partisanship and over political divergences, most saw the Society for what it was, a charitable organization devoted to making a small difference for the common man.

Donations were flowing in. When the Bishop of Montauban brought in more than 700,000 francs, the members of the Society, together with their Franciscan overseers, understood they had tapped into a vast reservoir of goodwill, which would enable them to raise the scale of their operation.

Contracts were rapidly drawn, with the help of trustworthy notaries, and grain was thus purchased from Spain, then turned into flour and baked into what would be known as the “pain noir”, a particularly distasteful loaf of bread but nourishing enough in these days. In close coordination with friends of the cause inside the authorities, the Society endeavoured to distribute to the hungry masses without causing riots.
 
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THE SEVEN DEADLY SINS
THE SLOTHFULNESS OF THE COMTE DE DHUIZON


It is well know to anyone familiar with the Scriptures that Saint Thomas d'Aquin, in his Summa Theologica, defined l'Acédie, one of the seven deadly sin, as "sluggishness of the mind which neglects to begin good and who is is evil in its effect." Quite simply put, sloth is the failure to act in conjunction with the seven gifts bestowed upon mankind by the Holy Ghost, which are Wisdom, Understanding, Counsel, Knowledge, Piety, Fortitude and Fear of the Lord.

How could one not be shocked upon learning, from recovered papers belonging to the former Minister of the Interior, that a plan to a address the decay of our agricultural practices had already been eschewed several years past with an aim to prevent the recurrence of famine. Such measures, which were then proposed to the Président du Conseil, le Comte de Dhuizon, could have certainly brought a measure of relief to the current situation. Quite certainly, it would not have solved entirely the current predicament of the realm, but it would have played its part and lives would have been spared because of it.

There remains the unexplained. Why, being presented with such a sensible measure, with a degree of foreboding which has sadly become validated in the recent months, why did the Count of Dhuizon refuse to act? Perusal of the Débats de la Chambre shows that the bill was never brought to daylight by the Dhuizon Ministry. This failure to act, this neglect to act upon what is right, constitutes a blatant example of acédie, a sin whose consequences are magnified by the prestigious and powerful position of its perpetrator.

Once again, the immoral nature of this current government is dévoilée au grand jour. Let us pray that virtue still has droit de cité in this cabinet, who is otherwise populated by men of good morals and expertise, such as the Maréchal de Saint-Cyr and the Minister of the Interior, who quickly grasped the importance of the Lois Berstett and acted most decisively upon them, albeit too late.

Monsieur Dhuizon, the hungry dead are laid at the door of your sinful inaction.

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban
 
Electoral Law: Oui
Reform and Stability Act: Oui

[Silk Merchant]
[Doctrinaire]
[No Bonus]

- Thibaut Duval

Edit: ((some long delayed IC))

But what happened in Marseilles in '17? What events came before a Deputy known to be in the pocket of "The Worm" voted in lockstep with the Doctrinaires?

DURING THE FIRE

((Private)) The First Letter

Shoshanna my love, why do I live? Why do I eat, and breathe, and rut when my father died in the Revolution? So cruelly cut by Sans Culottes as a seller of silks to the nobility? But did he not deserve it? Was he not a bitter, evil man; a terrible father; and an apostate Christian? So then, why did your father, such a wise and excellent man and such a good Jew share a similar fate for his part in our trade? Why do the good suffer with the bad? At night, even when all is still and the darkness does not roil with terrible cries as it does now in this time of anarchy, I lie awake. Dreaming. Am I the sinner, or am I the saint? Am I a wicked Christian hated for being wicked or am I a good Jew hated for not being Christian? Does society shun me because of my flaws, my gluttony and bilous behavior, or does it hate me because I am estranged from it; because they do not know me? And which has more promise? Would society more quickly accept a reformed wicked man or embrace a man who is already good but is a stranger to them?

My love, all things I have purchased. Silks, diamonds, the finest brandies. Tapestries, women....men. Yet, the only thing worth anything in my life was given freely. Your father accepted my proposal for your hand, with no expectation of reward other than that I would give you the best home I could. I wish I could I say the only thing in my life I can trust is love, but it is not even love that gave me you, though we did love so. It was charity. The charity of a man my father despised. Of a man treated as a pariah in his own profession. And yet me, the son of his greatest rival in the silk trade, your father entrusted me with your hand in marriage. What did he see in me? Can I yet become a good man, or is it too late?

Know this my love, even as you sleep fitfully beside me, worried of the terrors that the riots hold in the night of Marseilles. I will redeem the faith your father hand in me. I may not ever be a virtuous man, but your blood is that of virtuous men. And so I swear upon all the gold in the world, which seems to be all that my bloodline can produce, that our firstborn son; whoever he may end up being; shall be the first Jewish head of state in France!

The Second Letter
((Private: @Noco19 ))


Your words have reached me, my dear Duc, but only moments ahead of your deeds. Or should I say, when you speak, your words echo throughout France. Already the Prefect is moving where he was still. Men are coming forward among the bourgeoisie, in truth in places where I could have and should have come forward to speak but was too cowardly to do so, and are organizing a committee in response to the hunger crisis. My soul, which only hours earlier felt as heavy as a stone, now feels as light as a feather. Know this; while coin might be all I know, for indeed my numbers are sharp but my Latin and Greek are weak at best, I shall put that coin to good use. I may be a creature of crass wealth, lacking in refinement, but the world is full of crass creatures only motivated by the coin. And, if I am one day allowed in your brotherhood, my wealth and those crass creatures under my purview will never cease in our labors towards a more enlightened...more fraternal world.

Your most obedient servant,

Thibaut Duval of Marseilles

((private)) The Third Letter

My father, this letter only you shall ever receive. And yet you are too blind to see it. To deaf to hear my words, to dumb to speak for yourself. As I cradle your skull in my arms and drink the best wine from the cellar which was once your only source of pleasure and is now your eternal resting place, I wonder... Am I like you? That is not it...I know I am. Was I always doomed to be like you? Or could I have chosen another path? Were your born to be wicked, to be you? Or did you choose to be wicked? Or rather, did the sum of your choices at one point in your life tip you over into eternal wickedness?

This wine cellar that has been turned into a crypt was to honor you, after I dug up your bones, buried so unceremoniously in a paupers grave during the Republic. The wine has been moved. Accept for this vintage, the Amontillado, your favorite. I drink not to forget who I am, but to remember who you were. What I never want to become. My beloved father, I mean no disrespect. I love you for bringing me into this world. But I cannot be like you. I will not be like you. I will not succumb to the mob, I will not be torn apart for my wicked ways. I will rise above the slings and arrows hurled at the bourgeoisie and I will steer our family name clear atop the waves that rock the nation of France.

 
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Claude Artaud, at the time more comfortable with a pen then with his tongue, seldom attended the Chamber. He spent most of his time deep in his writings, little concerned with the practical politics of Paris. On the several occasions he does enter the legislature, it is mostly to concur with Constant and the Liberals.

Electoral Law: Same as Constant (If not then Oui)
Reform and Stability Act: Same as Constant (If not then Oui)

[Intellectual, Writer]
[Liberal Independent]
[None]
 
The Independents vote yes to both measures.
 
Electoral Law: Oui
Reform and Stability Act: Oui

[Financier/Industrialist]
[Doctrinaire]
[Too busy trying to catch up reading 7 pages of updates during lunch at work to have a bonus]
 
Monsieur Duval, nearly wasted away from his ordeal and reduced to a mere two chins publishes his thoughts on the state of the economy in the lesser periodicals of France; as the printing press for "The Market Street Journal" is fished out of the harbor. He writes under a pseudonym but guessing the author is not difficult.

A Merchant's Thoughts On Land and Bread

On The State of Inheritance Law
Frenchmen should be able to determine their own affairs regarding their property both real and movable; and to leave those wishes in a legally binding last will and testament. Only in cases of intestacy should mandatory inheritance be applied and in such cases a reform from partiple inheritance to male heirs only to a system of male preference primogeniture would be advisable. Estates are more easily leveraged for credit or sold for further land development if they are kept together under a single legal owner, and denying surviving female kin any right of inheritance only prolongs the disuse of useful property. . We must liberalize our land laws and make it easier to buy and sell property, so that misused land might pass to those industries and persons most capable of developing it for the profit and productivity of all.

On The Famine
What was it that exacerbated the famine caused by natural disaster into a much more severe calamity? It wasn't cheap Russian wheat entering the French market through Marseille. It was the reactionary tariffs which departments engaged in as a response. And so Frenchmen starve for lack of affordable bread when grain is available just over the border in Spain for a reasonable price. And for what? National honor? The dusty economics of a long-beheaded physiocrat? Tarifs on grain and other principle foodstuffs must be removed in their entirety, so that foodstuffs might move from the areas of greatest supply to the areas of greatest demand more freely. We cannot afford more self-inflicted tragedies like this late unpleasantness. Let the government find its tariff revenues elsewhere.

On Price Controls
And now there are rumors that the proposed Commission for Agriculture will see to its admirable and necessary legal mandate through the mechanism of price fixing. This must not occur. Enforcement would be a herculean effort, inspiring much corruption among the enforcing authorities, and the entire enterprise would only discourage men from trading in bread at all. Bread, which becomes more expensive the more scarce it becomes, would become more scarce still in those moments as no merchant worth his salt would take a loss on turning grain that cost them a princely sum into bread for a pauper. It would become entirely the responsibility of the Commission to transport, stockpile, and distribute grain and bread. The natural movement of goods through the market that runs through a nation like veins would be blocked by these unnatural price controls.

On Church Lands and Salaries
There is much to be said, but it will have to wait for a future installment!


- Croesus

 
((@Syriana))

Dearest Valence,

I hope my courier delivers this correspondence post haste. I have succeeded, this afternoon, in emphasizing the necessity of withdrawing the army of occupation and compelling the officers of state to include your presence in further sessions; I thus beg you to make appearance this evening at my temporary residence, where I will conduct a second informal meeting of the delegates, and make a motion to have the powers withdraw their forces from France, and cease the occupation. You should be sure of your presence, and make address to the Sovereigns and Princes, for I am most certain the mood is ripe for the termination of occupation.

Metternich
 
Electoral Law: Oui

Reform & Stability Act: Oui

[Peer of France]
[Liberal]
[None]
 
"It would be a pleasant matter if it was as simple as the Minister suggests. It would be an even more pleasant matter if it was not that this calamity, which he now urges this chamber to address, were not the direct responsibility of the President of the Council! Indeed, I ask, could this have not been avoided if the necessary steps were taken previously, during my time as Minister of the Interior, to address the growing issue? Perhaps, indeed, we can finally receive an answer from this government on the matter - perhaps it shall be explained why Monsieur Dhuizon continues to sit as President of the Council, even as the blood of His Majesty's subjects lay upon the man's hands?

"The monsieur must be made aware that an action taken to address an issue only after it becomes a crisis is no resolution. It is simply an attempt to bandage a wound with the petals of daisies, and while we may have advanced the interests of this Kingdom in a productive way had these resolutions been properly presented to Parliament in the prior legislative session, it is exceedingly clear that the President of the Council, in his seclusion and unwillingness to present neither himself nor the activities of His Majesty's government to either Chamber, has acted in a manner emphasizing his own self-gain and the advancement of his faction.

"Indeed, I do make the claim that the President of the Council intentionally rejected all proposals relating to food production and infrastructure in order to deny the possibility of a legislative victory for the members of His Majesty's Council aligned with this Chamber's then-majority faction. And now, in an effort to redeem himself and recover from the chaos into which he - he himself - has plunged France, he has allowed his marionettes to present to this Chamber a resolution which is lifted, in part, verbatim from proposals which he rejected not even three years ago.

"And yet, the Minister of War continues to suggest that the burden for this crisis might rest upon this Chamber? Non! The only burden in this matter rests upon Dhuizon. Indeed, I intend to support the measure proposed by the Minister of the Interior - for it is, in part, my own. However, I believe that a full approach may only be undertaken by any loyal and clear-sighted member of this body on the condition that the Minister of War, and the other members of His Majesty's Council, openly confirm that the liability for this calamity does indeed rest upon the President of the Council.

"Furthermore, they ought to understand that the refusal to acknowledge that much of this crisis stems directly from his incapable nature and inabilities in the realm of actual policy is a mark against themselves. It is a fact, as I am sure some of our clerical friends may confirm, there exist sins of omission, and the refusal to indict a man guilty of such an immense catastrophe is a mark against oneself.

"Merci."


Alexandre de Berstett,
Député du Bas-Rhin
Already visibly annoyed--not with Berstett in particular, but due to having to defend Cabinet policies he did not find personally agreeable or useful--the Marshal of France jumped straight to the point to get things over with, "We need action now, and the very honorable gentlemen ought not partake in the same political grandstanding that he has so recently accused my honorable colleague, the Chief Minister, of so doing. When the people are chanting 'Pan! Pan! Pan!', the very honorable gentlemen is insistent on chanting 'Dhuizon! Dhuizon! Dhuizon.' Let the record reflect that this Cabinet has offered legislation to alleviate the famine we find ourselves now suffering, and that the very honorable and very learned gentleman's does not dispute this truth. He rather would claim credit for the ideas entirely, without reference to the Interior Minister's bills.

"Instead, the very honorable and very learned gentleman's proposals would claim that but for refusing to adopt a smattering of proposals he had reported devised during his tenure in office, the famine afflicting France would not have happened. Colleagues, I ask you, do any of us have powers over the weather? Besides prayers to the Lord God what means do we have to fight inclimate weather of historic proportions. Two studies, one that I have ordered as Minister of War on the canal system and another I cite from the Académie des sciences, are plain in stating that even if we were to re-dig the canal system to account for increased traffic needs, the amount of rainfall required to sustain the fullness of transportation this year would be inadequate; in short, colleagues, even if the very honorable and very learned gentleman's proposals were made law they would not have prevented this famine.

"The rest of his proposals of yore are powers already available to the King. Compared to the current Interior Minister's proposals, the very honorable and very learned gentleman's proposals are a rehash of the status quo. We ought not to reward credit for proffering a facsimile, yes? Instead, let us credit the Cabinet for proffering relief proposals of a new and substantive nature."


(( Private @Cloud Strife ))


Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Maréchal de Saint-Cyr, Minister of War

Votre Grâce,

Despite our political divergences, which I am led to believe are many, I know for a fact that you are a man made from a most Christian cloth. Therefore, I stand certain that you are appalled by the dejection in which so many of our citizens are cast, being unable to feed their families due to the scarcity of bread.

While I certainly hope that the politics of our nation shall lend themselves to a quick relief effort, I must say that what I have witnessed from the Chamber of Deputies has led me to fear for the common man. I assume that you have fought to the utmost against the timidity of the Government’s reaction to the current famine, which gnaws at the popular pillar of the monarchy, destroying the love of the people for our most just and desired King Louis XVIII. However, while I trust in the personal industry of our Minister of the Interior, a most knowledgeable man, I am afraid that his proposed reforms, should they clear the Chamber, might be too long to take effect, as the good people of France is starving now.

Over the past few months, I have been most busy with the relief efforts spearheaded by my Franciscan brothers who, while lacking in land, riches and capital, are wealthy in courage, strength of will and pugnacity. Through the Most Christian Society of Saint-Isidore the Labourer, we have been hard at work to procure grain from Spain and process it in a humble bread to be handed to the hungry masses.

While I am quite happy to claim a measure of success for this initiative, it remains utterly dependant on the benevolent patronage by men of charitable moral constitution. Alas, as you will most likely agree, the presence of such men in our beloved France, where they flowed like a torrential river, has been drying up to a small rivulet in the last decades.

I know that, before being Minister of War and a Maréchal, you are at heart homme de paix. Should you be able to lend your most gracious name to our relief efforts, I will be most grateful to your Grace.

Avec vous dans la Foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban
Your Grace,

I have received your letter of on the matter of the famine, and although our professed politics do differ, I do find myself in agreement that we ought to have a stronger response to the famine gripping much of the countryside. Let me assure you that the Cabinet is doing all it can and working tirelessly to advance a solution to this crisis. The Reform and Stability Act is a fair start--I suppose most of it could actually be put into practice in the next few years--and it can be used as a basis for further cooperation across the spectrum of political belief in France.

While I admittedly find more comfort in the Meditations than the rather political homilies of late, it is the duty of every Christian to contribute to the betterment of his fellow man. I have worked to gather donations for the purposes of alleviating the needs of the families of Army pensioners but I also would gladly contribute to the good Franciscans. Included in this letter is a banker's draft for 50,000 francs to be used to purchase grain to mill into flour for bread, I shall ask my friends among the Marshals of France to offer matching donations.

I also extend an invitation to visit my townhouse in Paris while the legislature is in session. I believe we may find common ground on certain issues for the betterment of veterans and retirees of the Wars and the interests of the clergy.

Sincerely,
M. Saint-Cyr
 
WGa2d4D.png

The Condé Inheritance, Part I
(Forgive spelling mistakes, Im too tired to continue correcting it all)

A painting of his grandfather hang on the wall in front of him, not that he could see much of it as he sat at his desk. The room was filled with men, young as well as old, all looking towards the Prince who sat in his chair, looking up at them. The Condé inheritance was what the business of the day concerned, with the passing of his wife that now left Condé without any more obligations, at least not in legal terms to any survivors. “With the passing of the Princess, you are here to ensure that the testament that shall be drafted shall be without fault or complain. As such I have hired each of you for a smaller fortune, it is said you are all among the brightest and most respected, and I do pray that you as my lawyers will serve me well and that I shall not be left wanting. Now before you all begin to sound wise, I am naturally aware that my titles cannot pass onto either one of my two children. The main objective in all of your doings is however clear, the unity and continued prosperity of my estates. That they not under any circumstance be split between factions and interests. I also know that my sons will be less than content when they come of age, as one of the two will lose what many of these young empty headed countrymen of ours call equality. However, these worries must not prevent you from finding action and pathway, you must ensure that the estate, which I leave in my will, shall not be fractured after my departure. Too many estates in this fair France falters and die from simple inheritance laws which neither the peasants or nobility can change, thereby forcing all into poverty.”

An older man not that far from Condé’s own age by the name of Cornett, was the leading lawyer from a smaller, highly reputed firm in Paris which dealt with matters such as this. He was slightly overweight with a Whig and cleanly shaven, together with him were a couple of younger men to assist. “Your Serene Highness.” He started out with saying. “It should prove possible, as your Highness lacks proper heirs, to designate your inheritance as you see fit. Though I should make you aware this early on as we have already consulted, that due to the sheer size of your Highness’ inheritance, even if absence of the titles themselves, is the largest in France and as such many, no matter how closely we tie the inheritance, will no doubt attempt to overturn it. The House of Orléans may attempt to claim a part of the inheritance in light of your late wife, though they have no real ground to stand on. But the Duke is a powerful man with a powerful family name and connections. The same could be the case from the Rohan family, due to the alleged marriage of their kinswoman to your son, they likewise has no ground to stand on for the estates themselves, as the marriage has not been proven. They might whoever is entitled to some money depending on what followed upon the Duke d’Enghien’s death, his estates and which benefits she was awarded should evidence emerge to prove her claim.” Cornett sighed before the Prince asked him to continue, “It may prove good to consider returning the estates and palaces of your late wife, it may help to silence the House of Orléans and prevent them from raising a fight over that their former estates go to what is now to be bastards, therefore not descendants of theirs.”

The Prince simply nodded as he looked at all those smart lawyers whom he had bought, “But you believe the Estate can survive this coming cataclysm, intact that is.”

Cornett gave a small nod with his “I believe so, Your Highness, but we can never entirely be sure that some unforeseen circumstance does not develop.”

“And I have hired you to ensure that it does not.” The Prince responded.

“Of course, Your Highness.” Cornett continued “Before the revolution, bastards were barred from receiving gifts or grants, and with our current laws, paragraph 723 it clearly states that legitimate heirs inherits first, followed by natural sons and if none left then the state. So should your Highness, God forbid, pass away tomorrow, then the state and Crown would inherit Your Highness land and property as you have not yet made a new testament in light of the recent events. However, if I may, then Your Highness can make either of his illegitimate sons the legate which as article 1003 dictates: The general legacy is the testamentary disposition by which the testator gives to one or more persons the entirety of the property which he leaves at this death. As such your sons could inherit, while at the same time Your Highness could return the estates of the House of Orléans if that so be his desire. As article 1006 points out: When at the decease of the testator there shall be no heirs to whom a portion of his property shall be reserved by the law, the general legatee shall be seised absolutely by the death of the testator.”

Condé simply looked at him, “And what if I wished to save the house, the Condé line and the titles? Tell me, would it at all be possible?”

A slightly younger lawyer than Cornett stepped forward, speaking up “Your Serene Highness if such is the wish, you could partition His Majesty to issue an ordinance which legitimized your sons, or only one if you wish for the estate to remain intact. Another way could be to attempt to push through the Chambers a bill to have either or both legitimized, such cases have been seen in England.”

The Prince had just opened his mouth and was about to speak before a younger man cut him off, with an older one next to him looking quite crossed. “Forgive me Your Highness, but I believe there might be a way.” Ignoring the impudence for now, and the apologetic nature of what appeared to be his superior, the Prince allowed him to continue, curious as to what he had to say as the young men continued, “Your Highness could always adopt.”

“Adopt?” The Prince asked doubtfully, “Adopt my sons? Is that possible?”

The young lawyer shook his head, “No, Your Highness, adopt your grandson. To adopt him you must have taken care of the child during his minority and six years following that, his parents, your son and daughter-in-law would also have to consent.”

“Yet I have no grandchild.” Condé responded.

“No, Your Highness.” The young lawyer replied “But you may eventually have so in time. Also to adopt you must be at least fifty and have no children or legitimate descendants. Now Your Highness does have children, but the case in front of the courts who shall decide upon the adoption, it can be made that as your sons by law are illegitimate and as such as have no right to be your sons in the face of the law, as it of current is there to protect legitimate heirs interests, therefore no legal obligations they shall not be deprived of anything upon your adoption of a son and heir.
Now if this is accepted, then you would be able to adopt your grandson through an illegitimate line, the trick here is laid out in article 350. Which states: The adopted shall acquire no right of succession to the property of relations of the adopter. Now as Your Highness has no immediate family for which it concerns it remains fairly unimportant, the interesting part is what follows which states: but he shall enjoy the same rights with regard to succession to the adopter as are possessed by a child born in wedlock. Now this would mean that Your Highness’ adopted son would not only be the sole and clear heir to Your Highness’ estates, but also to that of your titles. The nobility, Crown and courts may argue against this by the virtue that the line is broken and thus the titles are forfeit. Whoever there can be no dispute by law about his status, furthermore then we could argue with a bit of modification out from article 730 which states: The children of such unworthy person, coming to the succession in their own right, and without the aid of representation, are not excluded by the fault of their father. Now in normal circumstances an unworthy person is either a man who has caused or attempted to cause your death, one who has brought against the defunct a capital charge adjudged calumnious or one who has not denounced a defunct death to the officers of justice after being informed.
We could try to talk out from the basis that your illegitimate sons, by the base of their birth are deemed unworthy in the eyes of the law, as they are by the very law itself deemed unworthy to inherit. Whereas other places within the law, there are articles directly outlining illegitimate heirs, there are none here. Article 350 and 730 forms a strong basis. Though there are no guarantees that the King shall not issue an ordinance in the meanwhile to change the law, or that a change of law does not occur in the chambers while the issue is being settled. It would most probably cause a scandal upon Your Highness’ house, potentially on the Monarchy as well depending on their reaction, but under current law it should prove possible to preserve it all, by Your Highness’ grandchild should you be so fortunate.”

“I see.” Condé said almost quietly, “You have all certainly given me much to think of. I ask you all to return back to your provinces and look into the matter further, and convene with me here once again in three months’ time. I thank you all for your time, I know it cannot be easy with the recent famine. Speaking of which, in light of it I have had the servants prepare some light for you all to eat in the dining room, I hope you shall enjoy it before you leave this Château of mine.” The Prince gave them all a nod before they bowed, leaving the room one by one, thus leaving the Prince to his own thoughts.


Though he was not left for long before his Sophia came into the room, sitting in a chair opposite of him “Our son is to be the richest man in France.” She said happy with herself, and her future life.

“I fear that our son shall not.” Condé simply said short as he took a sip of wine, having not touched the glass before now as he was consumed with listening to the lawyers.

“Is someone else about to outshine your wealth?” She asked intrigued, an eyebrow raised as she hid her smile behind her own glass filled with wine.

The Prince merely sighed, “You mistake me, my son will be, but our son will not.”

And in an instance, her smile vanished, “What do you mean?” She asked as the anger could be heard in her voice, not to even begin mentioning the tone.

“Henri will, but our son will not?” Condé responded.

“Is that so? Do you care nothing of our son, of me, of your family rather than your bastard running around, degrading your family name.” She began, her eyes lit and cheeks red as Louis simply raised his hand.

“It’s no use.” He said, “Our son is too young, by the time that I depart this world he is unlikely to be of age, let alone of maturity to handle such a responsibility or to fight the potential battles that ensure. Henri is already of age, soon to be married, he has been in the chamber and is now in the army. He has the skill and knowledge to fight this battle should it come. I will ensure that our son is taken care of, that he is not left out of the inheritance and that he shall have a future.” Sophia stood up, not really caring as she only saw red as she walked to the doorway. “One more thing.” Condé called out after her. “The Bishop has requested that you should not be present before him during the baptism, as he would consider it disgraceful.” Not that she responded to that, storming out of the room and leaving the old Prince to enjoy the remainder of his wine before he began to write.

-----------------------------------------

To Louis Philippe, Duke of Orléans (KingHigh - private)

Your Serene Highness,

I write to you today to regretfully inform you of the passing of my wife, your aunt, Bathilde this past morning. I write to you both to pass on my regards and sorrow, but also to personally invite you to the funeral. Your aunt has requested in her will that she be buried in your family crypt and as such I also ask for your permission that she may be buried according to her last wishes.


Best regards,
Louis Henri Joseph, Prince de Condé, Duc de Bourbon, Bellegarde, Buise, Marquis de Graville, Comte de Valery, Seigneur de Beaugé, Chantilly, Château-Chinon, Château-Renault, Montluel, Château d'Écouen, etc., also Prince du Sang



To Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget, Bishop of Montauban (Eid3r - Private)
Revered Bishop,

I of course know that I live in sin, and as such I attempt to do other virtues so that God, when he calls me to him, in the spirit of forgiveness may look upon my kinder sides so that he can forgive his sinful son. As for your personal request, I will of course accept it. I look very much forward to seeing you once more, and to talk in peace and private.

Louis Henri Joseph, Prince de Condé, Duc de Bourbon, Bellegarde, Buise, Marquis de Graville, Comte de Valery, Seigneur de Beaugé, Chantilly, Château-Chinon, Château-Renault, Montluel, Château d'Écouen, etc., also Prince du Sang.



To Colonel Nathanaël Barrande, Comte de L'Isle Jourdain. (Naxhi - Private)

Your Lordship,

No doubt much is needed to aliavate the effects of the famine, though for what you wish to have us do I know not. We neither as of yet have men, still waiting for the divisions to actually be formed, and neither do we sit on a large food supply. By all regards, if you desire to buy bread for the poor and hand it out then you have my full support. But as of now I see not what you wish for the army to do in this regard. Furthermore then there is little for us to do until we have received orders from General Maison or the Ministry of War.

Now as for your proposal regarding the newspaper. If you wish to write an article then you may do so once your current task is completed, if it is a good article I may even send it further to the ministry of war where they may publish it. However you must remember that when you write an article about this issue and to encourage improvement, that only one in four Frenchmen can read, and most of those would wish to be officers. Something we have plenty of as for the time being as evident by our current lack of troops in our divisions compared to officers.

Louis Henri Joseph, Prince de Condé, Duc de Bourbon, Bellegarde, Buise, Marquis de Graville, Comte de Valery, Seigneur de Beaugé, Chantilly, Château-Chinon, Château-Renault, Montluel, Château d'Écouen, etc., also Prince du Sang.


To Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget, Bishop of Montauban (Eid3r - Private)

Your most revered Bishop,

I hope that you will forgive me for writing to you, reverence, but His Highness, the Prince of Condé, has informed me that you do not wish for me to be present in your company during the baptism of my son, which I accept, while I also thank you for doing this honour for my son.

Though it is not the only reason I write to you. As the His Highness’ late wife, the Princess of Condé has recently passed away, I write in hopes that you may ensure that my son gets his birthright. With the news of the passing of the Princess it has become clear that my son, due to the date and hour of his birth, is not born into an adulterous union, and as such under French law is natural born. This gives him clear rights to be the Prince’s heir and a different social status in this kingdom. The Prince himself will not admit it, as he fears that should he recognize it that his estates will be put at risk, that his new son, not born in adultery, will be unable to defend his birthright due to his young age should the Prince pass from this world ahead of time. I cannot as a mother let my son be deprived of what is rightfully his, and I ask that you as the bishop who shall baptize him that you may convince the Prince of the right and proper action in front of God and justice. As you are to deliver the birth certificate that you may acknowledge and write his true date of birth even if the Prince will not. Rather than that which his father insists in hopes that his estate may still remain secure in the hands of his older son born in adultery. I beg that you do this out of the kindness of your heart, and if so that you shall always find me and my son to be perfect friends to your person and the Catholic Church.

- Sophia Dawes
 
((@Syriana))

Dearest Valence,

I hope my courier delivers this correspondence post haste. I have succeeded, this afternoon, in emphasizing the necessity of withdrawing the army of occupation and compelling the officers of state to include your presence in further sessions; I thus beg you to make appearance this evening at my temporary residence, where I will conduct a second informal meeting of the delegates, and make a motion to have the powers withdraw their forces from France, and cease the occupation. You should be sure of your presence, and make address to the Sovereigns and Princes, for I am most certain the mood is ripe for the termination of occupation.

Metternich
Having received Metternich's letter, which was much anticipated, the Marquis de Valence spent the afternoon preparing himself for the encounter. Addressing the entire assembly was not his usual style; he preferred to break them down into their component parts and deal with them in detail. But he had been assured that the audience was receptive, and at any rate he was only being called upon to deliver platitudes for their satisfacton and aggrandisement. This came easily to any minister of France.

"Distinguished delegates,

Thank you for receiving me today. I consider it a singular display of the magnanimity of the European Alliance, that France should be received into your counsel so soon after the cessation of conflict.

We stand at the precipice of a new world. When the Powers assembled in conference at Vienna, it appeared to be an extraordinary event necessitated by an extraordinary conflict, one which has endured for half my life and claimed near-half a million of my countrymen. Yet here we are again, in assembly. I believe that the conference of Vienna did not mark a denouement, but a beginning. It was a recognition that the old and trusted measures for managing the struggle for mastery in Europe were no longer adequate; that the general peace was too great a goal to be left to bilateral manoeuvres. Gentlemen, you stand as plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers, who have been entrusted with the guardianship of peace and order. This is the charge of posterity and Providence, by which shall both be judged.

Since the settlement at Vienna, His Majesty’s Government has been in full compliance with the processes of indemnification, liquidation of claims, and limitation of the armies. Our cooperation with the Alliance is unquestioned. Our relations with the Powers are cordial. As such, I believe that we have demonstrated that the allied army of occupation, once a necessary safeguard against Bonapartist resurgence, is no longer required. As the last relic of the great European war, its withdrawal would mark the final conclusion of that conflict and the return of stability to the continent.

But it is not this matter alone which compels my attendance. I come before you because it is the utmost desire of His Majesty’s Government that France, hitherto – it must be acknowledged – a menace against the security of the continent, should instead be transformed into its defender. Atonement is our policy; we must expiate the sins of Bonapartism by offering ourselves as a champion of law and justice. It is to the good graces of the Powers – indeed, to their forgiveness – that France avails itself. We ask only that you consider our altered policy abroad, reflect upon our collaboration with the Alliance, and accept us once more as a party for peace."
 
Electoral Law: Oui
Reform and Stability Act: Oui

[Minister of the Interior]
[Doctrinaire]
[Social Reformer Mk. II +1 PP / Minister +1 PP]

((Will reply to the letter in the afternoon))
 
-Le Constitutionnel-

On the need for Preservation rather than Perversion.

Someone who go under the name of Publius recently made an essay. Dear reader of France all I can see is this only contribute to greater divides and polarizations in society. Do not fall for the simple attacks of Publius, but focus your efforts to help the famished.

It is true that the poor who lack bread are becoming radicalised. But this is no secret to the Doctrinaires. This very author have many times spoken up for the impoverished Veterans using exactly those arguments. Perhaps now the general population see the hardship of the Veterans as what many of them have endured since 1815 is now spreading to the general population. But this essay will not focus on the Veterans.

As the famine spread lies spread too. I hope all good conservatives can gather behind the much needed reform. I hope they can see that we need moderation and preservation through this reform rather than reaction and perversion.

As that is what this Publius write; a perversion. He, or maybe she, twist the truth to their own gain! This very reform will aim to solve the structural issues behind the famine. Only through that can we solve it permamently and prevent it from resurging. So do not heed his lies!

Another perversion is that it is the current governmemt who are to blame. How convinient for them! Let me ask you: If a man do not take care of his child, then the father pass away and his brother adopt the child. The child is starved, but is the brother to be blamed? Let us not forget the very fact that reactionaru Ultras in ideological zealoutry almost led us to a budget crisis! Let us not forget that thousands were purged in the last Chamber. 30.000 government offices are now vacant. How do you believe this affect the current situation? These men could have prevented the famine or lessened them instead of the ensuring chaos. They could now have helped combat it, instead they are out in the streets starving.

Do not be corrupted by the forces of corruption and perversion. See through their lies. Those who during the last Chamber fought with tooth and Nail to not pass a Budget who would get us out of economical crisis, now blame the new chamber as they intend to help the people! And what do the Deputy of Gers do? He question the Christian morals of this author and if the Counsel know how to run estates! And he attack the only one who sought compromise. Such are their priorities!

And I am sure the good Council and the King work tiressly to end the suffering. This author have pledged the Excellency the War Minister to use soldiers to aid the starving and help with the harvest. I have also petioned the Excellency Minister of the Interior with several plans to relieve the famine. And I am sure the Council work day and night to come to a solution!

So let us unite in this our of need instead of dividing ourselves even more. Let us loon to the future and not the past. Solve the current crisis rather than ripping up old conflicts. Let us choose preservation over pervertation!

-Capitaine e Deputée Lothaire Lécuyer.
 
Electoral Law: Oui
Reform and Stability Act: Oui

[“Rascal”]
[Liberal Independent]
[Pas un chat]
 
Already visibly annoyed--not with Berstett in particular, but due to having to defend Cabinet policies he did not find personally agreeable or useful--the Marshal of France jumped straight to the point to get things over with, "We need action now, and the very honorable gentlemen ought not partake in the same political grandstanding that he has so recently accused my honorable colleague, the Chief Minister, of so doing. When the people are chanting 'Pan! Pan! Pan!', the very honorable gentlemen is insistent on chanting 'Dhuizon! Dhuizon! Dhuizon.' Let the record reflect that this Cabinet has offered legislation to alleviate the famine we find ourselves now suffering, and that the very honorable and very learned gentleman's does not dispute this truth. He rather would claim credit for the ideas entirely, without reference to the Interior Minister's bills.

"Instead, the very honorable and very learned gentleman's proposals would claim that but for refusing to adopt a smattering of proposals he had reported devised during his tenure in office, the famine afflicting France would not have happened. Colleagues, I ask you, do any of us have powers over the weather? Besides prayers to the Lord God what means do we have to fight inclimate weather of historic proportions. Two studies, one that I have ordered as Minister of War on the canal system and another I cite from the Académie des sciences, are plain in stating that even if we were to re-dig the canal system to account for increased traffic needs, the amount of rainfall required to sustain the fullness of transportation this year would be inadequate; in short, colleagues, even if the very honorable and very learned gentleman's proposals were made law they would not have prevented this famine.

"The rest of his proposals of yore are powers already available to the King. Compared to the current Interior Minister's proposals, the very honorable and very learned gentleman's proposals are a rehash of the status quo. We ought not to reward credit for proffering a facsimile, yes? Instead, let us credit the Cabinet for proffering relief proposals of a new and substantive nature."



Your Grace,

I have received your letter of on the matter of the famine, and although our professed politics do differ, I do find myself in agreement that we ought to have a stronger response to the famine gripping much of the countryside. Let me assure you that the Cabinet is doing all it can and working tirelessly to advance a solution to this crisis. The Reform and Stability Act is a fair start--I suppose most of it could actually be put into practice in the next few years--and it can be used as a basis for further cooperation across the spectrum of political belief in France.

While I admittedly find more comfort in the Meditations than the rather political homilies of late, it is the duty of every Christian to contribute to the betterment of his fellow man. I have worked to gather donations for the purposes of alleviating the needs of the families of Army pensioners but I also would gladly contribute to the good Franciscans. Included in this letter is a banker's draft for 50,000 francs to be used to purchase grain to mill into flour for bread, I shall ask my friends among the Marshals of France to offer matching donations.

I also extend an invitation to visit my townhouse in Paris while the legislature is in session. I believe we may find common ground on certain issues for the betterment of veterans and retirees of the Wars and the interests of the clergy.

Sincerely,
M. Saint-Cyr

"Indeed, the Minister is correct - and, indeed, I believe the record shall remain clear that I have supported this resolution in its coming to the floor, but I believe there is a very precise issue here, which the Monsieur has glossed over in an effort to save political face. If, as he claims, there is no guarantee that the proposals which I submitted to Monsieur Dhuizon would have resulted in any mitigation of the crisis which followed their rejection, why is it that the present Minister of the Interior has decided such proposals were so meritorious that he lifted them directly from my own proposal?

"Forgive my indirect manner of speaking, but what I mean to suggest is that, if there would have been no guarantee of the efficacy of my proposals, why is it that the present Council has decided that they would be the most appropriate mechanism for addressing the present crisis - indeed, would it have not been a far better matter for all of His Majesty's subjects to have benefited two years ago? How many lives, I wonder, could have been saved, if even just six months ago we were able to promote a resolution to this catastrophe? While I appreciate that the Minister of War believes the proposals of Monsieur Durand to be of a 'new and substantive nature,' as if my own were not, how can such a bill be of any 'new' sort of nature when it is lifted directly from old proposals?

"I do not mean to make an opposition to the passage of this law. Certainly, I would be a hypocrite for opposing what is ostensibly little more than a somewhat mediocre revision of my own proposal. However, my willingness to pass such a necessary measure is wholly independent of my unwillingness to allow the Comte de Dhuizon, an individual who is, in a significant part, directly culpable for the full scale of this famine and the damage to our administrative structures which it has caused. I see no reason that I ought not be allowed to provide a critique of an individual who has shown himself to not only be a poor judge of long-term trends, but also a slothful individual, incapable of understanding the merits of administrative proposals. In the wholeness of sincerity, I do not believe the Comte de Dhuizon to be a suitable président du conseil, and I believe a whole host of sitting ministers to be better suited to the position.

"If, however, it is the will of the Minister of War that he shall defend the actions of an individual who has jeopardized the stability of the Kingdom of France, it would not be surprising - after all, it would only be another rejection of His Majesty. Perhaps the marshal even sees in Monsieur Dhuizon a new Bonaparte.


"Merci, Monsieur Président."



Alexandre de Berstett,

Député du Bas-Rhin