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Name: Alexandre Louis Desrosiers
Party: Ultraroyalist (Anti-Ministry)
Department: Isere

[Colonel]
[Rapid Riser +1PP]
 
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99KingHigh

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voting closed.
 

99KingHigh

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CHAPTER 7: Montjoie Saint Denis!
(June 1821 - September 1821)


For the past five years, the Ministry had been in a state of ideological constancy and personnel variability. No matter the consistency of the legislature, the Council had been comprised, almost exclusively of gentlemen of the Center-Right and the Center-Left, whether that included compromising Ultra-Royalists or prudent Liberals. King Louis XVIII expected no different from the outcome of this election; the source of this sentiment was the fact that he had been drawn from daily politics on account of his ailments, notably gout and progressive gangrene, and his infatuation with Mme du Cayla (in the service of Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld and Artois), had flattened his acute sense for politics. He had invested his hopes — indeed his final energies — into Valence, and had, like the Lord before him, withdrawn from the deliberations of mortal affairs. Valence’s suspicions of Cayla were not unfounded, and her motivations were questionable, but no effort was taken to dislodge the female favourite from the drawing rooms of the Tuileries. And every day in the weeks leading up to the election, Rochefoucauld would consult with Artois, and compose what would be written by the feminine companion in her correspondences with the King. The matter was further worsened by Artois, who despite his pledge of fealty to Valence, held sympathies quite to the contrary, and although dared not utter them even to other in private, knew that the attainment of national stability by the Ministry had made its existence immaterial to his designs. Nonetheless, under the circumstances, Artois knew that his brother would not hold to his abstention from politics if Monsieur sabotaged the king’s preferred ministry. But Artois’ incapacitation for direct intervention did not prevent the other princes du sang from their own interventions in political affairs.


In love, Sire?
The extreme Left and the extreme Right had sofar agreed to nothing; their principles of governance were incompatible in style and content, and their personalities equally inculcated with an unbelievable ostentation. The king had once remarked (much to the pleasure of his noble guests) that to put La Fayette and Bourget in the same room would “be almost as destructive, almost as catastrophic, almost as amusing, and almost as intolerable as putting Berstett and Saint-Aignan in the same conditions.” The presentation of an amalgamated Ministry had not, as one would anticipate, created a common enemy in the form of Valence; this perhaps was due to the fact that the extreme Right was not epitomized by Bersett, but by gentlemen such as Polignac, and Saint-Aignan, who were loyalists first and foremost to Artois and thus to the ministry. Bersett and La Bourdonnaye therefore constituted the Ultra-Royalist opposition to the ministry, but would never concede their lucidity to an electoral pact with the Liberals, even if de facto their supporters were committed to voting for progressive candidates before ministerial candidates. In the absence of a concord on the floor of the Chamber of Deputies, the princes du sang found their private relations a far more accessible path for accord between different parties. Before the final vote on the budget, Louis-Philippe, duc d’Orléans and Louis VI Henri de Bourbon-Condé formed an alliance of patronage that constituted the most effective bloc of opposition to the Ministry. Both princes owned the devotion of dozens of deputies on account of their generous sponsorships and premier status in Parisian society. Orléans opposed the Ministry by virtue of its policies; the Council was inimical to the ambitions of the Left and had proven more than willing to present laws that contradicted its principles. Bourbon-Condé’s dislike of the Ministry was the result of his personal enmity to Jewish involvement in the Ministry, solidified by his friendly relationship with Archbishop Bourget. By conflicting sympathies, and common enemies, the regal cousins forged the political alliance that their fawners could not.


Princes du sang: Louis VI Henri de Bourbon-Condé and Louis-Philippe, duc d’Orléans
In the intermission between one elected Chamber to the next, Valence assumed the humblest of decorums, deflecting Ultra-Royalist and even Doctrinaire solicitations for the removal of Rothschild, arguing that the prerogative was vested solely in the King. Strictly speaking, Valence was not mistaken, but all men of distintion knew that with one request, Louis XVIII would happily consent to his favorite’s request. Valence preferred, therefore, the “octopus strategy” of governance, whereby the tentacles of government would involve each faction of the Chamber as opposed to guaranteeing the isolation of the Liberals from the organs of political administration. Rothschild, in characteristic fashion, denied to be subdued by the currents of royal opinion, and published a tract of his own principles using the veil of the death of the Baron de L’Aulne as his means of avoiding accusations of blatant electioneering. Rothschild’s personal defense proved advantageous to his own cause, but perhaps did little to ameliorate the Ministry’s chances; the Doctrinaire electors seemed to be drifting towards the Liberal opposition, and only a handful of Dhuizonite candidates, under the political leadership of Henri Bourbon and the patronage of the Comte de L'Isle Jourdain, remained committed to the Ministry. The internal civil war in the Ultra-Royalists gave no more hope to the Ministry as the squabbles between les impatients and les circonspects developed into as much of a personalistic contest as an ideological one. The elections now took place on August 11 in this atmosphere of confusion; the parties had been lackluster in their efforts to rally the local elite and turnout was expected to be low, despite the fact that the enfranchised population was such a concentrated percentage of the total population. [1]


Discussing the election (1821).

The election results proved distressing for the ruling class; the extremes of the ideological spectrum had markedly improved their returns. The doctrinaires and their moderate compatriots, fatigued from a distressful session, were utterly reduced to the minority, while the Liberals advanced their prospects with new seats and political jubilance. By count of the total, the anti-Ministry forces had captured the majority, and achieved the overthrow of the Ministry. Louis XVIII knew that the lengthy reign of the royal favorite was over; neither Angouleme nor Artois needed to throw themselves at the feet of the king. But this did not stop the king’s indignation; Orléans and Bourbon-Condé were cast out from the royal presence and given nothing but a deafening silence. It was after this informal exile from the Tuileries that private emissaries began to arrive from King Louis XVIII demanding the designation of the entire Condé inheritance to Henri Charles Ferdinand Marie Dieudonné d'Artois, duc de Bordeaux, comte de Chambord, and royal investigations of Freemasonry in France. Elsewhere Louis XVIII was overcome with sentiment; with great outward manifestation of ineffable grief, he bade his “dear son” farewell: “Come gaze upon an ungrateful prince who was powerless to defend thee; come mingle thy tears with those of thy most miserable father!” Upon his head he heaped untold honors; minister of state, the dukedom of Valence, ambassador to Vienna. On the day he left, the king gave as the watchword Séverin, the first name of his favorite, and for the password Laubardemont, the style he had formerly accepted. On receiving the comte de Saint-Aulaire, he pointed to the painting of Valence replacing that of Francis I: “That’s all I have left; they can take him from me but they can’t pluck him from my heart...I only let him go to save him!” [2] The loss of election was not the initial cause of the change in orientation of French internal politics. Already, three months before, Valence had to acknowledge the burdens of power were overwhelming his faculties, and recognized the policy of reconciliation between the parties had failed, of which the Left had taken advantage only to prepare more easily the downfall of the government. But events had hastened the outcome; and nothing was performed in a system of isolation.


(L-R)


56 Liberals
114 Moderates
232 Ultraroyalists


We are not amused.

Although the king’s faith had been lost in Condé and Orléans, he knew that Artois had remained technically loyal to the Ministry. By the end of 1821, Louis XVIII was therefore ready to admit that a ministry of the Right, in line with his brother’s wishes, would assure him peace in his old age. Louis XVIII, who knew that Artois had already at hand a substitute ministry, accepted it with indifference, and made what seemed to be a tragic departure from the governance of his country. The first idea of Artois, the main architect of the new ministry, had been to bring back into the government the Comte de Blacas, the former favorite of the king, by appointing him as president of the council and foreign minister. But Saint-Aignan and Bersett objected that he was too unpopular reminded the public of the mistakes of the First Restoration. Instead, some Ultra-Royalists proposed the Duc de Sully, grand master of the Order of Varennes. He was a saintly man, a pillar of the Congregation and all its charities, a noble character, a perfect gentlemen of handsome appearance and agreeable and distinguished manners. But he had been absent for the election, and was thought sick in the countryside[3] and so it was resolved that Sully would not receive the Presidency. Artois now thought it best, as to not lose the confidence of the king, to bring together the elite of the Chevaliers de la Foi, and decide who would lead the next government…

[1] Shame on everyone.
[2] -1 PP to Valence.
[3] I believe the book is called “Lost Illusions.”
--

Ultra-Royalists should IC and order their preference for the next PM. This is not an official ballot, so proceed as you like so long as it makes it clear who you prefer or what your course of action will be. It will close in 24 hours.


Everyone else, it's business as usual; impress me with your ICs, bonuses are incoming this week.



 

Syriana

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((Private - @99KingHigh ))

Addressed to His Most Christian Majesty, Louis XVIII, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre,
courtesy of His Majesty's Household;

Your Majesty,

The outcome of the election shall have been made apparent to you. I shall not dissimulate; it is most distressing. The Chamber is now dominated by those of a hostile disposition to the Ministry. The centre has collapsed almost entirely; the radicals have made significant gains; and though the 'pure royalists' now hold the majority, they are themselves riven between those of the pragmatic and intractable mentalities. It is clear that the Chamber no longer offers a solid bedrock for the Ministry, at least insofar as it now stands.

As your chief minister, I accept full responsibility for this outcome and hereby offer my resignation to His Majesty. It is my direst regret that I should have so disappointed His Majesty in the most significant charge which he has entrusted me. I shall not cast about for scapegoats or drown you in excuses; my errors are mine alone. After a long career in His Majesty's service, I am saddened that it must culminate in such a manner. But I recall with nothing but happiness the many years that preceded it.

Although it matters little now, please allow me to offer a brief vindication of a certain policy, namely my defence of the Minister of Finance, Monsieur de Rothschild. At every moment that opposition has been expressed to the Minister, I have conveyed it to His Majesty. However, I never made recommendation that the Minister should be dismissed. This did not originate from my friendship with Monsieur de Rothschild, of which I have been frank, for we have been in correspondence on this matter and he was quite prepared to surrender his office in exchange for the stability of the Government. No, this was in service to a higher principle: that of the independence of the Government. What was breathtaking in the tenor of the communications I received regarding the Minister was the expectation, bordering on demand, that the request for his dismissal should be automatically satisfied. By complying with a letter of recommendation, I would have assuredly saved the Ministry from destruction - but I would have robbed His Majesty's Government of its autonomy. I pray that whatever successor His Majesty shall deem worthy of my former office shall likewise serve to uphold the Government from the tyranny of factionalism.

I entrust my fate to His Majesty and whatever disposal he shall make of me.


I beg to remain your most humble and obedient servant,

Valence
 

Maxwell500

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(( Private - @99KingHigh ))


Grand Maître de l'Ordre de Varennes
Ordre de Louis XVI 'de Saint'

Monsieur,

I would beg your forgiveness for my absence; I understand it has caused some issue, with the election and other vital matters of state currently in play. It was not however illness as the current rumors depict, but rather my duties as Grand Maître de l'Ordre de Varennes that kept me away.

Following the Banquet of Remembrance, and our raising of funds for His Majesty Louis XVI's beatification, I endeavored to meet with a number of lawyers well versed in canon and church law, to discuss the matter, and then further to arrange a future trip to Rome to see the matter forward, as you wished. This, coupled with a number of smaller events and attempts to align southern nobility to the cause, unfortunately saw me absent for an extended time.

I remain forever a noble friend and supporter to your cause, and that of France's. As such, I stand ready to serve in whatever capacity you would have me: be that in Rome, in Paris, or elsewhere.


Bien amicalement,
 

Sneakyflaps

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Condé read the newspaper that so proclaimed the King’s words about his prior first minister muttering to himself; how disgusting. Sighing at the events which had unfolded, the loss of the King’s favour which in truth was the least annoying part of this new ordeal, as the Prince now spent vastly more time in his Château together with his youngest son as the Prince went hunting, painting, dining and taking part in Philippe’s life. Now then came the tedious part once more as envoys from the King presented themselves to Condé once more. If only being banished in silence from the palace meant actual silence, how better the world would be.

Both of the envoys bowed before Condé before they began to speak “His Majesty would ask you to once mo-“ The Prince raised his hand, cutting off the envoy in the middle of the sentence as Condé himself began to speak.

“Please inform his Majesty that I shall do everything in my power to serve God, my conscience and then of course his Majesty.” Now having told the envoys and in effect His Majesty to sod off, he went on and continued his speech. “Furthermore you can inform his Majesty that none, save the King himself, was more saddened by the fall of the ministry than I. I had a great respect for the Duke of Valence, one which I still hold today and I hope that he shall continue to serve France in the future. In truth I would even support his continued ministry if only it was ridden of our Judas.

Valence if he had so desired, could have appointed another liberal, anyone who was not a Jew would have been an improvement. But instead he stuck to a Minister who not only was Jewish, but twenty-eight years of age upon appointment. Whose first acts not only increased taxation, not only placed a tax for dying, dying in service of his Majesty no less, but also reduced grain tariffs. This Minister worked to the detriment of France whose sole purpose was to benefit a few liberals in the cities, while 95 percent of France was left to rot. We are now to be taxed to death and beyond so that this minister’s Jewish friends abroad can benefit from the suffering of the French people.

Valence was never one for factions, which I at times applaud him for, but it also meant that he had little to rely on when he needed support. All the less when he refused to part with his beloved finance minister who all wanted gone. Had Valence only listened to the request when it was clear that this was no longer a factional issue, but a request which all of France held, then his government would still stand today and His Majesty may still have been happy, which is my deepest wish and desire. Instead now a new government is to form, a government which no doubt shall do their utmost to please his Majesty, but also create unrest were none was needed.

It may be His Majesty’s desire to fault me for the defeat of his government, and if that brings him peace at night then so be it, I shall take the blame so that he can unburden himself with the affairs of state. But if one is to truly look at why the government fell, it is clear to all that the non-commitment of Valence caused it’s lack of support. When a nation cries out for relief, against a single person, to continue holding said individual in high esteem and protection only invites the inevitable. It was a risky play to appoint him to begin with, and it was just plain foolish to keep him when the minister showed blatant disregard for the people of France. It is my dearest hope that his Majesty shall find solace and happiness in the government that shall be formed, that it shall finally provide France with stability and prosperity. That his majesty may see past what he at first considers being an unfavorable outcome, to see that it may in truth be a blessing in disguise.

Now, I wish for both of you to give him my blessing and love to his Majesty, to beg for his forgiveness and for the return of his favour and love, as I am forever more his humble subject, and even in my wrongs have attempted nothing than to please his Majesty, preserve his throne and the future of the dynasty.” The Prince finished, as the butler opened the door behind them and promptly showed them out.
 

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The Palais-Royal, several days after the 1821 election.


The duc de Orléans in the uniform of a Colonel of the Hussars.
Orleans found the outcome of the latest rat race humorous. The Ultras were in the majority but now hopelessly divided while the Left continued to solider on. Louis-Philippe used the King's disfavor, as it excused him from court duties, to entertain more Deputies--Liberals, Moderates, and even Ultras he found useful--to regrow his patronage network for the coming legislative session. Although the Ultras were in the clear majority their internal divisions could prove equally as devastating as the divisions Valence had attempted to paper over. The duc was not personally opposed to Artois, in fact he got along better with him than his brother, the King. If it were not for politics he would have gladly lent his support to a center-right or even right-wing ministry that would commit itself to reversing Valence's Austriacist policies; indeed the the fool loved Vienna so much that the King had appointed him Ambassador to the Hofburg. Alas, the constraints of managing the larger Left would prevent him from following his heart and backing Artois' proxies in the new government completely.

Things had to be rearranged in the Orleans household before the start of the new legislative session. The clamp down on Freemasonry was regrettable but with prominent Masons such as Marshal Moncey denying to fellow brothers his membership in the order, Orleans had to make a quick getaway himself. The Papal bull against Masonry had sparked mass departures of those in high society from public participation in Masonry. Those lodges that remained active were increasingly full of Republicans and other irreconcilables with the Bourbon Restoration. These were not the sorts of individuals that were friendly to Orleans or any aristocrat no matter how profound their commitment to the ideas of liberty. He left his remaining interests in the order to friends not involved in civic life. With Orleans, many other aristocrats and members of the industrious class departed the lodges to ensure continued membership would not be used as a means to muzzle the apostles of freedom through use of the courts.

To further the cause of enlightenment more discipline would be required from the political movements associated with Orleanism. There were some areas where cooperation could be forged with Ultras, particularly on inheritance where women had more rights to dispose and acquire property in the Ancien Regime and on matters of taxation and revenue. Should the certain Ultras, such as Archbishop Deficit, attempt to grow drunk on power and attempt to restore the Ancien Regime in its entirety there was the ultimate veto always present. The masses could not vote but they could rebel. The Left was closer to the pulse of the People than the Right could ever be and knew there were limits to what would be tolerated. Even the King in his own form of wisdom knew this and moderated his own actions.

The incoming ministry in the circles of the Left was seen as a preview of events to come when Artois would take the throne and become King. The signs of reaction would be noted, what would need to be strenuously resisted would be resisted, and Orleans would continue to elevate his stature as a champion of the masses and the Charter. This did require Orleans to use his own powers of "moderation" on the more progressive members of the Left. Woe be unto him that would claim to favor of Orleans and openly criticize the King, Artois, or any member of the Royal Family. Lines had to be drawn, any attacks would have to be indirect. Several of those he had shown favor had crossed the line during the election and even when returned to office, they found a cold reception waiting for them if they called on Orleans for resources or favors. Yet unlike his Ultra rivals he was not unforgiving and with more earnest dedication towards the proper conduct of a member of the Loyal Opposition they could recover Louis-Philippe's good graces.

As for Conde, he remained sympathetic to the troubles he was having in securing his wealth for an heir of his line. The King demanding the Conde wealth go to his grand-nephew was a bit much and the topic of much private gossip. At the same time he continued to remain close with the surviving family of Berry on account of his wife, also a member of the Bourbons of the Two Sicilies. When the time came he decided to broach the subject with Artois in person to keep unity among the Royal Family, for its current composition represented all ends of the political spectrum and to go back to the era of his father--where the divisions were open between the King and the House of Orleans--would be inviting discord and only serve to empower forces most desirous of doing damage to the Monarchy.
 
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Eid3r

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Reims, Following the elections

The returns from the 1821 were quite encouraging for the Ultraroyalists, who, having gained a clear majority, would now be called to form a ministry essentially composed of their own. The elation of the victory had dissipated very quickly for the Metropolitan Archbishop of Reims, who quickly grasped that the end of cohabitation in the Ministry would mean that any public opprobrium to come would lay solely at their feet.

On the outset, things were looking good. The reversal of electoral fortunes, despite a heavily-tilted electoral law towards the bourgeoisie and the more liberal elements of society showed that there was an appetite for conservative royalism. However, the prelate was no fool, the electorate was a microcosm of its own, and the will of the population had to be handled very carefully, for the liberals would tend to agitate the masses at the first occasion, no matter how dangerous playing with such fire could prove to the monarchy.

The Archbishop found himself in a very curious position, being at the head of rather growing block of conservative and religious ultraroyalists, whose rank swelled thanks to his effort in recruiting respected clergymen and pious nobles for the Chamber of Deputies. This influence brought him the shackles of leadership and the necessity to weigh in on important matter in a much more careful fashion.

The first issue would be the discussions surrounding the Presidency of the Council, as it was said that the King was currently weighing different options and open to be weighed upon by the latest gossip and rumours about the ultraroyalist sentiment. In Bourget's view, there would be four contenders for the post: The count of Bertstett, his bitter enemy the Duke of Saint-Aignan, the always affable Prince of Polignac and the Devout Prince of Henrichemont.

The Archbishop's sympathy would have naturally flowed to the Prince of Condé, but his falling out with the King made that option insurmountable, even if having a Prince of the Blood back into the affairs of government would have been difficult enough to pull off. This being said, he was not particularly inclined toward one candidate over another, finding in them much qualities and some flaws.

His main source of worry was the possible split of the majority between the warring factions of Berstett and Saint-Aignan. While these two were deeply divided over the support to the previous ministry, there was some encouragement to the effect that they might agree on politics now that the Ministry was to be ideologically conservative. But that was if, and it was a big if, hubris did not take precedence over practical compromises. Would one accept to serve under the other, this being to concede the laurels of government to the other. Or should another be President of the Council, thus denying both men the object of their ambition? This would only push the resolution of the divide further down the road, and might allow it to grow and consume the incoming Ministry over time, but it might provide enough time to get some reforms done before dysfunctionality.

Such were the thoughts weighing on the minds of the Archbishop as he travelled to Paris for the upcoming session of the Chamber. He knew for certain that, once he would set foot in the capital, he would be courted for his influence by several candidates vying for the control of the Ministry. The perspective did not enthused him, since he saw it as a distraction to the necessary work of reforms that needed to be accomplished. But he would listen, floating the word around that his interest, and that of his block, lied in the fields of educational reform, electoral reform and in the natural industry of anyone wishing to be part of the Ministry, for much vigor was needed for the upcoming legislations to pass the barrage of liberal outrage.

On the way to Paris, in his carriage, the prelate wrote letters. Interestingly enough, he first wrote to a distinguished member of the nobility whose affection was more to the liberal cause. Quelle ironie.
 

Dadarian

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l'Élan Journal
Defense Expansion of the Franchise (Deux)

The expansion of the franchise is a subject once broached by this fine and fair journal prior to an unfortunate disaster at our press. In 1818, only some three years ago, we published an article defending the expansion of the franchise as a necessary reform within this nation in order to instill a righteous duty upon the lower classes, giving them a way to give their opinion and voice to those that so honourably defend and protect us. Now, three years later, in the wake of yet another election due to the infighting of politicians within Parliament, we are forced to yet again print a defense of the expansion of the franchise.

This latest election was done in a subject of sloth by those in the nobler classes, due to their attention being elsewhere or in private company during much of the election. Even though the electorate of France remains in the limited hands of the aristocracy, higher clergy, and higher administrators, the entire affair was done in a lacklustre and confused fashion, as some electors weren't even aware of the election until the day of the vote. To wit the primary writer of this journal, a devout and politically active man, stood as a deputy for Toulouse in solidarity with the forces such as Saint-Aigan, the comte d'Artois, and the prince du Conde. This resulted in a response that one needed to pay some 1000 francs, the yearly income of the average Compagnonnage, to even vote. The owner of this journal may be a highly literate and wealthy mans by the low standards of the urban poor, however even he was unable to pay, as the payment is roughly six months of income.

That such a dedicated individual to the cause of the King should be turned away for the sole fact that he is unable to pay to inordinate amount of money that the fee requires is a testament to the current electoral laws. While some might argue that these laws protect the King from the rather putrid nature which is the lower classes, he should not be afraid. The King is a beloved figure to the lower classes, and the expansion of the vote to them will allow them to prove their loyalty and defend his honour from all comers that seek to undermine his authority.

The sadness which the owners feels in being unable to stand in Parliament, defending the principles of the people of Toulouse from the liberals that seek to see noble obligesse replaced by a laissez faire system unfeeling towards those that need to be protected, is uncountable. The expansion of the franchise, by lowering the fees needed in which to vote to a reasonable number, is a necessary reform that is much in keeping with the defense of the Royalty, which defines the upcoming government.
 

MadMartigan

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May 15, 2017
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((PRIVATE))

Celebrating his election as a Deputy for Bouches du Rhone from his Marseilles company office, his former family estate, Deputy Thibaut Duval kicked up his feet on his desk.

With the new corporate laws, Duval Company was no longer truly a presence, simply an extension of his own name and liability. As satisfying as Charbon Francaise was to co-chair, he would have to do something about that for his traditional silk concerns.

One of his agents scurried in and deposited a portfolio, his private "Intelligencer", laying out the recent election and the strongest political actors in France...

1821 election version 2.png


"Too little too late. Some of these men have been ruined politically, others are stronger than this would suggest."

He would have to do something about his network of agents. While he managed this election the way he had elected his croney deputy in the past, on bribes and backroom deals, in the future he would work through philanthropy as a respectable industrialist - no longer a mere 'merchant' who produced nothing and only moved things from place to place, attempting to gain the upper hand on 'honest Frenchmen'.

Scribbling notes on the back of the portfolio he came to his conclusions about the freshly churned political scene in the Kingdom:

- The Ultras: Will they remain disunited or scramble back together for posts in the new RIGHT "honorable" Ministry? ((Even the anti-ministry alone are 12PP, another 8 with the "pro-ministry" set but some of them will probably remain in the centrist court of Henri Bourbon so to speak))
- Henri Bourbon and Duc Orleans, so similar but so opposed to one another. They will each rebuild their factions, having articulated specific philosophies in the press, but right now they are each weak and isolated.
- Lecuyer and the Liberals, practically one in the same. ((9PP))
- Valence, alone as ever
- Col. Barrande, long the Count of Jourdain but only newly wealthy. Politicized despite his military neutrality, he opposed the centrist Ministry. But where would he go? And will his wealth ever translate into greater political power?

The overall prognosis? Not good. The Ultra-Royalists, who now hold the ministry and hold the power to unite themselves with patronage and the King's approval, are if anything twice as powerful as any other political faction in France. Time would tell if Orleans and Bourbon could separately attract enough of the formerly pro-Ministry Ultra-Royalists to diminish the potentially crushing might of the Right.



 

99KingHigh

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The BLOODY history of ORLÉANS!

an ANONYMOUS tract[1]


Know this, men of France: beneath the cloak of rectitude he casts over himself, the Duke of Orleans stands traitor, hypocrite, and murderer. His family's legacy is one of treachery and butchery, so it is little surprise that the traitor-prince engages in those very same practices today. Be warned, men of France: he who claims to be your savior shall yet be your betrayer!

All Frenchmen know of how Orleans' traitorous father forsook his name and heritage so that he could embrace the murderous tide of the Revolution! Few know, however, that this was not an act of moral principle or shared belief! But when confronted with the alluring specter of seizing the crown for himself, he could not resist! He cast aside all restraint, all moral decency, and slew his very own kinsman, the martyred King Louis, all to be anointed himself!

Alas for the arch-traitor, for his own son's cowardice would doom him in the end. As he slew his own kinsman, so by his son's flight from France and into the Austrians' warm embrace was he condemned to die. It was entirely within Louis-Philippe's power to return and exonerate his father, to take up responsibility for the accusations against him, but instead he showed his yellow belly and fled! And so his father died for the actions of his own son.

Ever since that day, the murderous, treacherous vision of the House of Orleans has been held by Louis-Philippe, who even now pretends to be of the people and of the Left while concealing his true disdain for all around him. His sole desire is the Crown of France, that which his father was denied by his own weakness, and nothing will stand in his way to achieve it.

Not even the beloved Duke of Berry, France's favorite son, would be allowed to stand between Louis-Philippe and his dream of royal power. The entire Orleans clan was present at the Duke's tragic assassination, hovering close-by to ensure that their carefully selected knife-hand would do the job properly, and attended the Duke until his dying breath so that they'd know the job was done. But even their vile schemes did not account for the Count of Chambord, beloved Henri, who now stands as an obstacle between them and ultimate authority over France!

Citizens of France, wake up! The snake coils upon itself within your very home! It nests beneath your very bed! The warmth you feel is not shared belief or love, but the constricting coils of the viper! Just as your brothers and sisters, your aunts and uncles, your fathers and mothers, died in the scourge of the Revolution, so will the House of Orleans offer up your children as a blood sacrifice to their ambition! Be ready!

[1] Not written by me.
 

99KingHigh

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((Also, front page has been updated, and civil society thing will be posted later as will a Spanish thing.))
 

MadMartigan

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((Private: @Davout @Luftwafer ))

Business of the Board of Charbon Francais, SA

20170607_145835 - Copy.jpg


Members of the Board:
Monsieur Jacques de Rothschild
Col. Jean-Luc Gottoliard
Monsieur Thibaut Duval


Members of the Board, let's discuss our priorities French Coal this quarter. Monsieur-Colonel, would you please lay out your plans and cost projections for the necessary improvements to the Aniche and Ronchamp mines in order to bring them back into full operation?
 

99KingHigh

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((A Note: anyone who voted Ultra-Royalist can take their position on the Presidency.))
 

Cloud Strife

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The BLOODY history of ORLÉANS!

an ANONYMOUS tract[1]


Know this, men of France: beneath the cloak of rectitude he casts over himself, the Duke of Orleans stands traitor, hypocrite, and murderer. His family's legacy is one of treachery and butchery, so it is little surprise that the traitor-prince engages in those very same practices today. Be warned, men of France: he who claims to be your savior shall yet be your betrayer!

All Frenchmen know of how Orleans' traitorous father forsook his name and heritage so that he could embrace the murderous tide of the Revolution! Few know, however, that this was not an act of moral principle or shared belief! But when confronted with the alluring specter of seizing the crown for himself, he could not resist! He cast aside all restraint, all moral decency, and slew his very own kinsman, the martyred King Louis, all to be anointed himself!

Alas for the arch-traitor, for his own son's cowardice would doom him in the end. As he slew his own kinsman, so by his son's flight from France and into the Austrians' warm embrace was he condemned to die. It was entirely within Louis-Philippe's power to return and exonerate his father, to take up responsibility for the accusations against him, but instead he showed his yellow belly and fled! And so his father died for the actions of his own son.

Ever since that day, the murderous, treacherous vision of the House of Orleans has been held by Louis-Philippe, who even now pretends to be of the people and of the Left while concealing his true disdain for all around him. His sole desire is the Crown of France, that which his father was denied by his own weakness, and nothing will stand in his way to achieve it.

Not even the beloved Duke of Berry, France's favorite son, would be allowed to stand between Louis-Philippe and his dream of royal power. The entire Orleans clan was present at the Duke's tragic assassination, hovering close-by to ensure that their carefully selected knife-hand would do the job properly, and attended the Duke until his dying breath so that they'd know the job was done. But even their vile schemes did not account for the Count of Chambord, beloved Henri, who now stands as an obstacle between them and ultimate authority over France!

Citizens of France, wake up! The snake coils upon itself within your very home! It nests beneath your very bed! The warmth you feel is not shared belief or love, but the constricting coils of the viper! Just as your brothers and sisters, your aunts and uncles, your fathers and mothers, died in the scourge of the Revolution, so will the House of Orleans offer up your children as a blood sacrifice to their ambition! Be ready!

[1] Not written by me.
Palais-Royal, Paris

A nervous looking deputy strolls in the office of Jean-Antoine-Philippe Dentend, the bastard son of the late duc de Montpensier and thus Orleans' nephew. He was one of the many who had gone "too far" in their criticisms of the Royal Family and was working on regaining Louis-Philippe's favor, "For the consideration of his Highness, this is the latest tract the street urchins are handing out. It bears no signature or printer's affirmation..."

"Yes, yes, we see dozens of these every week," cheerfully replied Jean as he motioned to a clerk to file the document away and prepare the necessary forms for a complaint to the Interior Ministry. "Many print shops are out of work with the end of the election and regardless of their owners affiliations, would gladly take on any work that pays coin. However, the ferocity of this tract suggests that it was written by some Ultra reactionary. There are many variations of Ultra accusations against our good Orleans, that he is an English spy and his father was the late Frederick, Prince of Wales, that he is Napoleon and the Bonaparte buried on St Helena is a body double, that he is a creature from the 'Hollow Earth' with designs to conquer our 'surface world,' and so on and so forth.

"You surely have encountered the more scurrilous tracts on the Ultras? They're really no better in content. For your troubles you may come to the good Orleans' noontime reception. I trust you will moderate your words, Deputy. We mustn't let the gains of the last election come to nothing when the Ultras attempt to muzzle our speech using these new press laws."
 

Marschalk

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To the Count of Artois ((@99KingHigh - Private))​

Monsieur,

Upon receiving your letter my decision to support the Marquis de Valence, even despite my severe qualms about some of the members of his government, has solidified. What is good enough for you, the first Prince of the Realm and the leader of all loyal forces, would always be good enough for me. Like the vassals of old, I have long ago pledged myself to your course - and would follow it until my death.

However, Fate has spoken - and the Valence Ministry has fallen. We should move forward.

Since in the days that would come His Most Christian Majesty would make his decision on the new Council of State and its President and he would most certain listen to the wise advise of Monsieur, I would dare to share some of my thoughts on the subject, full of hope that they would be of use to the King, Your Highness, France and the pure royalists.

It is for me almost certain that it is very important that the King to picks a practical person. We do remember what happened when Comte de Dhuzoine, a philosopher and a writer, took the reigns of powers. If my life has taught me something, it is that administration is tedious work, not something done at times of leisure, as reading a book is. The Marquis de Valence has executed his duties professionally and diligently - and there immediately came a positive change in policies.

Secondly, I believe that is important that the new President of the Council to be truly acceptable to our Sovereign, not only politically, but personally. We all do know that the resignation of the Marquis de Valence has been a great personal loss to His Most Christian Majesty. Therefore the new President of the Council should not, in my opinion, be someone, who has taken active measures in order to benefit from the fall of Valence. In other case, there would be constant hostility between the King and his principle magistrate which would greatly damage the government.

I also believe that there is an important issue, to which one cannot give a one-sided solution. Having great trust in the Marquis de Valence, the King has allowed him to nominate all of the Ministers of State. However, did it really serve the purpose of the unity of the Council? On the other hand, the respect towards the Ministers of State has lessened, for they were often seen as not the Ministers of the Crown, but as Ministers to Marquis de Valence. It indeed does raise a certain question - should indeed the President of the Council have such wide prerogative over his fellow Ministers? This is why, should I have been asked, I would have advised the King to return to the system of individual appointments - under which each Minister would depend more from the King than from the chief magistrate.

However, it is only up to the Monarch to decide whether he wants to delegate more or less to this or that President of the Council - and probably would depend from the candidacy of the President of the Council in question.

I sincerely hope that these qualifications would be met and a new government would last longer than a previous one.

I remain your faithful servant,

SAINT-AIGNAN


To the Duc de Valence ((@Syriana - Private))​

My dear Valence,

A true friend stand by his own not when they are in power, but, at all times, especially ones of trouble However, knowing that you never had Presidential ambitions, I believe that the current situation is for you a simply change of circumstances. I want to tell you that I find your resignation to be a sad occurrence - when your Ministry has existed, you have livened it with the energy of diligence and practicality, doing everything in order to execute your duties towards the King with distinction.

While I still believe that the question of Minister of Finance should have been solved with more energy, I do understand that you value the principle of the independence of government, which is dear to me as well. And now, when I see another Council brought down because of the happenings in the Chamber, I must tell you I have mixed feelings. Surely, I am proud of the electoral victory of the pure royalists - and yet I have seen a case when the Chamber once again was stronger than the Ministry. It makes me worry - if the support in the legislature would influence the executive so much, would not it in the future degrade the executive and, in the end, the Crown, from the powers of the executive emanates?

However, let us leave such debates to philosophers.

I must say that my offer that you visit my estate stands. Hopefully you would not refuse to spend some time in fresh air, before you have to leave for Austria.

I most faithfully remain,

SAINT-AIGNAN
 
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TJDS

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Flag of the Greek Revolutionaries and the Société Philhellénique

Société Philhellénique française


Ελευθερία ή θάνατος
Liberté ou Mort
After hearing of the gruesome realities faced by the Greek people in their Independence Struggle, Victor Durand returned to Paris from the political wilderness after a self-imposed exile following his resignation from the Dhuizon Ministry to advocate the cause of the Greek freedom fighters with fellow Philhellenes in Academia, the Arts and the Greek Diaspora. The following was part of a pamphlet printed and spread to all meaningful organisations and person to advocate the cause:

"The struggle for independence of the Greek People against their Turkic Oppressors is one which cannot be ignored by any Nation or People claiming to be civilized. The great contributions of Athenian Democracy, found in the words Pericles and Solon, Greek Poetica and Historica, found in works Homer and Herodotus, and Greek Philosophy, found in wisdom of Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, to Western Society, forever indebted us to them. Like their ancestors, the Greeks have raised in defence of their Western Culture and Values against a numerically superior but morally inferior foe, and as all Greeks joined together to defeat the barbaric tyrant Xerxes and his Persian Hordes at Salamis and Thermopylae, all descendants of their wisdoms, works and words, all Western Societies should join together to defeat the tyrant Mahmud and his Turkic Hordes.”

“However, as their descendants struggle on amidst the murderous barbarisms committed by the Turkic Mohammedans and their Arab allies, the Western Great Powers, including our own Kingdom, fail to assist both our cultural and intellectual brethren in this time of great peril. It is with this in mind that we call upon all good friends of the Greeks, Wisdoms and Civilization to join the Société Philhellénique française to assist the Greek People in their struggle for independence and the restoration of their people to the forefront in the March of Civilization.”


The French Philhellenic Society had three main aims: encourage French intervention on behalf of the Greek Freedom Fighters and break Ottoman resistance to an independent Greece, funding and arming the Greek army, and educating the French public of the great feat of the Greek People and encourage Greco-French ties so that a future Greek State would be friendly to and agreeable with French diplomatic and economic interests.

To the first end, the politicians among the Société would be encouraged to take up the Greek cause either in public and in private with the Government to convince them of the importance and benefits of French Intervention, indeed, one of the founders of the Society, Victor Durand would do so openly in the Chamber of Deputies on various occasions. To the second end, the Society would organise galas and other beneficiary celebrations to move the influential members and friends of the Society in banking and the arms industry to trade with the Greek fighters on favourable terms. The last end, the Society would fund the republishment of Jean-Jacques Barthélemy’s Travels of Anarcharsis the Younger in Greece from 1788, a learned imaginary travel journal, which had already greatly impacted the growth of philhellenism in France. The Society also sponsored public lectures on the Greek contributions to Western Society in many large French cities to encourage support.

Members:
Victor Durand, Député et Préfet du Nord - Founder - ((TJDS))
François Paul Bournier, comte de Pontécoulant, General de division - ((Korona))
Nathanaël Barrande, comte de l’Isle-Jourdain, Colonel dans l'armée de France - ((Naxhi))
Louis-Philippe d'Orléans, duc d'Orléans - ((Cloud Strife))
Arnaud Alexandre Saint-Maurice de Loritz, comte de Berstett, Ministre de l'Intérier - ((Firehound))
Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget, Archbishop of Reims - ((Lochlan))
 
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TJDS

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Letter to the Office of Monsieur de St. Germain
Private - @Dadarian

Dear Monsieur,

In eager hope of response, I beg that you forgive my addressing you so directly. In order not to further waste Monsieur's time, allow me to make a brief account of myself. I am the Chairman of the the Société Philhellénique française in Paris and a Member in the Chamber of Deputies. It has come to my attention that you retain an interest in the affairs of the Greek people and their great gifts to Western Civilization, it is therefore that I address this letter to you. I would like to invite you to the Hôtel de Papineau on the forthcoming Saturday where the Société Philhellénique française shall have its monthly discussion on the state of the Greek cause and the efforts of the Société to assist it, as I would believe it to be interesting to your person, as a friend of the Greek gifts to civilization.

Please deign to accept, Sir, this expression of my most humble sentiments,

Victor Durand,
Chairman of the Société Philhellénique française
Préfet et Député du Nord

 

Ab Ovo

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The Crown v. Grégoire

Attorney General: "In October of 1820, Henri Grégoire established Le Coeur du Peuple, a newspaper. Its inaugural article, 'On recent events,' was authored by the self-same Henri Grégoire, according to that article's byline. Upon presenting the warrant for Henri Grégoire's arrest, officers of the Sûreté discovered the printing press and other relevant equipment within Grégoire's private domicile. As such, Henri Grégoire is established as the owner and proprietor of Le Coeur du Peuple and the author of 'On recent events.'

In the aforementioned article, Grégoire refers to His Highness Prince Metternich as 'His most glorious majesty, the Emperor of Europe.' He further refers to the assembled kings of Europe as 'self-interested autocrats' and their behavior as 'petty machinations.' Such remarks are offensive to the dignity and the public respect of both the kings of Europe, who are foreign sovereigns, and to His Highness Prince Metternich, who serves as the chief of a foreign government.

Grégoire further referred to His Excellency the Marquis of Valence as one who "dances and bobs to the tune" of His Highness Prince Metternich. Such a remark is offensive to the dignity and public respect of His Excellency, who as the President of the Council of State is an agent of the public authority. Furthermore, that remark is directed against His Excellency's acts as connected to his function as such an agent.

In the closing of his article, Grégoire states that 'a father who shirks his responsibilities must prepare for the inevitable revolt of his children,' that 'an intervention in the constitutional orders of sovereign nations is a slap in the face of the people and will be treated in kind,' and concludes by stating 'And then, the guillotines!' These remarks are offensive in the extreme to His Majesty the King, to whose policies Grégoire refers, and the call for both 'treatment in kind' and for the guillotines constitutes a direct threat to the safety of His Majesty, the royal family, and the Kingdom as a whole.

The context in which Grégoire delivered such remarks cannot be ignored. Grégoire himself presided over the Convention in which King Louis XVI was murdered. He has publicly and slanderously referred to the murdered King as 'Louis Capet.' He has expressed little remorse for his actions. Though Grégoire has been pardoned for his crimes and offenses, such a pardon only protects him from the direct consequences of those actions, and his most recent offenses must be considered in light of his prior offenses.

In the subsequent proceedings, I shall call witnesses who will attest to Grégoire's ownership of Le Coeur du Peuple, his authorship of 'On recent events,' and the inflammatory and dangerous nature of his remarks.

I thank you for your time."
M Rastignoc stood and tried to ignore the nervous bead of sweat trickling down his forehead. Rastignoc was himself freshly delivered from the halls of law school, and had yet to cut his teeth on anything substantial despite his fervent wish that that not be the case. As he looked out before the court and felt the oppressive judicial gaze settle upon him, he silently cursed his own ignorance. Showtime.

"I thank the esteemed gentleman for his summation of His Majesty's case against the accused. And likewise I thank those witnesses who testified as to my client's ownership of the paper in question along with his authorship of the aforementioned article. Although Fr Grégoire has never disputed the facts of either, their willingness to testify in a matter of His Majesty's justice is of course laudable. I will now proceed to explain the position of the defense as related to the charges brought before this court.

I find it curious that the prosecution believes that Fr Grégoire's comments concerning both M de Valence and M Metternich are in any way meant to be deleterious to the reputation or esteem of either. My clients holds only the most profound respect for the Prime Minister and, as well, bears nothing but sincere goodwill towards His Highness -- a fact which is immediately evident to any reader who does not wish to deliberately accuse Fr Grégoire. It is the contention of the defense that Fr Grégoire's comments were in fact written with the express intent of honouring both men. Well-learned men such as the gentlemen of the court are of course versed in the tradition of the panegyric: a text lauding, with fulsome praise, the character of to whom it is written. My client's reference to His Highness is clearly placed within the context of that tradition; indeed, how can it be otherwise when a priest refers to the acclamation of the heavens? Fr Grégoire meant only to convey the exalted status of His Highness the Prince within the eyes of the Continent. As concerns M de Valence, an overwrought figure of speech regarding the closeness of the Prime Minister and His Highness in matters politic does not an insult make.

More curious still is the contention of the prosecution that Fr Grégoire referred to Their Majesties the Sovereigns of Europe with his denunciation of, and I am quoting directly here from the text of the article, 'the petty machinations of self-interested autocrats'. Indeed having publicly acknowledged his authorship of these remarks my client cannot be said to reject them and neither does he intend to. Rather it is the position of the defense that such remarks are directed more generally toward the aristocratic classes of Europe as a whole -- persons who Fr Grégoire, as he himself will freely admit, considers to be a race of self-interested autocrats who openly lobby against the will of the people. But unless new legislation has been put into effect it is simple fact that the nebulous aristocratic 'class' of an entire continent is not by law immune to derision or criticism. The opinion that my client in any way wished to insult or even merely disagree with the crowned heads of Europe directly is manifestly absurd. Rather it is their subjects with whom he takes issue and through no fault of Their Majesties whatsoever. If the court would excuse me for saying so I do not believe that His Majesty, in his giving assent to the press laws, intended to enable French citizens to be fined or imprisoned for remarks made against faceless, nameless foreign landowners.

Finally I am forced to address the insinuations made by the prosecution that Fr Grégoire meant in any way to threaten His Majesty the King, or the Royal Family. Such an idea is patently ridiculous and frankly offensive to the dignity of my client as a man of the cloth. The plain meaning of the text is clear as it stands, but is made even more obvious by the author's reference to the "imperative that the warning bells be sounded". These 'warning bells' allude to the article itself and it's raison d'etre: namely to warn that if the popular will is continually ignored in the fashion which the article alleges, there will be consequences. Fr Grégoire then reiterated an obligation commonly known to all men -- the paternal duty of sovereigns toward their subjects' welfare -- before continuing to warn of the consequences which shirking that duty would bring. Those consequences do, yes, include the guillotine. However it is extraordinarily evident that my client's intention is one of loyalty, wishing to dissuade the mighty sovereigns of Europe from their erroneous ways out of fear of the consequences. To say that the article "calls for" these consequences is overwrought nonsense. Furthermore, to say that there is any threat to His Majesty or the Royal Family completely ignores the respect and lavish praise that was afforded to His Most Christian Majesty throughout the article -- which makes it quite clear that my client would never wish to see harm come to His Majesty and his family.

In conclusion I wish to briefly examine the stated charges brought against my client in tandem with the position of the defense:




    • Violation of Chapter 1, Articles II and IV, for seditious remarks capable of inciting revolutionary violence.
As I hope to have demonstrated, Fr Grégoire did not pen his remarks with the intent of sedition or the incitement of revolution. Rather he wished, out of the respect for the monarchial institutions of Europe, to warn the crowned heads thereof of a potential danger in the face of their policies.



    • Violation of Chapter 3, Article IX, for seditious remarks that constitute a danger to His Majesty the King.
As is evident throughout the tone and text of the entire article, which contains copious positive references to His Majesty, Fr Grégoire had no intention whatsoever of being a danger to His Majesty. Indeed, even the remarks of the final paragraph are directed toward the heads of foreign kingdoms and not toward His Majesty; whom he had previously referred to as "our great and benevolent monarch". My client instead used the article to laud the system given to us by His Majesty and urge it's adoption elsewhere. To say that my client intended to inexplicably threaten His Majesty in an article which otherwise praises him is the height of foolishness.



    • Two violations of Chapter 4, Article XII, for offensive remarks directed at foreign monarchs in general and at the head of a foreign government specifically.
    • Violation of Chapter 5, Article XVI, for offensive remarks directed at His Excellency the President of the Council of State.
This does not need substantial elaboration beyond my earlier comments. The contention of the prosecution that Fr Grégoire referred to foreign monarchs with his remark about 'petty autocrats' is firstly incorrect as well as being nothing but a blatant extrapolation without any clear basis in fact. Likewise the comments about His Highness the Prince and the Prime Minister were meant as nothing more than effusive praise bedecked in the colourful language of rhetorical tradition.

I thank the court for their time."

((sorry this took so long, it's been a busy week))
 

Korona

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From the Desk of General François Paul Bournier, Comte de Pontécoulant
Addressed to Claude-Jospeh de Béthune, Duc de Sully
((Private - @Maxwell500 ))
Honored Sir,

I wish to preface this letter with an expression of admiration and respect for you and you storied lineage. Without your ancestors, France would not be in the place it is in today, with a just monarch, united under God's will. With these tenets in mind, I have been plagued by doubt about the future of France lately. Without proper legislative leadership, the influence of liberals and Jewish bankers could steer our great country back into the pits of republicanism and revolution, something I shudder to think of. Monsieur, it is paramount that you step up and put on a show of the same charismatic leadership as your ancestor, Maximilien de Béthune, 1st Duke of Sully. I have nothing but faith in you, your esteemed mind, and your competence, and I urge you to lead France ever triumphantly into the future, under the banner of HIs Majesty. This is a time when strong leadership is needed, and I have no doubt you can provide that.

Ever your servant,
General François Bournier
Comte de Pontêcoulant