naxhi24

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The men sat silently in the lobby of a Geneva hotel watching the clock. Arthur Veil had stayed behind in Geneva with a contingent of French socialists at the International Congress when word reached the Congress that Paris had erupted into an uprising. The other socialists had rushed back to France to lead the charge, but Veil was ordered to stay behind to keep order among the French socialists in Geneva, and to be the beacon should the other members fall in failure to the King. The socialists waited patiently for news as the clock kept ticking.

Just then, a man burst into the room carrying a telegram parchment, panting heavily, sweat gleaming off his back and face. He caught his breath as the room watched him silently in anticipation. He rose the paper above his head.

"The monarchy is dead!" he shouted

The room erupted into jubilation and cheers as fellow socialists hugged and embraced each other. Arthur, smiling, joined in the celebration. Other members of the Congress rushed down to see what was happening, and when they were told the news, cheers could be heard through the halls. In different tongues, "Death to the Bourbons, long live the Republic" could be heard echoing across the area.

Arthur joined in in the chants. Though he may not have been on the frontlines of the revolution, he knew that this new Republic would give him plenty of chances to improve lives and turn France into a great nation for all working men. His idealistic and optimistic dreams have a potential to become reality. He reached into his pocket and pulled out a small cross, one that his brother used to carry before the June Days. "You have been avenged..." he muttered into it.
 

DensleyBlair

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After giving his address in the Peers, Bessin had returned to the Quai d'Orsay to collect some papers he did not wish to see destroyed. With the pronouncement that the Lévis ministry had, at last, fallen in the eyes of the law as well as the people, Bessin quit the Quai. He was reasonably certain no one would have begrudged him for staying, but it would not have felt right, he decided. Paris held nothing for him now.

His first thought had been to present himself at the Hôtel de Crillon, only a short distance from the Quai, and call upon the Prince de Polignac. Polignac surely would have taken in the beleaguered Vicomte, but his real desire was to be rid of Paris in its entirety. This the Prince could not offer.

As there was no evident alternative authority to whom the information might be more usefully convoyed, it had been Bessin who had received word that the foreign ambassadors were to leave for Saint-Cloud. Dispatching a brief, slightly unorthodox message to the Rue de Faubourg Saint-Honoré, within the hour Bessin was in the party of the British ambassador, and by the end of the day had reached the relative safety of the banlieue. From here, it was only a couple of days by coach to Rouen, and three days after having appeared in the Peers for the final time Bessin was safely home at Le Mesnil-Mervay.

Some letters from old colleagues, anxious as to what the weeks ahead might hold, had eventually found the Vicomte in Normandy. He smiled at this; forty years ago, it had been he who had written to his mentor and father-in-law, the Duc de Montmorency-Laval, asking how best he might serve the Legitimacy during the June Monarchy. Finding some small amusement in fate's sense of irony, he began to write his replies.



((Private - @DensleyBlair))
Monsieur du Bessin,

I write this letter in the hopes that it will find you and your family in good health despite our present circumstances. Indeed, I must admit to you that I both grieve the loss of the Kingdom and feel as though its demise had become well-deserved. Perhaps it is the hubris of men, as always, that has led us to our present juncture. The more days pass and the more I hear of what France has experienced in the past weeks, the more I worry for its ability to rebuild. It seems to me as though many are confident that Monsieur Bonaparte will make all right, but is he not also a mortal man?

While I have my hesitations about endorsing the republic, I also feel as though our country now lacks any viable alternative. The monarchy as we knew it died with the ones the press calls the "Martyrs of November Tenth." Hence, I am afraid the only question will be what any man can do to save the people of France from their undoing at the hands of the socialists. What are your thoughts? Is it a doomed crusade? I trust and esteem your counsel.

I hope to read your response soon and again, wish you and your family safety,

Cordialement,

MONTVICQ.


Monsieur le Vicomte de Montvicq
I was relieved to have heard from you and I am glad that you find yourself well. From the moment I learnt of Lévis's intention to ignore the call from reform, it was quite clear to me that the whole project would be brought down. That curious man, who would accept no counsel to the contrary, carried within him at all times the certainty that he acted in favour of the defence of the Legitimacy. Having found himself so intertwined with the fate of the Crown, I do not wonder whether he felt at times whether it was in fact himself whom he had to protect – or perhaps, by extension, his property and good station. But it is of little consequence now; the Kingdom has befallen the same fate as its predecessor, and for want of some leniency on the question of property the establishment has brought itself to ruin.
I will admit, freely, that I have always been wary of the Bonapartist creed. Much of my early career was spent attacking the first Bonaparte, and the legacy of his rule. But far be it for me to judge the merits of one man through aught but his own conduct, and in his initial pronouncements I have been given little reason to fear the Bonapartist resurgence. The nephew Bonaparte seems sincere in his desires for the well being of France, and I will rush to no hasty conclusions.
Throughout my long life I have seen many men come and go with promises of salvation for the French people. I was a child of the First Republic and grew up in the Empire; I came of age in the years after the First Restoration; I rebelled against Charles and I rallied to Philippe; I was an ambassador of the Second Republic, and finally a confidante of Henri, until my association with Lévis complicated our easy relationship. Principle is a good thing, but it should not be to any one man – nor to any cause which holds the supremacy of any one man. My belief in the Legitimacy was, and remains, a belief for the commonwealth of France. In earlier years, the simplicity of this belief was complicated by matters of the law, but with my age I discover a certain serenity that allows me to re-evaluate such considerations; and I can ill afford to spend my final years labouring to restore the dignity of a Crown which has sullied itself in such a fashion, and whose redemption will surely not come before I have left this world for the next.
You, Sir, do not yet – I pray – have to entertain the implications of this mortal truth. I was a man of thirty-one when Charles was evicted from his throne, and I was fifty-three before I saw Henri restored. After Charles was cast off, much as you have now undertaken to write to me, I wrote then to my father-in-law, the Duc de Montmorency-Laval. In many respects, the situation is the now same; the departed Duc, of esteemed memory, was then six years younger than I am now, and he knew that rallying to the Orléanist banner would be for nought. But he impressed upon me the course taken by younger men, in whose company I soon found myself, which was to rally, and to attempt in so doing the protection of France from the excesses of the Orléanist enterprise. In this, perhaps, we were ultimately not successful – but let it not be said that we abandoned our principles, and I venture that few would argue anything of the sort.
The Republic, if its birth is guided by the efforts of sober men of urgent regard for the needs of the French people, has much potential. If we are able to ensure the moderation of the Bonapartists, and if by the same score we are able to prevent the worst deviations into the politics of the propertied classes at the expense of the common welfare, I believe that we stand to gain much from the cultivation of a new state, unburdened by the rivalries of faction split not by fundamental occupation, but by allegiance to any one standard of inheritance. Therefore, if it is my counsel that you value, have no compunction if you resolve to rally. Go with God, and a concern for the welfare of the French people whose lot the Monarchy was unable to uplift.
I have retired now to my home in Normandy, and will not presume to make for Paris unless I am called once more. Once you are returned to France, I would be glad to welcome you to my home, if it would please you, and further host any men of your acquaintance who are similarly moved by the question of how those of our cause might now best serve France.
I wish you well, Sir, and thank you for your service to me, and to France, across these past years.
Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Vicomte, l'expression de mes sentiments cordiaux.
Bessin
 
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etranger01

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((@Lyonessian, @99KingHigh))

Findings of the Criminal Court

On the charge of assassination en masse, Jean Paul Henri Lievremont is found guilty on all counts. The punishment is death by hanging, to be carried out immediately.

On the charge of assassination en masse, Louis Juchault de Lamoriciere is found guilty on all counts. The punishment is death by hanging, to be carried out immediately.

---


The Office of the President

Having reviewed the precedents regarding convictions of a political nature, it becomes apparent that capital offenses are often altered from a sentence of death to a lesser life sentence by executive decision. Notwithstanding the heinous and vile nature of the crimes committed, which otherwise cry out for sanguinary justice, I am unwilling to inaugurate the rebirth of the Republic in further bloodshed.

As such, I hereby commute the sentences of Monsieur Lievremont and Monsieur Lamoriciere from death to transportation to and permanent exile in Algeria, to be carried out immediately.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte


---

((@Vals))


The Ministry of Justice

Having reviewed the evidence regarding Monsieur Vallée, the determination of the Ministry of Justice is as follows:

Despite Monsieur Vallée having issued orders that would have resulted in the deaths of French soldiers were they carried out, it is clear that those orders were also countermanded by Monsieur Vallée prior to their implementation. It is further apparent that Monsieur Vallée acted in accordance with his official duties, without the appropriation of the apparatus of state. Finally, it is clear that Monsieur Vallée had no knowledge of or part in the assassination of French citizens.

As there is no indication that Monsieur Vallée is subject to the exemption included in the President's amnesty decree, he is thus forgiven of any offenses that may have taken place during the period of unrest. He shall be released later today.

Jules Favre
Interim Minister of Justice
 
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naxhi24

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The Demands of the Working Class of the New Republic

The working class men and women of the new Republic, who were the main catalyst in overthrowing the vile and hated Bourbon monarchy and who spilled the most blood in Paris and across France, see fit to petition the new Republican government of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte and his fellow Republican allies for the following:

1. A nationally enforced minimal wage for all working men and women that is high enough to guarantee the ability for all workers to provide food, water, and shelter for themselves and their families.

2. The right to organize into trade unions, as seen in nations like the United Kingdom where many of the Republicans spent years in exile, in order to allow workers to collectively organize and bargain for better standards and rights to their managers.

3. The right to strike in favor of better conditions for workers in a workplace and laws that ensure the Republic does not side against such strikes and be unable to utilize force against such strikes.

4. The right for all workers to a safe and secure work environment free of danger, injury, and death

5. The right to receive adequate compensation for injury enough to ensure the worker can provide food, water, and shelter for themselves and their families for the period of recovery

6. The right to an eight-hour workday for all workers

[X] Arthur Veil
[X] Charles Bouchardon
[X] J.-A. Gai
[X] - Emile Deschamps
 
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m.equitum

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32gHDnT.png


View from the Hotel de Crillon


The soldiers of the Royal Army, which had previously held their post outside the Hôtel de Crillon, had been replaced by a contingent of guards bearing Le Tricolore.

The Prince promptly issued instructions to the household staff to prepare baskets of bread, wine and cheese, to be delivered to the guards’ commanding officer.

“Perhaps the soldiers will enjoy strawberry preserve,” the Prince remarked, “and add some fruits to the baskets.” The household staff proceeded to place pears and winter apples into the baskets.

v3ftJ2k.png
 
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m.equitum

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To M. Bonaparte

((@etranger01 ))


M. Bonaparte,
Permit me to bid you welcome and to convey to you my congratulations upon your return to France. With accounts of your exploits in the Americas still fresh in the memory[1], you have added new glories to the name of Bonaparte, and Paris has flung open her gates upon your retour.
I append to these salutations an inquiry as to the proper form of address for a man who has become a figure of such fame and accomplishment. Prince Imperial, Liberateur, Président. Many appellations are apposite to a man of so many achievements. I inquire also after your dear relation, the Princess Mathilde. Is she too to join you in returning to France?
Trusting that there are many matters which require your immediate attention, I should not endeavour to indulge upon your time, but to express the hope that you soon have occasion to visit the Hôtel de Crillon once the urgencies which present themselves have subsided.



VhwirFs.png



[1] With many thanks to M. Domedeaux, whose publications have provided much insights into the happenings in the New World.
 
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Qwerty7

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The Demands of the Working Class of the New Republic

The working class men and women of the new Republic, who were the main catalyst in overthrowing the vile and hated Bourbon monarchy and who spilled the most blood in Paris and across France, see fit to petition the new Republican government of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte and his fellow Republican allies for the following:

1. A nationally enforced minimal wage for all working men and women that is high enough to guarantee the ability for all workers to provide food, water, and shelter for themselves and their families.

2. The right to organize into trade unions, as seen in nations like the United Kingdom where many of the Republicans spent years in exile, in order to allow workers to collectively organize and bargain for better standards and rights to their managers.

3. The right to strike in favor of better conditions for workers in a workplace and laws that ensure the Republic does not side against such strikes and be unable to utilize force against such strikes.

4. The right for all workers to a safe and secure work environment free of danger, injury, and death

5. The right to receive adequate compensation for injury enough to ensure the worker can provide food, water, and shelter for themselves and their families for the period of recovery

6. The right to an eight-hour workday for all workers
[X] Charles Bouchardon
 

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To the General MacMahon

((@Eid3r ))


M. MacMahon,

I send to you by way of this letter my full appreciation for the decisive action taken to limit bloodshed and restore peace.

Having heard only recently of the odious orders which sought to have the Regular Army indiscriminately assail the city of Paris, and understanding that you countermanded those instructions, I send to you in writing an expression of my thankfulness, the which I should hope to give in full measure on the occasion of our next meeting.


VhwirFs.png
 

Dadarian

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The Demands of the Working Class of the New Republic

The working class men and women of the new Republic, who were the main catalyst in overthrowing the vile and hated Bourbon monarchy and who spilled the most blood in Paris and across France, see fit to petition the new Republican government of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte and his fellow Republican allies for the following:

1. A nationally enforced minimal wage for all working men and women that is high enough to guarantee the ability for all workers to provide food, water, and shelter for themselves and their families.

2. The right to organize into trade unions, as seen in nations like the United Kingdom where many of the Republicans spent years in exile, in order to allow workers to collectively organize and bargain for better standards and rights to their managers.

3. The right to strike in favor of better conditions for workers in a workplace and laws that ensure the Republic does not side against such strikes and be unable to utilize force against such strikes.

4. The right for all workers to a safe and secure work environment free of danger, injury, and death

5. The right to receive adequate compensation for injury enough to ensure the worker can provide food, water, and shelter for themselves and their families for the period of recovery

6. The right to an eight-hour workday for all workers

[X] Arthur Veil
[X] Charles Bouchardon

[G] J.-A. Gai, Chairman of the OFRT
 

etranger01

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The Provisional Ministry of the Republic

War: Patrice MacMahon
Foreign Affairs: Adrian Pauwels
Interior: Jean Francois Domadeaux
Justice: Jules Favre
Finance: Eugene Rouher
Navy and the Colonies: Charles Rigault de Genouilly
 
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The Trials of Lyons

The faceless crowd elbows one another for the best view. No man could find a human in there, no matter how hard he searched among the flaming eyes or in the formless outlines of bodies. Even if he could definitely pick out and distinguish a single human, he would find himself deceived. It was like a parlor trick, unable to tell where it ended and reality began. But to compare it to cheap magic would leave out the pure terror which it aroused. The terror which man has of himself. That he would surrender his agency and free will, not to another human, but to something inhuman.

Such was the impression that the impromptu jury of workers in Lyons left on the local bourgeois businessman Anton Guimard as he was dragged into a law office which had been abandoned in the revolution. Anton had remained in Lyons throughout the November uprising in spite of the general panic which it had caused in his friends and colleagues. He had thought that if he just kept to himself, then life would return to normal and he could get on with his business regardless of whether it was a monarchy or a republic which was legislating regulations onto him. He had thought himself innocent.

The crowd formed a circle around Anton with only a narrow opening behind him. The mass of people stacked on top of each other so high that in his delirium Anton thought that the ceiling was covered in anger and hatred. In front of him were a few men, evidently learned and decent men distinct from the rest of the room. One of them, a lanky and hideous man, banged a hammer and the crowd lowered their voices slightly.

"The People's Tribunal has called forth Anton Laurent Guimard. Your charges include, but are not limited to, exploitation of your workers, theft of their property, theft of their labor, unsafe working conditions, neglect, fraud, collusion with the monarchists, and treason. What say you Citoyen Guimard to these charges?"

The crowd jeered as each charge was listed, shouting "slave owner" and "traitor" at the short, plain Anton. Of course none of these are true, Anton thought, but perhaps I have done something wrong if these people are so infuriated. But what it is I know not, I have only kept to myself. Anton was kicked in the back, and the hideous man repeated his request to the accused. Finally, Anton spoke:

"I would like to speak with my lawyer...Your Honor."

At this the crowd erupted. Not a single faceless face could be seen without the strangest contortions of muscles. Even the most dour, grumpy old peasants were unable to control their laughter.

Once they had settled, the hideous man banged his hammer. "All those who in favor of the conviction of Citoyen Guimard for the aforementioned charges?" The crowd filled with shouts of "Aye!"

"So it is. Citoyen Anton Laurent Guimard, you are convicted by a jury of the people of exploitation of your workers, theft of their property, theft of their labor, unsafe working conditions, neglect, fraud, collusion with the monarchists, and treason. The jury will decide your sentence."

The crowd became a succession of calls for "La Mort!" which devolved into cheering then jeering and the laughter as one of the decent looking men at the front
aimed a pistol at Guimard...
 
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99KingHigh

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The Demands of the Working Class of the New Republic

The working class men and women of the new Republic, who were the main catalyst in overthrowing the vile and hated Bourbon monarchy and who spilled the most blood in Paris and across France, see fit to petition the new Republican government of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte and his fellow Republican allies for the following:

1. A nationally enforced minimal wage for all working men and women that is high enough to guarantee the ability for all workers to provide food, water, and shelter for themselves and their families.

2. The right to organize into trade unions, as seen in nations like the United Kingdom where many of the Republicans spent years in exile, in order to allow workers to collectively organize and bargain for better standards and rights to their managers.

3. The right to strike in favor of better conditions for workers in a workplace and laws that ensure the Republic does not side against such strikes and be unable to utilize force against such strikes.

4. The right for all workers to a safe and secure work environment free of danger, injury, and death

5. The right to receive adequate compensation for injury enough to ensure the worker can provide food, water, and shelter for themselves and their families for the period of recovery

6. The right to an eight-hour workday for all workers

[X] Arthur Veil
[X] Charles Bouchardon
[X] J.-A. Gai

The Paris Chamber of Commerce, followed by every other Chamber of Commerce in France, condemns outright in the Journal des Debats and in the regional papers these demands as socialism and destructive to their enterprises. The Bourse watches nervously.
 

etranger01

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((Private -- @Luftwafer))

From the Office of the President

Monsieur,

In light of your remarkable service in recent days, and your previous honorable tenure in the ministry, I have decided to appoint you presiding chairman of an extraordinary commission tasked with the resolution of the food shortages that presently afflict France. Your commission's proposals will be reviewed directly by myself. Godspeed.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte


---

((Private -- @99KingHigh))

From the Office of the President

Georges-Eugene Haussman
Yonne Department


Monsieur,

You have come highly recommended by my advisors for your ability and your fidelity. As such, please find enclosed your official commission as prefect of the Seine. Your task is to oversee the reconstruction of Paris, as well as its revitalization. I shall consult with you personally as to the means and methods necessary.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte


---

((Public))

As Provisional President of the Republic, I hereby order all unlawful assemblies engaging in violent acts within Lyon and Marseille to disperse immediately, to cease any and all violence, and to resume their civil obedience. Should compliance not be in evidence within forty-eight hours of receipt of this decree, all such assemblies will be forcibly dispersed and all offenders detained.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte


---

((Private -- @99KingHigh))

General François Achille Bazaine,

Commanding Officer, XIXth Corps

Mon général,

The present disorder in the south is contrary to the public order. Following the conclusion of the period specified in my previous decree, should disorder remain, you are to disperse all unlawful assemblies and detain all who have engaged in extralegal violence. You are enjoined from using more than the minimum necessary force in the pursuit of this charge.

For the Republic,
Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte
 

Andre Massena

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((Private- @Qwerty7))

Charles,

I have relished our long friendship and I owe you my life for the many times you saved me in the swamps. As your friend, I am urging you to cease your activities. I understand your position but we must proceed peacefully. Bonaparte will give you social reform. Have faith!

Your friend,

-Domadeaux
 

Carol-Niko

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Mar 18, 2020
47
30
No. I.
M. Adrian Pauwels, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all French Ambassadors.
(@99KingHigh)

IMMEDIATELY notify the host nations of the successful transition from the Kingdom of France to the French Republic and change the flags of the embassies to the unblemished tricolor (in the same vein, remove other symbols associated with the previous regime). Profess this change as the earnest desire of the French people to reclaim only their democratic rights to liberty, equality, and fraternity: this is not a social revolution; there will be no policy of revolutionary expansion from Paris; and the violent urges of the masses have been fully restrained by the Republican armies in the name of public order. Furthermore, state the amenity of France to peace and fraternity vis-à-vis the sovereign powers. Strengthen this argument with the declaration that France will maintain all previous diplomatic, commercial, and financial obligations of the departed regime. Attached to this message is the public declarations of the Provisional President of France, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, that provide evidence for the above-mentioned assertions. Allow no other interpretation of events than this to influence your rhetoric.


ADRIAN PAUWELS
 

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Parque del Buen Retiro, Madrid

"I thought I would enjoy this park for myself one last time before I dedicate it to the public. This will serve as one of Madrid's proverbial 'lungs.' When you were a lad you enjoyed coming out here. That was before you left for London," said the Spanish King wistfully. "But let us not stand on decorum. Let us talk as Uncle and Nephew, allow me to enjoy a brief break from forms ceremonial."

"Very well, your Most Catholic Majesty..." said the Prince Royal with some hesitation. He paused to take in the scenery. "As a son of France my earliest memories were not of home but of here and London. Spain and Great Britain. If I only understood why I was so far from home... All the memories I have of home, of Paris, are smoke and ashes, blood calls for blood, the same as it was when I was a youth; It is as you and the others have told me."

"Even a royal child must be a child for some time," smiled the King. "And truthfully you enjoyed it for far longer than I or your other uncles! As for memories, my memories... this park was planted by our cousin Isabel. As unbalanced as her ruling principle was she had a keen eye for beauty. The layout of the shade and fruit trees are all hers. A shame she kept it to herself and close family. This is one treasure that needs to be shared far and wide among our subjects.

"It is because of this park I cannot say the women who was Queen was wholly evil. Though she subjected Spain to despoliation and incompetence, when I walk here I see a capacity for good. One that went untapped. Yet the good was still present although it never could shine through.

"Your grandfather, Philippe VII of blessed name, spoke of the day when kings would no longer be needed. I never fully understood what his meaning was until I arrived in Spain. Until I confronted the old Queen. We royals provide a service, we embody the nation and it is precisely because of this that those of our vocation are much visited by problems in this century. As the seasons come and go, the nation changes. Circumstances change. Your grandfather knew it was our duty as royalty to guide that change. To master it lest it overwhelm society."

"But what about principle," asked the Prince Royal. "If we are endlessly malleable we stand for nothing. At least Henri V stands for something, for a France recovered from the Revolution and the Empire. A just France. Not a France bullying our Christian brothers as with the Republic and Empire.

"But what do we stand for as the Junior Line in France, let alone now in Spain?"

They walked in silence until they came across a landscaped pond.

"Nephew, a reed bending in the breeze is still giving a form of resistance, yes?" asked the King. "Flexibility is not always undesirable and combined with a concrete form, the combination is irresistible; That is what your Uncle Nemours taught me, though truthfully it was the words of your dear father before I left for this country, words that Nemours reminded me of much later.

"What do we stand for in Spain? We are Modernity. We are Tradition. We are Reconciliation of those competing forces. We reveal the way through our capacity for industry and our willingness--our ancestral principle--that a King ought to reign and not rule. We teach, we guide, we protect through example and discussion. In pursuit of this vocation we accept all the frustration and anguish of being unable to enact justice on command.

"Perhaps why Henri V reacted so brusquely against his own people because this frustration? To stand helpless as your subjects are abused by your fellow subjects eats at the soul, my nephew. But it is the burden we royals face when our subjects think they know better and insist upon all the initiative at the cost of delaying the 'perfection of the human condition.'"

"You sound like Uncle Aumale with his legions of philosophers," replied the Prince Royal. "The Gospels contain more wisdom than the entire canon of the Enlightenment!"

"I agree!" smiled the King. "Jesus is truly the greatest philosopher who ever lived. Who ever will live. How can you compete with Divinity Incarnate? On an unrelated note, consider what we do best? We have been very good at making money. It won our family this throne. It keeps the House of France here in Spain living comfortably. But how shall we use such a boon? In the past two decades we have directed record growth in this country. Factories, railways, and raw materials, all long neglected given a through handling by us and our supporters.

"The engine of that growth is France. It is French money that we have used to build modern Spain. Alas, the main source is drying up. Your Uncles and I have done what we can move the accounts, shuffle actual ownership, but it is only a matter of time before France is lost to us as a source of direct investment under the present regime. Sure, sure, it pains me, and I am sure you, to see our estates and the Palais Royal taken but buildings can be replaced and new property acquired, access to the Descombes Bank and the Bourse are a bit more difficult to replicate here."

"I have no objection to making some arrangement to secure our success in Spain now and into the future," conceded the Prince Royal. "I'm angry but I'm not stupid. I spent a good amount of time building up those assets you speak of. All for naught... now it is just dust and memories."

Sensing disappointment and wishing to correct it the King began, "Family can be a source of great comfort. It is one of the qualities of our line that familial bonds remain strong among its members. We have overcome much because of that quality. It is even more important that our commercial acumen. I asked for you to come along today because I want you to know the comfort that family brings. After all, we can talk in a relaxed manner such as this between ourselves for we are royalty and we know the burden from birth but do remember, we must never allow our subjects to be this intimate with us. They say there are some monarchs that easily reveal their train of thought based on who they last talked with. That is not a positive quality.

"Oh! How time flies? Mealtime is upon us. Seeing as we are out already would you like to accompany me to dine with some of the Ministers and Cortes deputies? We should ease you in to getting to know the landscape of Spanish political life."

"It would my honor," gravely replied the Prince Royal. "I shall take care not to discuss foreign or domestic issues as Uncle Nemours has instructed!"

"No need to worry. No need. I understand you are a military man to the core but loosen up those nerves a little," smiled the King. "Here, we do not talk politics over a meal. It is not only bad for the digestion but we must be aware that we dine with members of different factions. The King is above faction, yes? We don't need to remind them of potential disagreement. But do not worry. This is Spain, not France! We are more civilized in how we associate with one another outside of the halls of power. At least for those that don't make a habit of crossing us... but Kings must be above such annoyances. Yes, above them I say!

"But, ah yes... we can talk about the bullfight today; Your Mother never allowed you to attend as a child, too bloody she went on and on about, but I hope to educate you on this fine tradition handed down from Rome to us now in the present day!"

"I have had my fill of blood for a lifetime dear Uncle. Algeria was one thing, the street fighting another," replied the Prince Royal. "Paris drowning in it is something I will never forget. You could not tell who was a Royalist, a Radical, Guardsman, or a mere bystander. All were human in the end."

"We must come to terms with who we are, what we are," the King's usual smile was gone, replaced with a gravity not usually employed by him in conversation. "Your childhood was longer than ours and in this decade of adulthood you will soon exit, you have been given your fair share of enjoyable adventures. But now, as the dust is settling, it is time to grow up, as we did, and as did all your elders before you. We all must run towards adversity when necessity calls for it. Paris will not be the last battle you will witness, let alone participate in. This century as it is will not permit too much peace, not when change is the watchword of the era."

They walked quietly for some time.

"And who will we be dining with today, Uncle?" asked the Prince Royal.

"Oh, just a little gathering hosted by your 'Philosopher' Uncle Aumale," said the King, his usual smile returning. "Some members of the Council of Ministers and the duque de la Torre, General Serrano, will be in attendance."

"Serrano, Prim, and Sagasta all worked together didn't they to bring our family to power?" asked the Prince Royal. "Then why do the two other triumvirs not sit in the Council with Prim?"

"Differences of opinion I am told. Truthfully I am still trying to understand the fine distinctions delineating their principles," replied the King. "In time, I will perhaps convince them to take turns trying their ideas. We all want to glorify Spain. Look at our latest adventure off the coast of Peru for an immediate example. But we will only begin the 'great rejuvenation' of Spain once we have peace and stability and blessings that come with them. For that to happen our political class must keep their fighting to the floor of the Cortes and not our lovely countryside."
 
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Firehound15

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oBZx4mO.png


ASSORTED CORRESPONDENCES OF THE VICOMTE OF MONTVICQ
~~~
Part Two: 1866-1871 - The Eagle Rises, Autumn 1866
[Hector de Montvicq, trans. James Crawford (2001)]
___________________________________________________________________________________________

((Private - @DensleyBlair)

Monsieur le vicomte du Bessin,

I feel I must thank you profusely for your keen advice. There is indeed no doubt in my mind that regardless of what any man might prefer, we have no choice but to reconcile ourselves to what we have been given. But as you say, that reconciliation must not come at the expense of order and justice. It is this thought that, I must admit, has troubled me so. The monarchy will not return in your lifetime, nor I suspect in my own, although I hold some degree of hope for its eventual resurrection in better times. So what else ought a son of France do but ensure its survival and health?

While I feel I lack modesty in doing so, I am honored to accept your offer of continued counsel and support. For now, however, I believe the proper course of resolve is to wait and see what exists over the crest of hill we now must cross—and the means by which we will do so. Apart from that, I can only hope that if you are again someday called into service, it will be in good winds rather than a storm.

Cordialement,

MONTVICQ.

. . .

((Private - @Sneakyflaps))

Monsieur le prince de Condé,

It has recently come to my attention that the editorship of La Presse has lately become subsumed into the interests of radicals, contrary to the original purpose of its acquisition. During the coup of Tenth November, it even appears to have become something of a tool for Lecuyer, rather than the serious and temperate publication we initially intended it to be in our previous correspondences on the subject. Should we make arrangements to have its editorial board replaced and its true purpose reaffirmed? I believe Monsieur de Villemessant could be a good choice to assume the duties of editor, would he be interested in doing so.

There is in my mind increasingly little reason why we should allow La Presse to continue publishing nonsense at a time like this, when it is most important that denizens of Paris be told the truth and nothing else. Whatever might be said of the Republic, it is the government to which the interests of industry and property must acquaint itself. Better it be through the ardent defense of order than through any acquiescence to the demands of the kinds of men who, waving the red flag, would sooner tear down a factory than build one. Let me know of your thoughts and we can begin plans to inform the other stakeholders of any course of action that you seek to take.

Cordialement,

MONTVICQ.
 

Otto of england

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Raymound de la Rhone sat at his desk in Paris finishing his business, with the sudden death of his father, much needed to be attended before he would have time to grieve, or there would be nothing left by the time he returned. He, mused that his father would frown on him from heaven if he let the family business fall apart for the temporary weakness of his father dying to bring down a tyrant. For, while, the death of a family member is a tragedy, and one should mourn their passing, their death should not tarnish their accomplishments and to sit forlorn at the lost of a loved one but disrespects their loss. It is better to remember the recently dead for their accomplishments, rather than their loss, to carry on their goals and motives to the best completion you can give them.

Raymound stared down at the paper in front of him - a copy of his fathers will giving him 50% stake in Rhone Armouries, and reaffirming his wish to see him remain on as CEO and CFO of the company. A very sudden change in fortunate that he had not anticipated, he always figured his father would leave everything to his brother and that he would merely aid his brother in running the company. With this change in the will, written in put 4 days ago when his father left his Parisian house for the last time, Raymound was suddenly swelled up into a personally monied position he had never had before. Sure, he held a high position in a company and was paid well, but that paled in comparison to his new salary combined with company royalties. The collateral alone from his stake meant he could borrow much, much more that he could previously. Avenues opened before him that he thought not possible before.

Raymound let himself smile, perhaps this revolution was cause for celebration, for not only was France freedom from tyranny, the new regime open to real democracy may mean, that all of France could become truly partners - not the situation of the rulers and the ruled. Now was the time to work hard, before the dust settles, and after it settles, then it shall be time to mourn the fallen when all that could be accomplished in this brief moment is.


-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

((private @etranger01 ))

Mr. President,

Let me take this opportunity to congratulate you on successfully toppling the Bourbon regime. This new government brings great hope to many, and there is a renewed optimism in the air that century old wrongs could perhaps start to get righted. It is my hope that with the success of this newly formed government, that we may rid France of this wretched instability that has plagued her and finally come together as a people to advance her goals.

Though I must express, my only regret in this whole affair is that my father did not live to see it through. I know not what his relationship was to you, or even if you knew him at all, he was a private man about politics - always fearing that if he said to much that the Bourbon tyrants would come to arrest him. With that said, General de la Rhone was an avid supporter of you, and his goal for the last 14 years was to see you return to France once more following your exile in 1852. Alas, my father was slain during he revolution inside the halls of the Hotel du Ville, fighting to topple the Bourbon tyrants. It is but a cruel twist of fate that the man could not see you return himself, but tis the cruel fate of a soldier to die without knowledge of if their life meant anything.

I speak this to you, not to garner sympathy but as he last request of a recently deceased father to his son. For, while I know not his plans or his desires come success of the revolution, I know that he wanted to see your new regime succeed. Thus, with that in my mind I would like to offer your new government my support and any aid that I can give you through my business, friends, businessmen partners or whatever you need. I will admit I am not yet the man my father was, but it would disgrace his legacy if I turned my back on the one goal he had been so focused on in the last 14 years of his life.

I wish you luck in the transition to a real functional republic Mr. President. One day all the people of France may be able to breath her air as equals and friends. I do pray that you are the first step to this reality.

Yours,

Raymound de la Rhone
 

Jackbollda

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Lévis, arriving in London, prepares his memoirs. He is quite convinced, all things considered, that France is ungovernable, that to rule it, one must be ferocious—that to moralize it, by force even, is the only course that will bring it calm. It is not a popular view, but neither is the man; he was never their favorite.

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Name: Pierre Sarrien
Born: August 21, 1825 (41)
Profession: Commercial Lawyer
Department: Marne

Originally hailing from the petite-bourgeoise, or the 'bourgeoisie in embryo,' Pierre Sarrien was born into a Thionville family of provincial shopkeepers in the eastern department of Moselle. Thanks to the diligence and success of his father—leaving behind an indelible impression of meritocracy and social progress—the young Pierre enjoyed a secular education at a Parisian lycée, which preluded his entrance into the legal profession. He was raised to the bar at the onset of the Second Republic, though he remained aloof from its proceedings, if sympathetic with its mission. Captivated by the emergent forces of modernity and enterprise, Pierre specialized in commercial law, and earned a substantial clientele among the employers of Reims. A convinced and moderate republican, he mixed in the Freemasons' Lodges, whose anti-clerical creed remained a fixture of his political program.

In 1863, Sarrien was elected as a progressive-republican in the conseil généraux of the Marne. Though an avowed opponent of the royalist regime in this capacity, Sarrien focused his energies expressing and defending the sentiments of the Marne Chambers of Commerce whenever they encountered the contrary sentiments of the administrative fonctionnaires, regressive prefects, or socialists. With the establishment of an apparently stable Provisional Republic, Sarrien intends to leverage his local connections, and at last propel himself into national politics.

 

ThaHoward

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In his military uniform Jérôme inspected a major contigent of the National Guard. In a twist of faith Jérôme and Rhône was fighting side by side, Jérôme thought back and his greatest regret was to allow the unjust trial of Rhône to ever take place, it was contrary to his ideals of a liberal democracy and a great disservice to a patriot. He had vowed to never let such an attack on his liberal views to ever take place again. When Lévis and Henri wanted to supress le Siecle and send in the troops against students celebrating the Second American Revolution, when the King threatened to arrest Progressive and Republican Deputies, Jérôme was clear om his position; it could not be done. This was a red line. Had it not been for the temperance of Montvicq, whom he regurally corresponded with, he would have resigned there and then and joined Olivier and Ferry in their Republican faction for a democratic society.

Shots rang out, earth sprouted, the nostrils was filled with powder and his eyes burning from powder. The Guardsmen took to the barricades and trenches, supported by civillians who merely protected their home, their city, their lives. They all fought for Paris, but they also fought for France and for liberty, equality, fraternity. The guardsmen shouted orders and acknowledgements, a boy, no older than 15, screamed as he crawled away from the barricades his guts trailing behind him. His fellow citizens could not help him, the dogs of Livremont vaulted the barricades. Quickly Jérôme ordered the Guards in reserve to enter the buildings lined up along the barricade. They fired upon the royalists from the windows. They retreated, those who were not gutted by the bayonets was caused in the crossfire. Several slipped in the blood and intenstines, or they tripped as the smoke was too thick to properly navigate through the battered streets. The Patriots had won another victory.

Jérôme tended to the wounded and gave them word of encouragement. The boy who was found crawling, was not crushed under the boots of the Guard who rushed to reinforce the barricade. He thought that while the wounded here was in dire straits, the citizens who fell to the captivity of the Huns faced a far worse fate. Jérôme had seen first hand the crimes the soldiers perpetuated. Guardsmen and citizens who was either wounded or surrendered was executed. When the Royalists gain territory they executed the inhabitants. It was subordinate if they actually supported the revolution or just happened to live there; none could escape the wrath of the Jesuit Autocrat. This only stiffened their resolve. They were not fighting for ideas and politics. This was their home, this was war. None would be spared, fighting to the death or surrendering meant the same. Henri showed no quarter, neither would Paris. Jérôme wondered if all this bloodshed was worth it. Was declaring democracy and the Provisional Government worth all this bloodshed? Yes, he concluded. This war was started by the autocrat, democracy would never come.

Thanks to the cease fire the National Guard and citizens had hours to prepare, dig trenches, reinforce barricades, setting up firing fields. Thanks to the ceasefire they got unhindered supply of food and medical provision. They were strengthened and they drew the negoations out, waiting for the inevitable relief. Jérôme hoped the Prince Royal would follow on his father's resolve and aid the population. That his Regular Army troops would lift the siege of Paris, alas they did not. The blood would continue to flow, yet they managed to reinforce their positions, and they knew where the next attack would come.

They achieved universal suffrage, finally the Royalists accepted the natural evolution and the rights of man. However Henri steeped his hands with too much blood before he entertained the idea of suffrage. "Citizens! Henri has proven he is unfit to reign, that he care more about his priveledge of old than his subjects. How many more must die for him? Citizens, we the people and the government can never accept the reign of Henri, he must resign that butcher of thousands" Jérôme said outloud to a crowd outside of Hôtel de Ville when they learned the Royalists would never entertain the thought of abdication.


Inspecting the front line and dodging occasional bullets and richochets. Examining a company of the National Guard he held a small speech. "Citizens. In fraternity I greet you. In solidarity, and shoulder by shoulder I stand with you. 36 years ago Paris cast off the Bourbon yoke. Now we again stand against their grip over France. Let it be known all we wanted was suffrage, for all of France to truly be together and shape our grand nation and our great future. For that we was massacred. But all across France cities stand up in solidarity and have declared for us. The Bourbon and Lievremont grip on France and rape of Marianne is meeting its final days. This is the time of reckoning. This is when liberty and justice will be restored. I have news, moved by our struggle, moved by the National Guard's protecting Paris from tyranny, several Army Corps have declared for the people of Paris, for all French in our common struggle against the despots. No other than the heir of Napoleon the Grand Eagle, the greatest son of France and defender of liberty, Louis-Napoleon, Prince-Liberator march on to end the siege. To liberate Paris and all of France and sever the head of Henri and Lievremont! Hold out to nightfall, hold out as long as it takes, liberty leads the way from Evreux to Paris!"

Many in the nearby houses cheered on the speech, and together they sang the Hymn to Liberty. Jérôme saw that several of the men usually manning the barricades re-entered a café to continue their wine drinking. Jérôme mused that when he became minister, he first went to his father tomb and promised him he would continue what he started. He wondered if...

A bright light filled evening sky. The café was in splinters, it was no more; a direct hit. Jérôme was cast away several meters, after 10 seconds or so he laid breathless and his ears ringing. Stones and woodwork continued to fall down after the explosion. He waggled to the café, most were busy digging it out and survivors. He saw the corpse of a girl, no more than six summers old, face down in a pool of blood. Everywhere wounded and disfigured walked around aimlessly. "Man the barricades" Jérôme ordered. Just as he said that intense shelling followed suit. Above them, behind them, in front of them and amidst them. Shrapnel and fires were everywhere. Limbs laid everywhere. Men crawled and stumbled to the barricades. Reports came in, they were everywhere. None knew where they were or how many they were.

Jérôme then had a brilliant idea, he limped toward the balloon he had first intended to fly to Bonaparte and announce him the Liberator and brief him on the current situation. He would instead use it to survey the positions of the enemy. He ordered it prepped. But the soldiers broke a barricade. The dogs of war they were they let loose havoc. A line fired, while the one in front moved ahead crouched, then they fired and the rest followed suit. Jérôme fired his canegun. Then his two pistols. He aimed his rifle but missed.

He used all his strength in the ensuing brawl to repell the assailants. When he lost his sword, he pummeled a man to death with his ivory leg. He crawled to the balloon grabbed the rifle in there shot a man before bayoneting another. Three men took hold of him. Another gutted him while he struggled to get the bayonet lose, he pushkicked him unto the balloon. And by coincidence it made for a lift off. While the balloon took to the skies colored in red the crowds shouted "Remember Lécuyer, he is our hero, he is our martyr!" They roaree as they climbed into windows and balconies, fought savagedly and gave no merci. In reflection of 1830 an old man who had been a student then and witnessed the Death of the Captain cried "all who do not adulate, who do worship, who do not praise, our glorious martyr shall be strung from the balconies! He is the hero of the revolution!" Those words was spread across the barricades and trenches of Paris. And they retook the barricades.

The balloon and Jérôme floated uowards and away from the burning city, the sound of explosion fading away. Darkness consumed him as he looked to the heavens. Lécuyer had left the National Stage.
 
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