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Saint-Aignan Proposition for Electoral Annulment and Exclusion: Oui
Proposition on Militias: Oui

[Independent]
[Colonel and Peer]
[None]

-Nathanaël Barrande, Comte de L'Isle Jourdain
 
La Perle


Ou ; mémoires d'un voyage
à la recherche d'un pays perdu,
en réponse aux hommes de lettres infernals,
dont les réclamations ont mis en désordre
l'équilibre des forces naturel.


La Perle is a volume of the collected writings of French man of letters Alexandre Cazal, produced during his stay in Haiti between 1817 and 1819, and first published unabridged in August 1819. Following the publication of his previous book, the novel Aporie, Cazal travelled to Saint-Domingue in September 1817, motivated in part by a desire to escape some of the notoriety Aporie had brought him. Although intended to present the natural condition of the gens de couleur as dignified, in contrast to the various stereotypes held at the time by Europeans, be they exoticised or prejudiced, Cazal had inadvertently sparked a resumption of the debate on the on the political status of Saint-Domingue, still independent and under Black rule after its secession from France during the Revolutionary period. In the summer of 1817, Cazal was commissioned by radical liberal journal Le Constitutionnel to write a series of essays on the political situation in the former colony, at that point divided between the neo-feudal Kingdom of Haiti in the north and the ambiguously authoritarian Republic of Haiti in the south. The result was a unique insight by a sympathetic Frenchman—albeit, and perhaps more accurately, a ‘reconstructed’ man of colour—into the workings of a society still very much alien to Europeans.

Cazal stayed in Haiti for eighteen months, financed initially by Le Constitutionnel, though soon forced to live off his own means owing to the precarity of the journal's financial situation. He lived first in his birth town of Port-au-Prince, now the capital of the new Republic. Over a three-month period, he became acquainted with various members of the ruling circle of Jean-Pierre Boyer—aided, ironically, by his notoriety, which had reached the Antilles and manifested itself as a fierce admiration. Eventually meeting Boyer himself, Cazal integrated himself within Haitian high society so as to chronicle the workings of the government. The result was his first collection of essays sent back to Le Constitutionnel, serialised between January and March 1818, in which he first describes briefly, but astutely, the history of Haiti's government since the fall of Dessalines, before going on to offer an in-depth analysis of the workings of the Republic. Cazal passed comment on his disappointment in finding the Republic to be unstable and perpetually bordering on insolvency, criticising in particular the disjunct between the liberal values on which it was founded and the illberal reality caused by its penury. He also passed judgement on the regime for resorting to autocracy in the face of a troublesome legislature, adding here a cautionary discursus for the benefit of the Bourbon regime in France, which he feared could be easily tempted into doing the same. At the same time, he praised the government's ability to remain tolerant in spite of its various difficulties, drawing contrast with other historical regimes quick to scapegoat in times of trouble.

After spending time in the company of the government, Cazal left Port-au-Prince in midwinter to tour the Republic's countryside, meeting subsistence farmers and other Haitians removed from the politics of the capital. His next series of essays, serialised in France in spring 1818, largely abandoned political moralising to focus instead on the reality of ‘colonial’ life. Here, as had been preluded in Aporie, Cazal writes in a distinct humanistic voice, making no attempt to romanticise or aggrandise his subjects beyond their innate dignity as free citizens. By way of example, extracted below is a small portion of Cazal's account of a day spent helping a peasant farmer in his work on the Massif de la Hotte:

It is hot. Not since my childhood have I known such heat, permeating the very essence of my being so that, out here, removed from the relative gentility of Port-au-Prince, I feel myself equally removed from all pretensions of Europe. This is a foreign land. Its trees and its landscapes would hold no sway over the artistic sensibilities of the Parisian salon. This is a landscape that titillates the tastes of home, whose presence is active, alive—which lives, not in the way that the forests of France live as on occasion the hunt rushes through, the animals aroused to action, but constantly, through confrontation with each and every peasant who works it. Here, its life is mundane. It feeds through the modest bounty of its harvests. Its true sustaining power is felt only through the vigour inspired by its inevitable vibrancy, so ubiquitous as to become insensible, save to those attuned, as out here one must be, to its sublime power.

Jacques-Anne and I sit amongst its densest regions, taking shelter from the Sun by retreating from his clearing back into the forest. We lunch with no great ceremony, Jacques-Anne having picked for us both some corn and beans which we now eat, their fields still close by. Later, at dinner, our diet will be supplemented by spinach and sweet potato. During work in the afternoon, when even in January the air can hang over us at over twenty degrees Réaumur. This is only amplified by the work itself, which in the light breeze afforded to us this morning was assuaged slightly. Ordinarily, it is far from my gentle labour of writing, which now more than ever I know to be know labour at all—my hands, fragile from a leisured Parisian existence, were unprepared for the work of scything and threshing. Jacques-Anne, meanwhile, is well aware of the respect he must pay to his craft—and which I, in turn, pay to him. His hands are balmed by callouses, strong but not rough, smoothed by years in this clearing, engaged in the yearly cycle of sowing and reaping, for no reward but his own continued freedom of existence.

Having worked across the Republic's rural regions, Cazal moved in May 1818 to Milot, seat of the autocratic monarchy of Henri Christophe, self-styled Henri I. Cazal's default position on the present attempt at monarchy, Haiti's second, was contempt, viewing it as unfortunate that the desire for self-rule should lead to the desire for self-subjugation. He was also scathing of Henri's system of ‘fumage’, a revivified feudalism that bound all able-bodied men into service producing goods for the kingdom's fledgling economy. Essays from this period were eagerly received back in Paris, attracting a premium from Le Constitutionnel in June 1818 before being syndicated in Le Censeur in the autumn. French society was amused by Cazal's revelations of a society forced to institute slavery by the backdoor to ensure its won survival, with some conservative writers and politicians taking this as evidence that Haiti could not rule itself, or else that slavery or servitude was the ‘natural’ state of the Haitians. Dismayed by this reaction, Cazal produced a series of essays in the autumn in which he compares the situation in Haiti to the situation of the Ancien Regime, exposing the hypocrisy of finding Black Haitians abhorrent for instituting a feudal society, yet supporting a French monarchy that sustained a similar system until both were felled by the Revolution. Cazal therefore attacked the illiberality of Haitian society whilst emphasising such illiberality was by no means grounds for reconquest of the island, or proof that the Haitains were any less civilised than the French.

At the end of 1818, Cazal sent his final essay to Le Constitutionnel: an account of his meeting with Henri I. Henri received Cazal warmly, admiring the writer as a successful Haitian. Possibly seeing the potential for Cazal to help shore up his regime, which was by now starting to crumble, Henri made the eccentric decision to create Cazal ‘Chevalier de l'Outremer’ within his Haitian peerage, with a view to retaining him as a major court figure. Cazal, while gracious enough not to reject the king outright, never used his dubious title—save on occasion when writing feuilletons in the dailies under the pseudonym ‘Outremer’. Regardless, Cazal's account presented Henri in a light less sympathetic than empathetic. His vanity was exposed, yet not to the detriment of his love of Haitian independence. Cazal ruffled feathers by drawing comparison between the Haitian monarch and certain members of France's own peerage—vain to the point of blindness, yet, even if misguided, patriotic in their delusion.

Cazal left Milot in February 1819 and returned to Port-au-Prince, where he stopped writing essays in favour of prose and, notably, verse. Cazal's prose here manifested itself as short vignettes of Haitian life, drawing upon a range of characters inspired by people he met during his travels. They range from the satirical to the poignant—a highlight is a narrative description of Cazal's discovery that his mother, who lived in Port-au-Prince and whom he had made effort to contact whilst in Haiti, had died of yellow fever in 1816. Anticipating an idiom that would later become familiar to the readers of Flaubert, Balzac and Maupassant, Cazal's short stories from Haiti examine the foibles of a society not as alien to the French as they may have liked to believe. Although realism and humanism dominate, there are also occasions where Cazal's style is more evidently influenced by Romantic and Gothic elements, creating a sort of magical realism avant la lettre. Curiously, it was one of these stories that provided the collection with its title: “La Perle” is the disquieting account of a French merchant who, arriving in Haiti en route to the American South, becomes ‘infected’ by a spirit entity that seems to represent a sort of Voudou embodiment of the island itself. It should be noted, of course, that—as is often the case with Cazal—the title here is significant, in this case a pun: ‘La Perle’ can refer either to the island itself, the ‘Pearl of the Antilles’, or else figuratively to a bead or droplet, which Cazal animates as some sort of germ of an idea that infects all who visit.

The poetry, meanwhile, is notable by its very existence rather than for its literary merit. Whilst undoubtedly competent, Cazal's reputation will never rest securely on his verse. The book when published in 1819 treated them as something of an afterthought, resigning them to the final pages. Most are little more than vignettes—typically either Romantic expressions of Haiti's landscape, or else occasionally verses dedicated to particular characters Cazal met during his time on the island. In truth, Cazal does not fit Romanticism easily—he much better fits the opportunities for social and psychological investigation offered by his usual realistic humanism—but that is not to say his verse falls entirely flat. Some interest can be found in his structures, where he often used subtle variations of the traditional alexandrine. In this verse from “L'Homme de Lettres”, for example, a self-referential satirical response to the notoriety gained after Aporie, he abandons the conventional masculine/feminine rhyme alternation in favour of freer verse:

La désordre, entraînée
par mots irréflechis,
bien sûr, a fait ciblé
encore cette colonie.

(The disorder, caused / by ill-considered words, / of course, makes a target / yet of this colony.)

Perhaps unexpectedly, the result is an alexandrine form that tilts more than is usual towards prosody, the meter usually giving the impression of the prosaic. Elsewhere, as in this verse from “L'Isle d'Hermine”, this effect could produce a surprisingly denuded vision of Haiti's natural beauty:

Un pays de la descente
aux rives où elle termine,
d'un beau paysage qui monte
gardien de l'isle d'hermine


(A country of descent / to the shores where she ends / [and] of a natural beauty that rises / [as] guardian of the ermine isle.)

Ultimately, La Perle established further Cazal's reputation as an energetic and independent mind within the world of French literature. Whilst the verse was effectively ignored, his prose, never before published, was lauded by critics as a bold contribution to the development of a nascent French realism. Later, critics appreciated Cazal's efforts to present the common humanity between French and Haitian, praising the egalitarian nature of his authorial gaze as much as the perspicacity of his essays. In the twentieth century, La Perle inspired a series of dramatisations that …

INSIDE PARIS (I)
The Reception of La Perle
Aporie had given Cazal a somewhat peculiar prominence among the Parisian ranks. France's aristocrats, upon which the success or failure of publications depended, were ebullient about the swashbuckling of international adventure and the calamitous tribulations that befall Prosper, if not bemused by the meritocratic ascendance that was no longer an unapproachable concept in post-revolutionary France. The censors, for their own part, operating under draconian press-laws[1], had neutered the political sentiments expressed in Aporie with the obvious exception of the sympathetic treatment afforded to the inhabitants of Saint-Domingue. The sanitization of the novel, however, had proven a boon to Cazal, as the nobility found little reprehensible about the motifs that were presented to them by the state censors. Those with relation to England were fortunate (or unfortunate) enough to find the original version, complete with political assessments, after the English translation was commissioned in 1819 and printed the subsequent year. Consequently, Cazal's reputation among the ancien nobility — a class that he had yet to call upon for much needed patronage — was diminished, and he was only salvaged by his profitable association with Benjamin Constant.

FPk7BSb.jpg

Constant was no more popular among the general aristocracy, but he had, nonetheless, certain allies of liberal sentiment among the old and new nobility. These connections, including a healthy correspondence with the duc de Orleans, insured that Constant was able to maintain Le Constitutionnel as the premiere broadsheet of the bourgeoise; the class that was most vigorous in newspaper consumption. Constant foresaw Cazal as the literary feeder to the new monied order; the antithesis to the inaccessible hierarchical romanticism of Chateaubriand. But literary proclivities aside, Constant's appropriation of Cazel was primarily motivated by the ultima ratio mundi of the day; francs were required to sustain the effective electoral apparatus that was propelling the liberals to office. Cazel was thus dispatched to Haiti on account of the desire of the readership, and commissioned for several essays. The product of the commission, lasting the better part of two years, was La Perle, known in the modern era more as a domestic treasure then an international classic. The reception it received in Paris, however, displays none of the regard that the works are awarded today.

Wg2lLlW.jpg

La Perle blew past those of ennobled blood as if a gentle gust; few aristocrats paid any heed to the writings and fewer still gave the essays an ounce of admiration. Deficient in what had made Aporie popular, mostly the luminous depiction of a protagonist and his cortège through life, La Perle earned attention at best and political scorn at worst. The prince de Polignac, one of the few nobles who graced its pages, was all too eager to emphasize the "natural return to the forms of French governance." For Constant, however, La Perle was a great triumph; the students of the Rue des Grès and the wealthy bourgeois of the Chaussée-d'Antin were enthralled by the publications, and Le Constitutionnel became firmly the most established and largest Parisian newspaper. Haughty critics might have despised the message, but intellectuals and Bohemians were quick to find the virtue in the work, and permitted their loyal sensibilities to venerate M. de Cazal. While it is unnecessary to repeat that the critical reception of La Perle underwent a later rehabilitation, the earnings from the commission and other attentions insured that the author established himself a comfortable annual income of 30,000 francs...

[1] The laws to repeal these press laws were opposed by Cazal as not progressive enough to justify approval.
 
((Extremely Private - @99KingHigh
Officially Stamped with the GM Seal of Approval))

Monsieur Anne Ferdinand Louis, comte de Bertier de Sauvigny,

I wish to inform you that we have gotten a reaction from M. de Bourbon, although not the one that we expected. Once a proper article was created and distributed, as dictated, outlining M. de Bourbon's indecency to the (voting) public, our print shoppe was assaulted and burned to the ground.

Luckily, one of the thugs was captured and given over to lay members of the order from our darker days. He admitted, upon the Bible, that he was hired (alongside his gang) by the maître d'affaires of M. de Bourbon's estate. The man is ready for dispatch where ever is needed by the Society in order to properly undermine M. de Bourbon further in good society. We hope this will be pleasurable news for M. Pavilion.

Sadly, due to the actions of M. de Bourbon combined with recent alturistic efforts, Les Hommes are unable to purchase new printing equipment for some time. Should the equipment from recent seizures of illegal Republican print shoppes be lost, the Societe would be most grateful.

Vive Le Roi,

H-M. de St. Germain
Grandmaître des Hommes d'Artois

M. de St. Germain,

We have received word of your troubles, and are much grieved by them. A bill of exchange has been sent to London for purchase of a new press, free of charge for your organization, although I confess it may be some time until the order is rendered and completed.

Despite this inconvience, there is little time for lethargy. We beg you press on your mission by other means, at whatever the cost, and procure a victory for the crown. You may be free to send your receipts for the expenses you incur.


comte de Bertier de Sauvigny,
 
(( @MadMartigan Secret))

Brother Duval,

I am gladdened by your words Thibaut, yet I must reaffirm my will to remain as an independent on the left of the hall. I support the good Captain and his efforts to fight against the restrictions and authoritarian tendencies of this ministry. I would also add that come what may, I will never cease in my fight to promote freedom across France and across Europe. We must defend our freedom of religion, our freedom of press, our freedom to gather at all costs lest we fall back into the tyranny of the dark ages not so long ago. My best wishes are with you and the Captain.

-Jean Lamarque

============================

An editorial in the Liberal Newspaper Le Constitutionel

I have been assaulted, I have been branded and labeled a traitor and I have been called an enemy of the King and of France. Yet I am none of these things, I love France and I love my people. Our laws must be followed, our King must be heeded, our government must be just. Yet our laws must be just in order to be followed, our King must be merciful if he is to be heeded and our government must be as kind and receptive as it is just. I defended the right of Henri Jean-Baptiste Grégoire, not because he was liberal, and not because he was a former revolutionary but because he was elected by the people of his department to serve them. If the Ministry or the King (long may he reign) had wished to persecute him for his crimes then they should've done so before he was elected. To my knowledge they have no uncovered any new evidence of further treachery. No new evidence of further crimes, it is simply by virtue of his position as a forthcoming deputy that they were displeased. And yet, unless Gregoire is convicted in a court of law, then he is by the law entitled to the same rights as every French citizen.

The will of those who elected Henri Grégoire cannot simply be brushed away by those in power, not without some degree of detriment to France as a whole. Should the Dhuizon Ministry wish to see Gregoire behind bars or without a seat in the Chamber then I urge him to pursue this end. But to pursue it through legal means, not through this melancholy whisper campaign with no basis outside partisan politics. Come what may in the coming years and months I shall refuse to remain silent, be it a Verdet or a Sans-Cullote, I vow to always uphold the natural born rights of French citizens from any form of repression. I will not stay silent in the face of slander and lies, I am a French patriot first and foremost and I will fight long enough to see my country into an age of prosperity and freedom or I will die trying to get there.

-Jean Lamarque



============================
Saint-Aignan Proposition for Electoral Annulment and Exclusion: Non!
Proposition on Militias: No!

[Liberals]
[Deputy of Landes]
[Still No Bonus, +0PP]

 
Name: Louis Henri Joseph de Bourbon, Prince of Condé

Saint-Aignan Proposition for Electoral Annulment and Exclusion: Oui!
Proposition on Militias: Oui!


[Noble and Peer of France, Prince of the blood, General of the division, massive land holder]
[Party: Ultra-Royalist]
[Bonus : The Condé Wealth +2 PP]
 
((Private Letter))
To Marie Antoinette Louise de Harville de Tresnel des Ursins (( @99KingHigh ))

After my previous successful investment in your fine venture, I wish to invest once more. This time however I would like to purchase a larger share, to ensure that the required capital for the mines can keep flowing. I wish to purchase 51% of the shares you own in the company, for a price of 50,000 francs. A fair deal I think we can both agree, with the current instability all around France, and the dropping need for Coal.

Yours sincerely
General Jean-Luc Gottoliard, Officer of the legion of Honour

Dear General Gottoliard,

The times have been severe on our family, and the company is in desperate straits. By virtue of your offer, which I confess in the percentile gave me some offense, I resolved in nature to allow auction to the mines and the enterprise. If you could supply our purchase with one-hundred thousand francs, we would give you happy blessing, and authorize the purchase of all the shares to your noble person, and make you the proprietor and controller of the company.

Au plaisir de vous revoir,
Marie Antoinette Louise de Harville de Tresnel des Ursins

 
Name: Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget

Saint-Aignan Proposition for Electoral Annulment and Exclusion: Oui!
Proposition on Militias: Oui!


[Bishop of Montauban, Deputy of the Gers]
[Party: Ultra-Royalist]
[Bonus : Artois' sins +2 PP]
 
((@Eid3r ))

Monsignor,

We ask for forgiveness to this intrusion, but the matter we ask requires urgency before the conclusion of the cycle. We have in our possession receipts for the expenditure and purchase of wheat and bread, per the requests of Your Excellency, in the total amount that was delivered to you some months ago. In addition to the ownership of receipts, we are in possession of the ledger that The Most Christian Society of St. Isidore the Laborer supplied earlier this year. The ledger marks, from the possession of Marshall Saint-Cyr, the quantity of 250,000 francs, but we are presently disposed only of a bill of exchange from M. de Saint-Cyr to the quantity of 50,000 francs. The deficiency thus accounted is 200,000 francs and must be presented, as the purchase of the full stipulation was made last winter. We must instruct that you insure this quantity is presented to our person.

Salutations distinguées
Jacques-Henry Mallet

Pictet & Cie


 
((@Cloud Strife swaps to His Serene Highness The Duke of Orléans))
 
0qCjzqq.png


EN MATIÈRE DE CONVICTION
"On the Matter of Conviction"
_____________________________________________________________________
CONVICTION implies a security of spirit. A strength. A power. Conviction implies the importance of belief. Hallowed ground is built upon the convictions of men, and through the power of the Lord, we are able to develop such a vitality. Through our dedication to nobler ideals, we are capable of ensuring the strength and stability of our society, the security of the people, and the well-being of the nation. Indeed, it is clear we ought to be devoted to our ideals, striving towards them against the will of the less wise - and while many possess their own concepts of what defines such wisdom, we may all acknowledge the importance of those who place foremost the vision they hope to achieve.

And yet, there are currents in the Ultraroyaliste faction who would seek to have its vision for France turned to dust. In the Chamber of Peers, some wretched souls speak as if they were Doctrinaires! Such men, crafted purely for their own enterprise, seek nothing more than their own selfish gain. Indeed, they place the ambition of holding 'power' far above the capacity to strive for a power that may be used for good. They would see their own faction subjugated by the likes of Decazes for meaningless titles, still retaining the command of a man whom they supposedly reject.

To such men - and their consciences speak out to themselves, I am sure - we must make clear the rejection of such blindness. Many conservatives believe in firm principles such as the power of the Nobility, the sanctity of the Church, and the virtuous leadership of the King; and yet, they are 'led' by men who hold no true allegiance to such principles. Men who believe they are better served by a Doctrinaire than by a strong allegiance to their own faction. Men without convictions.

The many supporters of the minority faction must make their voices heard to the Deputies of France - there must be no support for the Doctrinaires. If Decazes is unable to sustain a hold over the Chamber of Deputies, let his strength perish. If he is succeeded by a radical, let him fall as well. There should be no président du conseil who receives the support of loyalists without the firm position that he is such.

In these times of crisis, we can not allow convictions to falter - and we can not allow self-serving Ultras to be made accomplices of the Doctrinaires.


SAINT-MAURICE.
 
Hôtel de Neuilly, Paris

The Bishop of Montauban was pouring over his accounts and expanses, shuffling through piles of papers. He had received notice from a bank that he had dug himself in a whole of 200,000 francs through the relief efforts to quell the famine. The notice did not come as a surprise, for the prelate had known for a time now that the most generous promise of the Maréchal de Saint-Cyr had been quite hollow. Still, the 50,000 francs he contributed to the cause was certainly more than honorable.

Now, the Bishop had certainly touted the promised donation in a skillful way, making the Princes of Condé and Polignac commit a much greater amount of their fortune to avoid looking bad. He now thoroughly felt ashamed for the poor Maréchal de Saint-Cyr, whose reputation would be quite tarnished should word be spread of his precarious finances. He thus applied all his industry to keep Saint-Cyr’s poor exchequer a secret from all.


Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to Monsieur Jacques-Henri Mallet

My dear Monsieur Mallet,

The present letter aims to bring clarity to the recent missive you have forwarded us, regarding an amount of 200,000 francs en souffrance in our personal transactions which regarded the relief efforts to counter the famine in the Kingdom of France.

First, by the time this letter reaches you, I assume you will have received through your subsidiaries the amount of 25,000 francs, which I had deposited to your attention at the beginning of the summer.

A second versement of 75,000 francs shall be made promptly, the necessary paperwork having been filled only last week.

Rest assured that the remaining balance of 100,000 francs will be send forward as soon as the necessary provisions for the safety and success of such a transfer to your Geneva facility will be put in place.

Avec vous dans la foy,


Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban



Well, that was half the debt settled, thanks to unplanned donations. But the fact of the matter was that he could only delay for so long. How could he spare the public reputation of Saint-Cyr?
 
* - @MadMartigan - *

r85N1Ya.png


-Le Constitutionnel-
Petites Annonces


Spacious Property in the Arsenal, Long-Term Transferable Lease
1344511923140sg1.jpg

The majestic Paris headquarters of Seine Bank (pictured) is for sale. This exciting property in the 4th Arrondissment shares the district with City Hall and Notre-Dame. An excellent location for a growing enterprise ready to relocate to the City of Lights.

Interested parties leave inquiry with Monsieur Thibaut Duval of Chaussée d'Antin
 
His Serene Highness,
the duc de Orléans


275px-Cognet_-_Louis_Philippe_d%27Orl%C3%A9ans%2C_duc_de_Chartres_%281792%29.jpg

Louis-Philippe, before the outbreak of the Revolution.

Louis-Philippe was born in the Palais Royal, the residence of the Orléans family in Paris, to Louis-Philippe, Duke of Chartres--who would become Louis-Philippe II, Duke of Orléans, upon the death of his father Louis-Philippe I--and Louise Marie Adélaïde de Bourbon. As a member of the reigning House of Bourbon, he was a Prince of the Blood, which entitled him the use of the style "Serene Highness". His mother was an extremely wealthy heiress who was descended from Louis XIV of France through a legitimized line. His House would have rather erratic fortunes from the beginning of the French Revolution to the Bourbon Restoration. The elder branch of the House of Bourbon, to which the kings of France belonged, deeply distrusted the intentions of the cadet branch, which would succeed to the throne of France should the senior branch die out. Louis-Philippe's father was exiled from the royal court, and the Orléans confined themselves to studies of the literature and sciences emerging from the Enlightenment.

In June 1791, Louis-Philippe got his first opportunity to become involved in the affairs of France. In 1785, he had been given the hereditary appointment of Colonel of the 14th Regiment of Dragoons. With war on the horizon in 1791, all proprietary colonels were ordered to join their regiments. Louis-Philippe showed himself to be a model officer, and he demonstrated his personal bravery in two famous instances. First, three days after Louis XVI's flight to Varennes, a quarrel between two local priests and one of the new constitutional vicars became heated, and a crowd surrounded the inn where the priests were staying, demanding blood. The young colonel broke through the crowd and extricated the two priests, who then fled. At a river crossing on the same day, another crowd threatened to harm the priests. Louis-Philippe put himself between a peasant armed with a carbine and the priests, saving their lives. The next day, Louis-Philippe dove into a river to save a drowning local engineer. For this action, he received a civic crown from the local municipality. His regiment was moved north to Flanders at the end of 1791 after the Declaration of Pillnitz.

Louis-Philippe served under, Armand Louis de Gontaut the Duke of Biron, along with several officers who later gained distinction in Napoleon's empire and afterwards. These included Colonel Berthier and Lieutenant Colonel Alexandre de Beauharnais, then husband of the future Empress Joséphine. Louis Philippe saw the first exchanges of fire of the Revolutionary Wars at Boussu and Quaragnon and a few days later fought at Quiévrain near Jemappes, where he was instrumental in rallying a unit of retreating soldiers. Biron wrote to War Minister de Grave, praising the young colonel, who was then promoted to brigadier, commanding a brigade of cavalry in Lückner's Army of the North.

450px-Feron_-_Le_Duc_de_Chartres_%C3%A0_Valmy_%281792%29.jpg

The future Duke of Orléans at Valmy.

In the Army of the North, Louis-Philippe served with four future Marshals of France: Macdonald, Mortier, Davout and Oudinot. Dumouriez was appointed to command the Army of the North in August 1792. Louis-Philippe commanded a division under him in the Valmy campaign. At Valmy, Louis-Philippe was ordered to place a battery of artillery on the crest of the hill of Valmy. The battle of Valmy was inconclusive, but the Austro-Prussian army, short of supplies, was forced back across the Rhine. Once again, Louis-Philippe was praised in a letter by Dumouriez after the battle. Louis-Philippe was then recalled to Paris to give an account of the Battle at Valmy to the French government. There he had a rather trying interview with Danton, Minister of Justice, which he later fondly retold to his children and close friends.

While in Paris, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general. In October he returned to the Army of the North, where Dumouriez had begun a march into Belgium. Louis Philippe again commanded a division. Dumouriez chose to attack an Austrian force in a strong position on the heights of Cuesmes and Jemappes to the west of Mons. Louis-Philippe's division sustained heavy casualties as it attacked through a wood, retreating in disorder. Louis-Philippe rallied a group of units, dubbing them "the battalion of Mons" and pushed forward along with other French units, finally overwhelming the outnumbered Austrians.

Events in Paris undermined the budding military career of Louis-Philippe. The incompetence of Jean-Nicolas Pache, the new Girondist appointee, left the Army of the North almost without supplies. Soon thousands of troops were deserting the army. Louis-Philippe was alienated by the more radical policies of the Republic. After the National Convention decided to put the deposed King to death, Louis-Philippe's father--by then known as Philippe Égalité--voted in favor of that act, Louis-Philippe began to consider leaving France.

Eventually, Louis-Philippe was willing to stay in France to fulfill his duties in the army, but he was implicated in the plot Dumouriez had planned to ally with the Austrians, march his army on Paris, and restore the Constitution of 1791. Dumouriez had met with Louis-Philippe on March 22, 1793 and urged his subordinate to join in the attempt.

With the French government falling into the Reign of Terror, he decided to leave France to save his life. On April 4, Dumouriez and Louis Philippe left for the Austrian camp. They were intercepted by Lieutenant-Colonel Louis Nicolas Davout, who had served at Jemappes with Louis Philippe. As Dumouriez ordered the Colonel back to the camp, some of his soldiers cried out against the General, now declared a traitor by the National Convention. Shots rang out as they fled towards the Austrian camp. The next day, Dumouriez again tried to rally soldiers against the Convention; however, he found that the artillery had declared for the Republic, leaving him and Louis Philippe with no choice but to go into exile. At the age of nineteen, Louis-Philippe left France; it was some twenty-one years before he again set foot on French soil.

The reaction in Paris to Louis-Philippe's involvement in Dumouriez's treason inevitably resulted in misfortunes for the Orléans family. Philippe Égalité spoke in the National Convention, condemning his son for his actions, asserting that he would not spare his son, much akin to the Roman consul Brutus and his sons. However, letters from Louis Philippe to his father were discovered in transit and were read out to the Convention. Philippe Égalité was then put under continuous surveillance. Shortly thereafter, the Girondists moved to arrest him and the two younger brothers of Louis-Philippe, Louis-Charles and Antoine Philippe; the latter had been serving in the Army of Italy. The three were interned in Fort Saint-Jean in Marseille.

Meanwhile, Louis-Philippe was forced to live in the shadows, avoiding both pro-Republican revolutionaries and Legitimist French émigré centres in various parts of Europe and also in the Austrian army. He first moved to Switzerland under an assumed name, and met up with the Countess of Genlis and his sister Adélaïde at Schaffhausen. From there they went to Zürich, where the Swiss authorities decreed that to protect Swiss neutrality, Louis-Philippe would have to leave the city. They went to Zug, where Louis-Philippe was discovered by a group of émigrés.

He then left with his faithful valet Baudouin for the heights of the Alps, and then to Basel, where he sold all but one of his horses. Now moving from town to town throughout Switzerland, he and Baudouin found themselves very much exposed to all the distresses of extended traveling. They were refused entry to a monastery by monks who believed them to be young vagabonds. Another time, he woke up after spending a night in a barn to find himself at the far end of a musket, confronted by a man attempting to keep away thieves.

Throughout this period, he never stayed in one place more than 48 hours. Finally, in October 1793, Louis-Philippe was appointed a teacher of geography, history, mathematics and modern languages, at a boys' boarding school. The school, owned by a Monsieur Jost, was in Reichenau, a village on the upper Rhine, across from Switzerland. His salary was 1,400 francs and he taught under the name Monsieur Chabos. He had been at the school for a month when he heard the news from Paris; his father had been guillotined on 6 November 1793 after a trial before the Revolutionary Tribunal.

Louis-Philippe then traveled extensively. He visited Scandinavia in 1795 and then moved on to Finland. For about a year, he stayed in Muonio, a remote village at the Lapland living in the rectory under the name Müller as a guest of the local Lutheran vicar. He also visited the United States for four years, staying in Philadelphia, where his brothers Antoine and Louis Charles were in exile, New York City and Boston. In Boston, he taught French for a time and lived in lodgings over what is now the Union Oyster House, Boston's oldest restaurant. During his time in the United States, Louis-Philippe met with American politicians and people of high society, including George Clinton, John Jay, Alexander Hamilton and George Washington.

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"The Colossus of his Age, Father of his Country."

During their sojourn in America, the Orléans princes traveled throughout the country, visiting as far south as Nashville and as far north as Maine. The brothers were even held in Philadelphia briefly during an outbreak of yellow fever. In Boston, Louis-Philippe learned of the coup of 18 Fructidor and of the exile of his mother to Spain. He and his brothers then decided to return to Europe. They went to New Orleans, planning to sail to Havana and thence to Spain. However, this would be a troubled journey, as Spain and Great Britain were then at war.

They sailed for Havana in an American corvette, but the ship was stopped in the Gulf of Mexico by a British warship. The British seized the three brothers, but took them to Havana anyway. Unable to find passage to Europe, the three brothers spent a year in Cuba, until they were unexpectedly expelled by the Spanish authorities. They sailed via the Bahamas to Nova Scotia where they were received by the Duke of Kent, son of King George III and eventual father of Queen Victoria. Louis-Philippe struck up a lasting friendship with the British royal. Eventually, the brothers sailed back to New York, and, in January 1800, they arrived in England, where they stayed for the next fifteen years.

In 1809, Louis-Philippe married Princess Maria Amalia of Naples and Sicily, daughter of King Ferdinand IV of Naples and Maria Carolina of Austria. After the abdication of Napoleon, Louis-Philippe, returned to France during the reign of his cousin Louis XVIII, at the time of the Bourbon Restoration. Louis-Philippe had reconciled the Orléans family with Louis XVIII in exile, and was once more to be found in the elaborate royal court. However, his resentment at the treatment of his family, the cadet branch of the House of Bourbon under the Ancien Régime, caused friction between him and Louis XVIII, and he openly sided with the liberal opposition. Louis-Philippe was on far friendlier terms with Louis XVIII's brother the comte d'Artois but politics could intervene to drive a wedge between them in the future.
 
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Monsignor,

We are glad that you have procured the initial quantity, but we must insist upon the speedy deliverance of the remaining quantity. I have established several appraisers in Paris who will no doubt call upon your person for the procurement of funds. The nature of the purchase requires that we occupy the usage of unrelated assets to supply the proprietors of the foodstuff, and without return of the transact assets, our establishment will be forced to claim a premium for the delay at a rate respective to the total.
Salutations distinguées
Jacques-Henry Mallet
Pictet & Cie
 
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LE PAIN DE L’ALLIANCE NOUVELLE ET ÉTERNELLE
« The bread of a new and eternal alliance »

“For I was hungry and you gave me food, I was thirsty and you gave me drink. I was a stranger and you welcomed me.” Thus spoke our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. In a time of famine, it is with great delight that we witness the Government actually springing to action, belatedly, but to action nonetheless, following the blessed maxims of the Scriptures.

The most valiant effort put out by the Church of France and esteemed benefactors from the nobility through the Most Christian Society of St. Isidore the Laborer has mitigated the ghastly effects of the previous Ministry’s nonchalance. The good people of France know that through the selflessness of a few, the life of the many was saved.

And now, the efforts lives on, for there are still many wounds in our society to be tended to. It is why we entreat you, dear readers of good morale and clean disposition, to donate to the most charitable works done by the Society.

“If you pour yourself out for the hungry and satisfy the desire of the afflicted, then shall your light rise in the darkness and your gloom be as the noonday.”

Isaiah 58:10

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban
 
Once again Artaud quietly shows up to the Chamber at the most peculiar time in order to cast his vote before promptly returning to his study.

Saint-Aignan Proposition for Electoral Annulment and Exclusion: No
Proposition on Militias: No

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