Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[m.equitum]

We Three Princes

(Joint IC with @Sneakyflaps and @Michaelangelo)

[SECRET]

Hotel de Crillon​

PARIS -- As the country once again entered into elections, three figures had gathered at the Hotel de Crillon. “Gentlemen,” remarked the Prince de Polignac, greeting the Prince de Rohan and, turning to the Prince de Condé, “Monsieur le President,” he said, with a smile, “welcome.”

The three princes had gathered in the principal Paris residence of the Prince de Polignac to discuss a number of matters, but, most importantly, to condole the young Prince de Rohan upon the recent death of his father, the Prince de Guémené, who had been a dear friend to the Condé and Polignac.

“It is with heavy hearts that we mark the death of your father,” began the Prince de Polignac, “please accept my condolences, and be assured,” he gestured towards the Prince de Condé, “that you may call upon your fellow princes to provide whatsoever assistance as may be needed in this time of shared grief.”

Princes de Rohan (left), de Polignac (centre), de Condé (right)
​

“Thank you, Your Serene Highness,” Henri de Rohan said, giving a nod of his head out of respect. He clutched tightly to his cane, using it to steady himself as a spasm of pain went down his left leg. He tried to ignore it as he often did. “My father would surely appreciate your kindness.”

“Your father was a good man,” Polignac began, “a man of great wisdom and courage. On several instances and key matters of state I had occasion to consult him and to benefit from his advice.” Polignac noticed the seeming distress which came over the Prince de Rohan; he appeared to be in pain. “Perhaps we should sit,” remarked Polignac.

“It may be best.” Condé remarked as he looked over the young son of Rohan, a small smile creeping across the lips of the former president. “I don't imagine that when your father named you, he imagined that you would take after your namesake in so many ways… least of all this.” Philippe nodded to the limp, “I hope it has not given you much trouble, I know how it vexed my brother at times.”

“It does tend to cause me grief from time to time,” Henri said, frowning ever so slightly at the acknowledgement of his limp. He wished people would not notice, even if that seemed impossible, but he supposed it was better than people commenting on his height. “I have started getting used to it though. Just one more test God has put before me and my family.”

“Gentlemen, as we are in mourning, protocol demands that we do not partake in revelry or merry-making, but it would be remiss of me were I not to offer you both some refreshment.” No sooner were the very words spoken than a footman appeared, bearing a silver tray upon which three crystal glasses were perched. Within each shimmering goblet was a Beaujolais.

MacMahon

​

“A vintage from Burgundy, indeed, from the Saône-et-Loire region, where, I understand a certain M. MacMahon is standing for election.”

“A man most eager to speak about the cause of the ministry, he took time to write to me during these last few weeks for said cause.” Condé mentioned as he took the glass into his hands, “It seems that despite our mourning, the rest of the Kingdom feels different, with all the joys that the press and politicians alike have taken to the street and the pen.”

“Indeed,” replied Polignac, “I read one of M. MacMahon’s publications, on agriculture as it happens, and have struck up a correspondence with him. He seems most eager to develop a system of agricultural credit, or, as he calls it, the credit agricoles.” Polignac, about to sip his wine, recalled that no toast had been raised: “To what shall we drink?”

Henri gingerly took the glass from the footman, holding it between his fingers like he didn’t know what to do with it. He was not much of a drinker, having found that alcohol tended to wreak havoc on his digestive system. Still, it was impolite to insult the host by not partaking, so he said, “Well we must at least drink to His Majesty’s health, as all good monarchists do.”

“To His Majesty, and to the wisdom of his government.” Condé added, the later being a more key part of this election that was unfolding. Not only with the Liberal Union, but also that of Ministeralists themselves. “So what are these pamphlets that I have seen around Paris, the Catholic League?”

His Majesty, The King​

“Vive le Roi!”[1] The toast was raised. ​

“As for the Catholic League, I too have seen the posters. An intriguing association,” Polignac mentioned,”I understand from M. MacMahon that the organization is principally focused on protections for rural France, and the interests of the inhabitants in the countryside.”

“A worthy goal,” Henri said after taking a small sip of his drink. “I know that my father always fought for the rural population, so they hold a special place in my heart as well. Too often do they get ignored by the government catering to the people of Paris, simply because their voice is the loudest.”

“And yet… the Catholic League.” Condé said, letting it hang in the air for the moment, “Henri, I would like for your opinion on this, and to know if it is just my mind that is bogled over the meaning of the name. The last Catholic League in France which springs to my mind was a coalition led by noblemen against the King, with such force that it almost prevented my good ancestor, Henri IV, from taking the Crown. Now, we have a new Catholic League, under the good King Henri V. A mere coincidence?” la Marche’s eyes going to Polignac.

“Indeed, the Polignacs took no part in that Catholic League, headed by the Duke de Guise,” said Polignac, “we sided with the King. Then as now, ever loyal to our shared interests.”

“On the subject of shared interests,” Polignac continued, “you will have heard great speculation with respect to the piercing of the Isthmus of Suez, but setting that matter to the side for a moment, there is another venture which I would bring to your attention.”

“The Messageries Maritimes has established a subsidiary firm, La sociéte des forges et chantiers de la Méditerranée, with the primary aim of constructing ships of war for the French and other navies.”

​

“Business must be booming as of late,” Henri said. “You’ve recently expanded your shipping empire and now are looking into constructing ships of war. That must be a costly venture.” Henri shifted in his seat, wincing a bit as the bullet lodged in his leg nudged a nerve. “It surely is a much needed one though. France’s military requires great attention, and a modern fleet will help ensure that she can protect her interests abroad.”

“And to ensure a modern fleet, the investment made by Polignac and I will need proper weaponry designs, innovation and ideas. Something which only one of us in this room is involved with to a great degree, who owns a company that has an illustrious history of supplying weapons following the recent American adventures.” Condé added.

“Yes, the Prince de Condé and I have invested in the Sociéte, and, we think that the Rohan-Descombes Manufacturing Company could produce a number of the armaments that would be necessary,” Polignac added, “would this be of interest to you?” he asked, patiently awaiting the views of the Prince de Rohan.

A ship
​

Henri rubbed his chin thoughtfully, pondering the proposition. “It would certainly be something we could do. Within the past few years we did expand our operations to begin producing artillery, and I imagine that could easily be shifted towards naval armaments. At the moment though we only have one factory capable of producing what you would likely need, and I am uncertain if that would be able to meet your needs.”

Polignac turned to Condé and nodded, as if to signal agreement, “The Naval Ministry has yet to place orders with the Sociéte, so your factory may be positioned to provide armaments or components of armaments for initial, anticipated requests.”

“Or equally important, designs for weaponry that can outproduce that of our competitors.” la Marche added, “Research and development so to speak.”

“Yes, indeed,” remarked Polignac, “the Sociéte would most certainly benefit from your knowledge of the detailed specifications of armaments.”

“Naval armaments,” Henri said, “are a bit outside what we have produced to date, so we would be starting from scratch when it comes to researching and designing new weapons, although we could surely manage once we had time to hire the right people and experiment a bit.” Henri licked his lips, thinking it over a bit before continuing. “I have been considering expanding operations, and perhaps this may be the excuse to do so. Perhaps a new factory to focus on this venture, with research and development commencing immediately with my existing artillery factory.”

“Splendid,” Polignac interjected.

Artist's depiction of the Rohan-Descombes Factory
​

Henri cleared his throat, knowing that the venture would not be completely smooth on his end. He’d best let his new business partners know sooner rather than later. “I must mention that it may take some time for arrangements to be made. Seeing as I am co-owner of the Rohan-Descombes Manufacturing Company, I must consult my business partner first before going ahead with anything, and ever since Baron Descombes decided to withdraw from public life, that usually means the board of directors at Descombes and Company. I will need to speak with them first before I go ahead with this.” Rohan rubbed his temple. “It is an inconvenient arrangement at times, but not much I can do with Descombes’s bank funding the company.”

“Very well, very well, it is good to understand your interest in the proposal; shall we confirm your position in a week's time?” Polignac inquired.

“That would be acceptable,” Henri said with a nod. “I had intended to meet with the board of directors anyway, so at least I will have something worthwhile to present to them this time.”

“Most excellent,” remarked Polignac, satisfied with the outcome, “let us meet again, seven days hence.”


[1] It was thought, quite unjustly, that Polignac initially raised the toast “Vive L’Empereur!” and then quickly corrected himself: “Le Roi! Vive le Roi!”

 

[Firehound15]

Voting is now officially closed. Expect an update tomorrow (probably).

 

[Andre Massena]

Béziers, Département d’Hérault

​

The good General sighed when his political manager explained to him that the frantic pace of campaigning had to be maintained all the way until the end. Correspondence from Paris was laced with good comments about his progress through the south of the country, yet, the military men felt that his supply lines were overextended, his fair and beloved town of Autun missing him cruelly. However, he also found renewed vigour in every handshake, drawing strength from the dreams and the ingenuity of the French people, every town brimming with ideas.

One such idea was the aménagement of a large new park in the city of Béziers, to provide lieu of escapade for the citizenry. Having contracted the services of famed architect Eugene Buhler, the city was dreaming of its future “Plateau des Poètes”, which was to be filled with various tree essences uncommon to the region.

Visiting the site, which at the time was merely a large hilly field of mud and rugged terrain, the General was being shown the vision by the city officials, envisioning a lake here, a small pond there, some tracks in a corner, some benches there. Politely nodding, he offered nothing but praise for the project.

“I must say that I am most impressed, but certainly most anxious to see the realization of such a vision. Oh painful it will be to wait for these trees to grow and blossom. But like good wine, the city of Béziers will add to its beauty through every season. I confess my admiration for the vision you are hereby implementing. Our French countryside is filled with projects, entrepreneurs and officials who understands that a glorious kingdom is expressed through the development of all its regions. There are those who look to the South and see only muddy fields and vineyards. But you and I both know that our rural areas maybe be muddy, but like you are doing here at this Plateau des Poètes, this mud can be shaped into wondrous realization, should we give the means to our departments to carry out the projects so dear to your hearts.”

Domadeaux scowled after reading reports of the general's visit to Béziers from his cousin, Robert Domadeaux, and wrote a letter in return

((Private))

Dear cos,

Thank you for the report. It is a shame to see the reactionaries strutting about our home. I hope our friends did not make any disturbances, for I do not wish to see them molested and ruined by this suffocating state of aristocratic censors. MacMahon is not the worst of them, certainly, but his cowardice makes me want to vomit. Louis Napoleon would never appoint such a defeatist if he was in power.

[Update about what he has been doing in America]

Please distribute some wine to the townspeople. I have always found that a free drink reminds people to vote the correct way.

I hope you are well.

Your cos,

-Jean Francois

 

[Michaelangelo]

Paris, Île-de-France

Henri de Rohan entered the boardroom of the board of directors of Descombes and Company, having arrived 15 minutes early to ensure not to keep the directors waiting. One time he had been a minute late and they had proved quite testy about his lack of punctuality. He was not going to make that mistake again.

Despite his earliness this time, Henri was surprised to find the room already occupied. Almost all the directors were already sitting around the boardroom table, with only Henri’s seat at one head of the table left empty and two more at the other end. The directors were whispering amongst each other but stopped when he entered. He ignored their stares as he hobbled towards his seat, leaning heavily on his cane to counter his limp.

Just as Henri sat down, the door to the room opened and two gentlemen entered. The head director, accompanied by a young man around Henri’s age, walked towards the far end of the table to the two empty chairs. All the directors rose from their seat and nodded their heads as the two walked past. Only when the two were seated did the directors take their seats again.

“Good afternoon, Monsieur Rohan,” the head director said, with what Henri assumed to be a smile. He had a hard time making out the man’s expression. There was a large window on the other side of room and the afternoon sun was shining through it right into his eyes. “I hope you do not mind if Monsieur Descombes sits in on this meeting.”

Henri eyed the young man sitting next to the head director. He had difficulty making him out with the sun in his eyes, but he had to assume that this must be one of Baron Descombes’s sons. He had heard that the Baron was getting his sons more involved in the bank, teaching them the family business. It reminded Henri of his father and how he had pulled him into the Rohan-Descombes Manufacturing Company to prepare him for eventually running the company. He hoped Descombes’s sons would never experience the pain he had gone through.

The head director cleared his throat and Henri realized he had not yet answered. “Of course,” Henri said. “I have no problem with Monsieur Descombes being present. He is welcome to attend in his father’s stead.”

The head director clasped his hands together and rested them on the table. “Well with that settled, how may we help you, Monsieur Rohan?”

Every eye in the room turned to Henri. If he was unsettled by the attention, he did not show it. It was better to get straight to the point anyway. “Monsieur Descombes,” Henri said nodding towards the Baron’s son. “Administrateurs. I asked for this meeting to discuss the next steps for the Rohan-Descombes Manufacturing Company.”

Sitting up straight in his seat, yet still feeling smaller than everyone else in the room, Henri continued, “As you are all aware, the Rohan-Descombes Manufacturing Company has been making a steady profit, and the market is only growing for the goods it produces. As more farms and estates attempt to mechanize to improve productivity, the need for the farming tools we produce increases. The militaries of the world continue to be in need of increasingly greater weaponry, something we can provide. Now is the time to expand, branching out to other locations and building upon what we already have established.”

Henri stopped for a moment, allowing time for the directors to take in his words. Their faces remained blank, so he was unsure if his words were hitting home or not. “I believe it would be to our benefit to target key rural areas in needing of mechanization and develop programs to improve access to our farming tools and make them more affordable to the average farmer. I have already had my secretary write up my potential ideas for such programs and distribute them to you before this meeting, so I hope you have had a chance to look at them.” Based on the blank looks he continued received, most had not, or if they did, they did not care. He felt like he was talking to a wall.

“As for our military production, the recent addition of our artillery factory has established a good basis for further expansion. Using the knowledge that we now possess, I believe we should expand our operations. We should start by--”

“Monsieur Rohan”, the head director said, interrupting Henri mid-sentence. The young prince paused a moment, pursing his lips in mild irritation. Once the director had his attention, the man continued. “I’m afraid Descombes and Company is not currently interested in further expanding the operations of the Rohan-Descombes Manufacturing Company.”

Henri blinked a few times, trying his best not to show any emotions. He had known coming into this that he would be fighting an uphill battle. The board of directors were not as favourable towards his ideas as Descombes has been with his father. With Descombes no longer personally involved in the company and with Henri’s father having passed away, the personal connection that made the joint business run so smoothly was gone. The board of directors were only interested in ideas that would clearly turn a profit with little to no risks, and just having a young man in his 20s running the company seemed to be too much of a risk to them. He was certain that if Descombes and Company had held majority control, he would be gone by now.

“May I ask why Descombes and Company do not believe expansion is needed?” Henri asked as politely as he could. It came off a bit too bitterly sweet, but he could not hold back all his annoyance.

The head director smiled, or at least Henri assumed he did since he was still looking at him with the sun in his eyes. “We have reviewed the proposals you gave to us and, quite frankly, they seem likely to be too costly to be profitable or too idealistic to actually function. As for the expansion of the company’s military production, we believe that with the end of the American-Mexican War that the market is somewhat limited and we would be unlikely to see much profit in expanding operations. At this time, we believe it more prudent to continue as is, or perhaps focus on refining the operations we already have if that is desired.”

Henri sat in silence, stewing in his own thoughts. Of course he had expected rejection, but it still annoyed him that there was little he could do about it. The Rohan-Descombes Manufacturing Company was a joint venture, and thus nothing could be done without the approval of the two owners. In most cases this meant Descombes and Company blocking his efforts because they believed them too costly or risky. There was not much Henri could do against that, especially since he had to accept the reality that it was also Descombes and Company that was primarily financing the whole venture.

After collecting his thoughts and taking in a deep breath, Henri said, “I am sorry to hear that.” A slight smirk crossed his face as a new thought crossed his mind. Reclining back in his seat a bit, he added, “The Prince de Polignac will be most disappointed to hear the news.”

The head director tilted his head a bit to the right, conveniently blocking out the sun shining right into Henri’s eyes. He could now clearly see the interest in the man’s eyes. The other directors were leaning forwards as well as their leader finally broke the silence. “Pardon, but did you say the Prince de Polignac?”

Knowing that he had finally gained their attention, Henri let a sly smile play across his face. “Yes indeed, the Prince de Polignac. I just met His Serene Highness that other day where he presented the most interesting proposition to me. It would seem that the recent firm he created, La sociéte des forges et chantiers de la Méditerranée, is seeking someone to assist with the production of armaments for the ships of war they would be constructing. He was rather hoping that the Rohan-Descombes Manufacturing Company would be able to provide him with the needed naval armaments. I had hoped to assure him that we could do so, once we expanded our operations to provide the necessary infrastructure, but of course I could make no further commitment without consulting the board here first.”

The directors eyed each other and shared hasty whispers as they took in this new information. The head director looked down at the table, drumming his fingers against the hardwood. After a minute, the slight humming of whispers died down and everyone looked to the head director. He scanned the room, as if reading the thoughts of all those gathered, before addressing Henri.

“If His Serene Highness is seeking to purchase armaments from the Rohan-Descombes Manufacturing Company, then it is best that we ensure we are able to meet any orders he places with us. Descombes and Company hereby authorizes you to expand our military production operations however you see fit, within reason, and extends to you the funds necessary to do so. Please send our regards to the Prince de Polignac and let him know that we look forward to working with him.”

With a smile on his face, Henri said, “I will ensure to do so. So now that that is out of the way, are you certain you don’t wish to discuss my proposals for rural France?”

The head director rose from his seat, immediately followed by all the other directors. “No, Monsieur Rohan, that is not necessary. This meeting is adjourned. We look forward to meeting with you in the near future to discuss this partnership with the Prince de Polignac in further detail.”

One by one the directors filed out of the room. The last to leave was the head director with the young Descombes. Only once they were gone did Henri rise from his seat. He struggled for a moment as his leg tried to give out on him, but he grabbed the edge of the table and heaved himself to his feet. He was glad no one was around to see that embarrassing display. He cursed under his breath as he grabbed his cane and hobbled out of the room, his thoughts a flurry as he contemplated the many details of this new venture. He would make sure to let the Prince de Polignac know the good news as soon as he returned to the l'hôtel de Rohan-Montbazon.

 

[Vals]

Private - @m.equitum

To the Prince de Polignac

Your Highness - I hope that you shall not take offence nor find it improper that I write to you once more in search of a favour from your hand. I still recall with great appreciation the generosity you bestowed upon me near a decade ago in aiding with the publication of my book "In the Shadow of Trafalgar" concerning the state of His Majesty's Marine, without your help it surely would never have seen the light of day.

As you may be aware I have spent the past four years cross the Atlantic in the service of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Mexico and his Navy. And though I know it is a sin I am myself profoundly proud of my service in the American Conflict of yesteryear as having taken place on the California cost. Alas, though I do not for a moment regret my departure to the New World it did come at the cost of neglecting my family and my sons in particular, both of whom have followed in my footsteps and have received or are currently receiving a naval education at the École Navale.

My oldest son Joseph who is now a grown man of 23 years graduated just after my departure - an event which I was quite hurt to miss - and has spent the past five years in the service of the Marine, having earned the rank of Lieutenant. As my firstborn son and heir he is expected to one day inherit the family estate and manage our finances, I have therefor come to the conclusion that before he may continue his service - if that is his wish - his education must be extended as to gain practical knowledge of modern economics and commerce, matters which I must confess has always been more to his nature and interest than a life of service as I have lived.

Well aware and supportive of the efforts as undertaken by yourself and the Messageries Maritimes in the service of France, I can think of no better place for Joseph to further his education and experiences than with you and your company. I hope you may consider taking this intelligent young man who already possess great knowledge on matters maritime and an aptitude for business into your employ and give him the possibility of developing himself professionally in ways the Marine and I may not be of service.

Once again I thank you for your past support, I wish you the best of luck in your future endeavours and hope I may one day return the gesture.

Yours truly

Contre-Amiral Vallée ​

 

[m.equitum]

Valence
(Drôme) ​

Resting in Grenoble for some days, the Prince de Polignac bid farewell to the Capital of the Alps, and sailed through the great Grésivaudan valley, to where the Isere meets the Rhone. Making his way up the river, paying a brief visit to the town of St. Marcellin, Polignac arrived at his destination: Valence.

Artist's depiction of Valence​

The city had served as the ancestral seat of the Marquis de Valence, a dear friend of Polignac’s father. Valence had occupied the high office of First Minister at the time of the fortuitous birth of the present sovereign, Le Dieudonné.

Having journeyed to Valence to pay a visit to old acquaintances, it was at a small gathering arranged by M. Joseph Ferlay, a celebrated legal scholar and former prefect, that the Prince de Polignac was introduced to a certain M. Alphonse Bérenger, a lawyer and anti-slavery advocate who was standing for election to the Chamber of Deputies.

The Prince de Polignac had followed with great interest the publications of M. Domadeaux, and was pleased to make conversation with M. Bérenger on the heroics of Louis Napoleon in America. “There can be no doubt,” remarked the Prince de Polignac, “that Bonaparte’s accomplishments have justly earned him admiration and acclaim.”

“Should you have occasion to travel to Paris,” the Prince continued, “I should be pleased to write you a letter of introduction, by way of which you may become acquainted with a member of the peerage, the Comte de la Rhone, who is well acquainted with Bonaparte and may have further details to share with you in relation to the recent and great emancipation of the slaves.”

​

 

[etranger01]

CARLTON GARDENS, JUNE 3 — Prior to my departure for St. Petersburg, I sat down with the exiled Prince Imperial of France, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, whose acquaintance I had made during the recent Mexican War. He was kind enough to offer me his thoughts on the present state of Europe. Printed here is an excerpt of that conversation.

The Times: What is your opinion on the situation in Poland?

Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte: I consider the oppression of the people of Poland to be a profound and inexcusable crime committed by three empires with no ethical or moral reason to possess any portion of that land or its people. That Poland languishes under such brutal tyranny is a stain on the fabric of Europe.

Times: And the convention between Prussia and Russia?

N.B.: Another entry in the criminal ledger. I have spoken to Lord Palmerston on the matter, and I am grateful to see that he is taking a leading role in opposing it.

Times: Did you have some role in Palmerston's involvement?

N.B.: I could not possibly comment on the substance of a private discussion, if there indeed had been one.

Times: I see. And the proposed European congress?

N.B.: The entire so-called "Congress system" is a blight upon the free peoples of Europe. It is a thinly-veiled conspiracy between feudal lords to continue treating their people as serfs under a veneer of international diplomacy. I have little expectation of any positive result from such a meeting. The ministry in Paris, despite its typically incoherent approach to policy, was at least correct in that regard.

Times: Have you been privy to the diplomatic correspondence?

N.B.: Now, if I had been, I wouldn't be able to say, would I?

Times: Any final thoughts?

N.B.: My best to Mary, and do be safe in St. Petersburg. Russian champagne is terrible, you know. Here, take some cigars before you go.

 

[Nax24]

Capitalism Should be Opposed
​

Capitalism and the bourgeois has shackled the working man to machines and dehumanizes them. It has brought suffering to all but the most wealthy of our society. The common man slaves away their lives for the betterment of a few. The worker is powerless in a capitalist system.

As such, the nature of the working man should be to oppose this system that dehumanizes him, that he should strive to ensure that the bourgeois and aristocracy have no power over him! The working man, the backbone of France, should be honored and respected, and under capitalism this will never happen.

Thus, the working man should oppose capitalism or any system that promotes capitalism for it makes them slaves and treats them like garbage. The working man does not benefit from a capitalist system!

-M. Babeuf

 

[ThaHoward]

The sun set over Paris, mist were creeping on in its place, the bustling city life was slowly retreating. It was if all of the city. However the city was not deserted, this was not Warsaw and Krakow under the yoke of Russian oppression, this was Paris; the very cultural heart of Europe. Where the Bohemians and artists indulged in absinthe, Jérôme with progressives candidates, some experienced as sly foxes, others new to politics and elected office - among them Jérôme. In common they had one thing: they were candidates for the Union Libéral, more specifically in its progressive wing. In a Hôtel in Paris, they gathered for a mini banquet of some sort. All courses were served, the regular toasts and conversation were held, yet it was some feeling of awe over the dinner party that was supposed to be a celebration.

A sensation of excitement kept the attendees excited, yet it was a somewhat pressured atmosphere; every member knew the gravity of the situation, that the verdict of the people would soon come and along with it the future of the Kingdom. Jérôme stood by the window watching over Paris, in deep thought of what was to come. Would he succeed, would the Union Libéral succeed? The hostess called out "look at the time, I will go and fetch the morning edition of the newspaper". Jérôme knew what it meant, while morning had yet to come it was the polite way to say "get out!"

Jérôme and Elisabet went home to Bagnolet. Or rather his ward's home. It was granted to his elder brother Joachim by Duc d'Neumors for his continued service to the Orléans in exile and later on in the Republic. While Jérôme at first considered the ducal title and Bagnolet as imprisonment and a trap, a way to control his father's legacy, he had grown attached to the place. He had also grown attached to his nephew Victurnien. At first when Jérôme looked upon the young Duc only sorrow surfaced. He was all too similar to his deceased brother. Joachim was murdered in cold blood, torn apart by the mobs, misled and ordered by Dubois now hiding away in London to escape his certain wrath. Jérôme had once sworn that he would bring justice to Dubois for his treachery, but that day had yet to come. Anyway, Joachim was killed, the month before Victurnien was born. This reminded Jérôme all too much about the loss of his own father. Most of his childhood his father was absent. He was either away with his circus touring France, at war in Spain, imprisoned for subversive activity or away in Italy where he spent a full year there, amongst the Carbonari hoping for an Italian national revolution one that never came. Instead revolution came and with that the death of his father. Meanwhile Jérôme and his siblings were confined to safety after the many assassination attempts and threats on their father's life. In some ways his father was just a legend, a myth. He had to base his existence upon contradictory works, and incoherent ramblings by his own father. Jérôme would shed a tear when he thought of his siblings who he grew so close to. Joachim was ripped apart in that particular June. Jean-Louis died of cancer, bedridden and infirm - full of his own shit. Marie-Louise was still alive, but far away having moved to America with her husband for the pursuit of happiness. However, worst of all was the loss of Stéphanie during the plague that ravaged Paris in 1832, at the age of 12 she was torn away from this earth and reunited with their father.

Jérôme promised to join the bed-chamber with Elisabet. After Mexico they had grown estranged, mostly because Jérôme felt that she was getting old and fat and not worthy of his attention, especially as he had his share of fun with his much younger mistress Mathilda. However he told her he would sit down in his private study.

There he read the exploits written by Domadeaux and he greatly admired the efforts of the freedom movement in Louisana. He secretly read their adventures and had a deep respect for their great endeavor. When he fought beside Mexico, and nearly lost his life on several occasions, he developed his own personal reason for staying in Mexico. He was fighting on the side of righteousness against the expansion of American slavery. In truth it was nothing more than a death wish on his part. He felt worthless and emasculated when he lost his life, his once-promising military career was all but over, his purpose in life done with. It was his way of going down in glorious death. But it was not to come. He became rejuvenated in Mexico and dreamt of creating a French volunteer force named the Legion of Jeanne d'Arc in the protection of Mexico against Republican America.

It was now as he consumed perhaps too much cognac, in Jérôme's mind there was no such thing, he dreamt of another adventure. Not one he would participate in, still, one that would aid the cause of Polish freedom. He fetched his previous notes on the Legion of Jeanne d'Arc along with reports on the funds raised during the fundraiser for said Polish freedom and then wrote several letters to those he believed interested.

 

[m.equitum]

Private - @m.equitum

To the Prince de Polignac

Your Highness - I hope that you shall not take offence nor find it improper that I write to you once more in search of a favour from your hand. I still recall with great appreciation the generosity you bestowed upon me near a decade ago in aiding with the publication of my book "In the Shadow of Trafalgar" concerning the state of His Majesty's Marine, without your help it surely would never have seen the light of day.

As you may be aware I have spent the past four years cross the Atlantic in the service of His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Mexico and his Navy. And though I know it is a sin I am myself profoundly proud of my service in the American Conflict of yesteryear as having taken place on the California cost. Alas, though I do not for a moment regret my departure to the New World it did come at the cost of neglecting my family and my sons in particular, both of whom have followed in my footsteps and have received or are currently receiving a naval education at the École Navale.

My oldest son Joseph who is now a grown man of 23 years graduated just after my departure - an event which I was quite hurt to miss - and has spent the past five years in the service of the Marine, having earned the rank of Lieutenant. As my firstborn son and heir he is expected to one day inherit the family estate and manage our finances, I have therefor come to the conclusion that before he may continue his service - if that is his wish - his education must be extended as to gain practical knowledge of modern economics and commerce, matters which I must confess has always been more to his nature and interest than a life of service as I have lived.

Well aware and supportive of the efforts as undertaken by yourself and the Messageries Maritimes in the service of France, I can think of no better place for Joseph to further his education and experiences than with you and your company. I hope you may consider taking this intelligent young man who already possess great knowledge on matters maritime and an aptitude for business into your employ and give him the possibility of developing himself professionally in ways the Marine and I may not be of service.

Once again I thank you for your past support, I wish you the best of luck in your future endeavours and hope I may one day return the gesture.

Yours truly

Contre-Amiral Vallée ​

To Rear-Admiral Vallée
(@Vals) ​

VALLÉE -- Permit me to extend to you my commendations upon your appointment to the rank of Rear-Admiral; I read of the elevation in the Court Circular and have been meaning to write you a note in congratulations. Please accept my belated compliments.

I am pleased to receive your letter and ask that you dispel any thought that the act of having resumed correspondence should give cause for offence. I recall well the work, In the Shadow of Trafalgar, and hope that you will once again take up the pen in advocating for military reform.

As to the expedition in Mexico, your service in the fleet of the Emperor is worthy of acclaim, and you rightly take pride in the campaign, no doubt fought with great honour, in that distant land. With your return to France, I am sure that you will add further laurels to those foreign accolades in our service of our sovereign, Henri V.

As for the young Joseph, your son would most certainly find a ready place within the Messageries Maritimes. I am certain that a young man of his talents will be a credit to the company. His record of naval service, along with your recommendation, will ensure for him a suitable position within the firm. Should the Admiralty approve his discharged from the National Marine, he may be assured of gainful employment in the Merchant Navy. Je vous prie de croire, Monsieur, à l’expression de ma considération.

​

 

[Andre Massena]

Domadeaux writes to the famous French anti-slavery activist, Victor Schœlcher

((Private))

Dear Monsieur Schœlcher,

It is a pleasure to finally write to you. Your dedication to the cause of abolitionism in France and her territories has been an inspiration to all who value the ideals of liberté, égalité, and fraternité, especially the army of liberation in Louisiana. I would like to particularly thank you for your support, despite the great personal risk this entails, of anti-slavery organizations in France, which has helped maintain the flame of liberty in our country. It is an outrage that the organizations have been harshly suppressed by the Bourbon regime, who fear the association of abolitionism with the cause of Bonaparte and Republicans and an uprising by the classes they treat as slaves.

If you would be so kind, I would like to soon meet with you in person so we could discuss our experiences observing the vile practices of slavery, methods to assist the abolitionist organizations in France, and the future of the abolitionist cause. Though the slaves of Louisiana and France have been freed and slavery has been halted in the new American territories there is still much work to be done, for slavery will always be a stain on humanity's conscious as long as it exists and an anchor dragging down the progress of civilization.

For your pleasure and enlightenment, I have attached M.Bonaparte's memoirs concerning the Louisiana campaign as well as my own writings regarding my experience in America and my observations on the institution of slavery.

Sincerely,
Jean Francois Domadeaux

 

[99KingHigh]

Chapter 9: The Grandees
(March - June 1863)

​

Baron Descombes exited the political scene unscathed by the violent tribulations which usually conclude the careers of French statesmen. Not since Armentiéres had a French politician departed at the apex of national mastery; never in modern history had it been accomplished alive. His value to France was as an indisputable figure of stability. To the partisans of order, he was a steady hand in troubled times, always prepared to intervene at a regal quest and steady the ship. But to dissidents he was the consummation of old France, dying too slowly for the New to break out, and crushing aspirations for change and modernization. No matter the general opinion (and as always, there are many), Descombes succeeded in constructing a vast political network built around his reputation as the dependable statesman. Certainly in this very strict sense he was an undeniable force for stability in French politics. Thus his resignation induced the great disintegration of the system built on his name, and the flight of personalities from the ministry reached a feverish pitch. Charlus and Bessin already had cause for a permanent return to France; the former to claim his father’s peerage and estates and the latter by his wife’s terminal illness. In Descombes’ absence, these Grandees resumed their political centrality, previously lost in the October crisis.

Back in the Palace, Henri moved swiftly to replace his long-time premier with another authoritative personality. He expected that Moncey, the illustrious-sword, would assume the role played by Descombes. In reality, the ministry shifted deeper into Henri’s control; Lièvremont became the dominant decision maker within the Tuileries and the person of the King was not far behind. Moncey himself proved a dependable supporter of the ministerial policy but he was secondary to the palace clique, which had been joined by the Foreign Minister, Drouyn de Lhuys, who was close to the Queen and her pro-Austrian friends, and Charles de Wendel. There was some initial concern about the status of public opinion given new pressures from La Presse (under new ownership) that advocated for liberalization and social reforms and earned an important readership among the progressive deputies of the Comité de la rue de Lille. Le Siècle offered its own indirect criticisms of the ministry by scrutinizing the proposed reforms on housing and industrial conditions, and the ministers were not oblivious to that fundamental motivation. Nevertheless, the governmental reshuffle was plenty of continuity to satisfy the dependable friends of the ministry. The Journal des débats issued support, and the Bourse financiers gave their own approval by rising stock prices. Hopeful ministerialists turned to the profitable rumors of the Suez project and the prospect of another electoral victory. Danger seemed distant, and the ministry commenced a reformist ponder. Lièvremont spoke to the King with some warmth on relaxation of controls, especially for the mutual aid societies. His speeches, however, reflected an ambiguity that betrayed a sustained unease for reform. Few policies were offered by the ministry that informed a definitive program for change. The prefects were given relaxed orders for electoral procedures, though several illegal republican meetings met querulous conclusions in Marseille. But it was not until after the thunderous events of late March and April that the King authorized Lièvremont’s relaxation. By then the government was on the defensive, and its hard-fought reputation for stability threatened from all directions.

Poland​

The conflagration in Poland might have started in Warsaw but Paris showed no interest in suppressing the fire. Bound by emotional associations with the Catholic Church and practical understandings of French public opinion, the King’s ministry contemplated adventure. At every turn they were encouraged by press outcries and public meetings that earned support from friar and fomenter alike. Thanks to his connections, Jérôme de Lécuyer ensured that La Presse inaugurated the roll call of the patriotic press. He blasted the ‘Teuton Oppressor’ and then orchestrated Le Siècle's subsequent denunciation, just as its reputation demanded. East Paris was alive with furious pamphlets excoriating Russo-Prussian imperialism, and the Prefect of the Seine was relieved to turn a blind eye. Even the malevolent productions of the popular Maison d'Edition Lily, such as a “A Condemnation of Atrocity,” or Dubois’ obvious handywork, passed unscathed. In the meantime, the French government was taking Europe’s temperature. At first, the Austrian party held the advantage as it pursued not so much Vienna’s ‘position’ per se as her presumed position in Paris. Within the government they could earn a sympathetic ear from ministers incensed against Russia and attentive to popular opinion. Thus the ministry moved to isolate St. Petersburg and Berlin in order to force a settlement on Poland.

Here entered the intricate network of competing interests that defined the continental system. With Lièvremont’s encouragement, Drouyn was in full maneuver to divert the hostility of the French friends of Poland onto Prussia. This was not an unpopular policy. The dream of the natural borders, and the idea of punishing Berlin for her mistreatment of Poland, even earned the praise of the troublesome Comte de la Rhône, who was to play a central role in the electoral drama. But by the early stages of the crisis the ministry should have seen the danger; the Duc de Broglie was insistent in his reports that Lord Palmerston would only have protests lodged in St. Petersburg. The British government, and especially its First Minister, were dominated by suspicions aroused by Paris' focus on Berlin. When they were invited to act against Prussia the Palmerston ministry privately concluded that France was looking for an excuse to "occupy the Rhineland." The Austrian government, meanwhile, feared that if French feeling did not find an outlet against Prussia, it might seek an alternative distraction in the Balkans, where trouble was brewing in Greece, or worst of all, in Italy. Either way, Vienna could not risk inviting the Western Powers into the Polish question. Her territorial interests in Galicia and the ethnic issues of the empire were jeopardized by the very thought. Great Britain and Austria therefore would have preferred to keep quiet on Poland, but they were compelled by French opinion to make a gesture against Russia, and by the fear that Paris might turn against Prussia (the opinion in London), or crack open the Polish question in reality (the opinion in Vienna). The ministry was “caught by its own ingenuity:” by proposing action against Prussia, they put the Polish question on the international stage and had to commit against Russia.

The coalition between Austria, France, and England was now in being, and from the outset all the confusions of the Vienna settlement were revealed. There was one great caveat. The British were distracted by the termination of the American War; their expenditures were unsustainable and the Liberal ministry was determined to impose financial discipline. Throughout the crisis they were resolved not to go to war in Europe. Public opinion would not have sanctioned another costly venture. Though sympathy with Poland was strong in England, Palmerston cooperated with Paris solely in order to tie it down, and of course, to weaken the Franco-Russian entente. The Austrians followed their own course, and no less disastrously; they appeased France with diplomatic gestures while assuring the Russians these concessions committed Vienna to nothing, and so offended both sides. Yet when the triple coalition offered their first note of protest to St. Petersburg in early April, the ministry remained fixed on its searching course for adventure and public opinion was only irritated by the crawling pace of the diplomatic machinery.

The Liberal Union​

In an early article in La Presse, Montvicq discussed the stifling repression of the press laws and noted that: “Worse yet, the absence of public arguments critical of our present condition in fact prevents counterarguments from being heard. Few in Paris or indeed in the rest of the country can proffer clear criticism of undesirable political orders.” But the reality was yet not as grim as forecasted. Indeed, lively reformist proposals continued in the Parisian press, and the popular mood appeared increasingly disposed to contemplate relaxations. The immediate danger for elite reformers was not that their message would be suppressed—for their studious caution the official censors stood back—but that it would be drowned out without support. Le Siècle was too untrustworthy and too republican to serve as a mouthpiece for the dynastic opposition. La Presse was hardly the popular mouthpiece it had once been during the Second Republic. Provincial papers were dominated in the countryside by the legitimists and in the towns by the uneasy bourgeoisie. To acquire a national platform without the institutional support enjoyed by the ministry appeared to shrewder observers a near impossibility. In that environment, whatever the exertions of Auberjonois, the opposition dynastique would not have withstood the electoral onslaught of the ruling political class. It was necessary to form an alliance that could count upon structural support from above. Otherwise, reform, no matter how loud the chorus, would not survive.

By chance of fate, the reformists were saved not from a popular upsurge but from an intervention from the highest corridors of Restoration society. A confusing fate had sentenced the Grandees to diplomatic exile, but the incapacitation of their political power by Henri could only be sustained for as long as they were confined to foreign courts. Once they returned all the old friends and favors were resumed, and the encouragements of their entourages were not dampened by the Grandee’s judgement on the ministry’s performance, which Bessin and Levis found deeply unsatisfactory. In the waning days of the Second Republic both men had served the Extreme Right, defending the House of Bourbon and accelerating its return. By 1863, however, they were distancing themselves from what they perceived to be a government in stagnation, overly dependent on an exclusive class of partisans and oblivious to the needs of the bourgeoisie. Bessin’s views on the subject were accentuated by the influence of Lord Palmerston, who in his mind had succeeded in disciplining reformism through the Liberal Party. Levis, though he atoned for his October blunders, simply defaulted to the position that he had always advanced: that the royal government was best kept in dependable hands far from the intrigues of the reactionary faction. Liberalism, in that sense, offered him the surest route to reconstruct his party and obstruct the other. His liberal legitimism was of the brand that occupied the aristocratic Foreign Ministry; Bessin’s of the type that foresaw an urgent need to reconcile aristocratic liberalism with bourgeois progressivism. The convergence of these sentiments at this fortuitous juncunture brought a personal rapprochement at Levis’ estate in March, and the rapid production of the joint manifesto that would come to be known as le manifeste libéral.

It was a political masterpiece in the sense that it occupied the absolute center of Restoration politics and denied the ministry any initiative. While promising very little, in definitive terms at least, the general claims to liberalization, economic reforms, and decentralization appealed to those notables and town elites within the party of order who had to balance their personal liberalism with sustained fears of social disorder. Growing calls for concessions within their own communities, among provincial professionals and those in regular contact with the lower classes, provided an incentive for elite cooperation with liberalism. But without support from the center it was unlikely that political success could be achieved. Departments who voted for the dynastic opposition, for example, were never high on the list for assistance from the government. Lack of official support was a powerful disincentive for opposition politics. Still, there were plenty of dissident parties among the localities that had remained loyal to the ministry. The Protestant notables and grands industriels of Drôme, Ardèche, Gard, and Alsace, as well as large ranks of Walloons, disliked the clericalicalism of the Restoration government; eastern and south-eastern Orleanist notables (the ‘Nancy party’) resented the erosion of their political power to Paris-imposed ministerialists; the provincial bourgeoisie of the Loire was again in competition with the aristocracy; and anywhere Republicans held the preponderance of minds but the minority of votes, they could be expected to endorse liberalization if they balked from abstention. With the creation of the Union libérale those constituencies earned the formal endorsement of the Grandees, and abandoned the ministry.

Owned by Levis’ friends since the Second Republic, L’Union served as the mouthpiece for the reformist cause. It was la presse de référence for Restoration elites, nearly as prestigious as the Journal des débats, and the second largest newspaper in France behind Le Siècle. Until Descombes’ resignation it had backed the ministry (excepting the October crisis when it had shown its influence), and thus created an uproar in Paris and the cities of France when it defected to the opposition. The ministry, privately, contemplated censorship for the preamble, but the King would not allow it. Nevertheless, no effort was made to conceal the authorship of the manifesto, and many deputies and peers remembered the intricate webs of patronage and politics that bound their personages. A mixture of personal-political relations and opportunism encouraged declarations of support from the French elite; the aristocrats of Maine-et-Loire would not have dared oppose Levis, and Bessin carried his own loyal entourage into the anti-ministerial ranks. One defection encouraged another, and soon the dividing of the Peers assumed a practical reality as much as an emotional one. Younger peers tended to defect in greater numbers, though there were plenty who launched their careers in denouncing liberalism while the limelight shone. It was improbable that the defections would upend the composition of the ministerial majority, but in reality the result was not far behind.

Union libérale, 188
Conservateurs ministériels, 232​

The second success of le manifeste libéral was not apparent at first because it was not achieved by L’Union’s declaration. This was the appropriation of the progressive cause and its parliamentary strength among the bourgeoisie. Compromise was fraught with treacheries. Bessin and Levis had drafted the document on their own terms and without input from the dynastic opposition and its competing factions. Both were concerned about excessive concessions given their own predisposition for doctrinaire liberalism. It was in this setting that Levis scored one of his career’s greatest achievements by procuring the dynastic opposition’s unification under the Union libérale. The liberal deputy Montvicq served in the capacity of mediator, and this was opportune for Levis who discovered Montvicq in complete agreement with his own plans. Without giving anything, Levis accomplished everything, and earned the compliance of Auberjonois and the progressives of La Presse by force of his position alone. Levis then sanctioned the proliferation of a decentralized system of electoral committees and made sure his friends were able to influence their collective direction. The Union libérale formed in practicality through these loosely associated committees as the respectable forces of opposition within the departments coalesced under the Liberal committee. Where the incumbent was a progressive deputy, Levis made no intervention, but electoral committees elsewhere tended to favor local notables with previous connections to the Bessin ministry, or to friends of Liberal peers. Experienced legislators from the conseils généraux were especially prized for their cautious commitment to reform over more vociferous alternatives from progressive ranks. Nevertheless, despite their divisiveness, the committees succeeded in giving opposition factions (particularly those uneasy with authoritarian deputies) a vehicle for power. For the first time, prefects were compelled to weigh competing loyalties; personal and political relationships with Liberal magnates in the localities and Paris could influence their electoral tactics and personal style. In competitive departments prefects refrained from the various state interventions that previously defined French electioneering on the insistence of powerful Liberals. Distributing public works funds to ministerial arrondissements and towns was not an option in departments in which Liberals anticipated winning the conseil genereux and already dominated the mayoralities. To attempt a frontal attack against these elites was an impossibility even for the prefects. By accident then the 1863 election was the freest since the Second Republic.

Paris
​

For the ministry to have remained inactive would have been fatal, but even so their program, swept underneath by the Manifesto, did not inspire. The King authorized the conditional relaxation requested by Lièvremont in early April, but this was only an indication that the government was falling behind the narrative. Poland thus assumed an elevated importance in ministerial calculations, and the ministry fought furiously to keep the diplomatic initiative. Lhuys countered Gorchakov's initial proposal (17 April) for an all-topic European Congress with harder demands: the Alvensleben Convention was to be annulled, bilateral talks between the Western Powers and Eastern Courts were to be convened, and Prussia was not to be left unpunished. Gorchakov refused the note on 30 April and here perhaps was the first opportunity for adventure against Russia. But the ministry instead pivoted back to London and Vienna as Lhuys and Lièvremont attempted to redirect the coalition against Prussia. This was confirmation of Palmerston’s fears and he quickly adopted a public line that confined culpability for the Polish crisis to Russia. Vienna, for its part, might have been courted against Prussia, but the Polish Question could not be the source of that dalliance, and anyway Austria knew that the coalition could not be sustained under those conditions, for Britain would not consent. Regrouping, Paris moved to keep the pressure alive; they pushed a second note against St. Petersburg that was accepted by London and Vienna and that demanded an armistice in Poland and the establishment of an autonomous Polish state. Then, when Gorchakov refused the note on 7 May, the ministry realized its position. If France wanted action against Russia, perhaps with a landing in the Baltic and Swedish assistance, this was the moment. Palmerston held that a French army was less dangerous in the Baltic than on the Rhine, and implied armed British neutrality. But the pursuit of the anti-Prussian policy had cornered France against Russia, and the ministry showed little avidity in bringing their diplomatic policy to its military conclusion. At the same time, the ministry had unleashed the beast of public opinion by its bellicose policy and close association with the Catholic party. Louis Veuillot’s ultramonatone L’Univers, perhaps the most clerico-reactionary newspaper in France and an occasional supporter of the ministry, was roaring in favor of religious liberty in Poland. The clergy showed little reluctance in extolling the virtues of a liberation war. Concurrently, Republican opinion was further excited by the pro-Polish expressions in Bonaparte’s manifeste populaire, which commenced its gradual and subversive dissemination in France, both in text and by word of mouth (Zola said “no son of the Republic does not know it by heart”). Revolutionary pamphlets, especially those of Charbonneau, flew at such a pace in Paris and Lyons that the Interior ministry finally intervened and cracked down on pro-Polish pamphlets if deemed insurrectionary. Le Pays warmed the public to the idea of a general congress and peace.

This was a prelude to the ministry’s diplomatic defeat. They knew they could save their relations with Russia if they had been willing to confess their helplessness in eastern Europe. The ministry consented to previous Russian advice to call a general European Congress and backed down from the prospect of war. Even this expedient collapsed; Russell, the champion of European liberties, denounced the Congress in the name of treaty rights and the status quo. Though the British government might have looked favorably on many national causes, London was not prepared to improve Europe’s condition by seeing France in the Rhineland or Russia supreme in the Ottoman Empire. England was more than willing to allow instability on the continent as long as there was order in the Near East, and Russell was adamant that such a comprehensive discussion would serve only to accentuate tensions. Vienna wasted no time in pulling out as well once the British refused to attend, and the Congress quickly fell apart as the promise of general compensations vanished. Paris levied the blame on London, and did whatever it could to distract from the failure of the Polish adventure by redirecting it onto Palmerston. Unlike Paris, however, Palmerston could withstand the heat.

The mood in Paris was nearing insurrection. Neither the infamous speech of the Comte de la Rhône nor the suspicious death of the journalist Damien Passereau did anything to calm the mood. Elsewhere in the capital, La Presse was independently promising the nomination of Liberal deputies supportive of wider political and social reforms, including universal suffrage, and under Lecuyer’s direction the paper fanned outrage over Poland. On 16 May, the King moved against Rhône for his Bonapartist sympathies, and the Chancellor issued the charges due at the next meeting of the upper chamber. The near-riotous reaction of Paris to these charges brought the illustrious sword, Conegliano, back to the forefront. He published a warning against disorder under his own name entitled “Republicanism and Chaos” and made it clear that no disorder would be tolerated. The official papers, such as Le Constitutionnel, followed in their denunciations of Rhône. Under these conditions the Union libérale could not keep silent, but it was unclear what party they might favor. Levis would not have his coalition of respectable gentlemen endangered by allegations of disloyalty, and L’Union pronounced firm agreement with the ministerial position. For the most part the progressives were inclined to agree and the Union libérale adopted a definitive policy for prosecution. Certainly it was an additional signal to provincial elites about their seriousness and another impetus for defection, but the Liberal declarations were also disastrous for their position in the capital. Charbonneau’s pamphlet, “Poland Bleeds,” caused a rapture in London and East Paris, despite official suppression; the Liberals appeared in retreat at the center, and the exiled Left Republicans basked in their popularity during a famous meeting on Poland in St. James Hall.

The elections proceeded as expected on 30 May, and the results first became apparent in Paris. In the capital the electorate had grown by 50,000 since the economic dislocations of the early 1850s; thousands more now passed the eligibility requirements for three-year domicilities. The country at large boasted a growing electorate of nearly seven million, and there was no lack of grumbling among officials that universal suffrage was becoming a reality on its own. Armed with these demographic pressures the Republicans stormed the capital elections as Paris and its suburbs decisively abandoned the regime. Nine republicans were elected in Paris – Favre, Picard, Ollivier, Darimon, Gueroult, Pelletan, Bonhomme, Simon, and Havin (of Le Siècle). Hénon also won in Lyon, where officials noted the efforts of local canvassers to identify supporters and to ensure they were registered; Marie was elected in Marseille, Dorian in Saint-Etienne, Magnin in the Cote-d'Or, and Glais-Bizoin in the Cotes-du-Nord. Republicans also had fifteen departments where the pre-eminent candidate was a republican and refused to swear the oath of office and election, and three additional departments in the Parisian suburbs where the same held true. In the Pyrénées-Orientales, for example, the obvious candidate was the anti-oath local republican, Emmanuel Argo. As a result of his refusal, the republicans chose to support the Liberal Isaac Pereire who was judged to have brought good work to the region, despite his reputation as a speculator, against Justin Durand, the candidate preferred by the ministerialists, the clerico-legitimists, and the anti-semites. Two further victories were prevented by pre-election gerrymandering. Such was the case in Rouen where L.P Desseaux, a moderate republican who had served as a former state prosecutor, was the defeated candidate.

While Paris was lost to republicanism, France went over to liberalism. By election day the Union libérale had already earned a great many partisans in the Chamber of Deputies by pure defection. Falloux resigned from the government a week before the election and canvassed for the Liberals in Anjou. Nearly all the major towns voted at once for the opposition; Marseilles, Lyons, Lille, Bordeaux, and Toulouse. The eastern departments, at least those not already in the possession of the dynastic opposition, ejected their ministerialists if they failed to accept the endorsement of the Union libérale electoral committees. Liberal landlords added to the provincial revolt by unseating ministerialists throughout central France. By early June it was apparent that a Liberal majority was plausible, by mid-June it was a certainty.

Republicans, 14
Union libérale, 196
Conservateurs ministériels, 169
Droite nationale, 21

​

The sizable ministerialist party that remained in the Deputies naturally feared for its patronage if the ministry was damned to replacement. In the elections they had fallen into a confused mass without purpose or principle. Duval the Younger tried to conjure a moderate course for a prospective ‘Conservative Party’ but the platform over-echoed the Liberal manifesto and in any way could not answer the confusions of the legitimists. There were preliminary attempts at a “Catholic League,” though the echoes of the Guise were liable to stir apprehension, and in any case it was not accepted by the ministerialists who remained undisciplined in ideology. But there was one respect in which the Liberal victory aided the development of the French Right, and that was attained by recourse to definition. The majority of legitimists, especially among the aristocracy and Catholic bourgeois oligarchs, were by disposition not liberals; if anything they were eager to denounce it. They attacked the rhetoric as well as the reality of the liberal social concept introduced into France by the Enlightenment and the Revolution. Clerico-legitimists understood that a central precept united Orléanist oligarchs and democratic republicans, that “man had it on his own authority to promote mankind’s happiness, enlightenment, and freedom in this world.” Counterrevolutionary opinion abhorred the basic assumption that it was man’s jurisdiction to arrange the world, and wherever they discovered social disorder it was this individualist impulse which they accused. On the contrary, their aim was for a life beyond this world, for which the mortal presence was only a preparation, and in which all were beckoned to the instructions of his vicar on Earth. Liberalism had failed to acquire an appropriate understanding of human nature; as it claimed to guide the dictates of mankind, it was by necessity the fatal enemy of Catholicism. The Gazette de Flandres et d’Artois summarized this opinion best in a post-electoral editorial: “‘Legitimism ... is not an opinion, it is a living, profound and unshakeable faith; its origins are in God’s justice, it alone will earn Divine reward; it is impossible to depart from its principles without meriting God’s anger.”

--

Over to you, Max.

 

[Nax24]

​

Name: Arthur Veil
Date of Birth: July 28, 1838​

Bio: Arthur Veil was born the son of a Parisian clerk and his wife. His older brother, Christian, was one of the earliest follows of the new socialist ideology, a following that would ultimately cost him his life. Christian Veil was one of the many dead in the city of Paris after the June Days uprising was brutally suppressed. Arthur's grief for the loss of his brother hounded him all the way to university. Here, he decided to learn about the ideologies that his brother died for, and was converted to a socialist way of thought at his time at university. He too would become a clerk, but his socialist thinking led him to various secret Marxist groups operating in Paris. He would discuss theory and socialist beliefs, the various works of men like Proudhon and Blanqui, as well as the works of the Bonapartists and Republicans in exile and in France. Arthur was energetic, willing to learn all he could about the ideology of his brother, and to learn how to topple the people and institutions that killed him...

 

[Dadarian]

A SPEECH
Delivered to the Chamber of Deputies
In Declaration of Governmental Requirements​

Gentlemen. I see quite a few new faces, new peers who will endeavour to maintain this grand Kingdom as the preeminent nation within Europe. By the Grace of Henri de Bon, the Droite National have established a short list of conditions in which any cooperation is a requirement, outside the grace of His Majesty and His will. The first is the unilateral adoption and maintenance of universal suffrage to all men. This chamber is one in which predicated on the whims of God, King, and the Commons. Although many of you pay due fealty to the former two, not enough deference is paid to the later, and when it is, it's poisoned by the taint of Liberalism and Republicanism. The second is the expansion of the educational programs into all rural communities, where not a single child has to miss his Sunday school after Church because there is no access. The last is the uptake of serious, unmitigated reforms to our industrial laws, so that they be uncorrupted by the haute-bourgeois that engage in robber barony as if this was the time of Charles le Fou. This is a new era, one under the guidance of Henri le Bon, and we should all live up to His expectations, desires, and whims. For He knows what is best for this nation.

 

[Carol-Niko]

Adelle Pauwels, Député du Hainaut
​

Chère femme,

If His Majesty is still sane, I do believe there will be a liberal ministry soon. It was all the work of the career conservatives: too stupid to ignore Prussia; too smart to fight Russia. Their willingness to fall not to public opinion saved many a foolhardy souls. And the French public rewarded them with an unceremonious kick to the backside! Much to our own benefit; I expect our fortunes to rise no matter what happens. Just continue to stay out of Paris until everything gets settled. Try to think of a name for our child to keep your mind busy with subjects other than penny dreadfuls.

Yours,
A. P.​

 

[Eid3r]

Excerpt of the private journal of General Edme Patrice de MacMahon

The barbarian horde has broken through the gates and flooded the capital, sweeping in their midst’s much of our fair country.

A powerful sentiment has taken hold of the nation, feeding anger and providing an exutoire to a souring national mood, anxious to pin the blame for any hardships on the back of the outgoing ministry.

I must confess that I found this entire campaign exercise quite distressing, for it appears that no matter how much effort I could personally deploy toward our cause, there was little that could be done facing such and onslaught.

That this wind of anger swept the capital was always a possibility, but that the electoral hurricane batters the very door of my house, in my beloved Autun, a town to which our family has brought so much throughout our generations, saddens me greatly. A mere handful of votes and I too would have been carried away by the tide toward indignity. Maybe for the better. Tant pis! J’y suis, j’y restes!

Despite common sense, we have been soundly and thoroughly routed. It is with the sour taste of defeat that I shall head toward Paris, a city which yesterday seemed quite peaceful but now seems to me a cauldron of dissatisfaction on the verge of boiling over once a healthy dose of disillusion follows the unrealistic promises.

The King is now hostage to those who believe they control the flames of the fires they have lit in the name of unbridled progress. They shall, in time, realize the folly of their hubris, but alas, I fear it will be too late for our poor Marianne not to suffer greatly.

I shall do my duty, under the Lord’s eyes, and pray that France avoids much of the tribulations of the path upon which she is soon to be steered.

 

[Bioiron]

Pamphlet printed in London, intended to circulate in East Paris


The Poles Still Struggle for Liberty​

Good French men, As this king's elections have passed, having produced a result likely to his dissatisfaction, he looks, to the formation of a ministry.

Yet at this very moment, the polish and catholic minority in Russian occupied Poland, beset by Bismarck's tyranny to their west and czarist tyranny to their east, face not dissatisfaction, but brutal repression. They do not look to form a ministry, they must desperately fight for the formation of a state of their own.

As our Polish brethren struggle, we must keep in mind the hypocrisy and weaknesses of the king's men in his ministry over the last few months. Their posturing, their backtracking, their timidity. For all their claims of 'catholic solidarity' they have show far more in interest in keeping within the bounds of the mediocre cowardice that they have continuously shown to be most comfortable with, eschewing entirely the sacrifice and struggle for liberty, justice and glory that the Poles are so courageously engaged in.

There must be a public, proud and forceful commitment to the cause and ultimate victory of Polish national sovereignty over their oppressors.

For this king's ministry to continue to prevent France from doing all that she can to aid the Polish struggle for liberty, would be a grave insult to all good men of France, from city to country, from factory to farm and would cement a recognition of this regime's illegitimacy to all.

 

[Nax24]

A letter is sent to the Comté de la Rhône ((@Otto of england))

Spoiler: Letter

General sir,

I write to you offering my support for your statements and actions over the election period. Your support for the working men in East Paris has been applauded by myself and many of my comrades. We too see this decrepit government for what it is, nothing more than a rich-mans play-thing to be used at the expense of the working man. Many of wish to see France changed for the better, and we have read that many of the Bonapartists faction, including the Prince Imperial, have expressed their want to better the lives of the French worker. I wish to offer my assistance if so desired in your cause, for your cause and the cause of your comrades is my cause and the cause of my comrades.

Yours sincerely
Arthur Veil​

​

 

[TJDS]

Speech in the Chambre des Députés
ON PUBLIC HEALTH AND HOUSING
delivered by
Député Achille Bonhomme (Républicain - Paris XIe):​

«Monsieur Président,»

«A decade has passed since I last spoke on this tribune about the social disgraces with which the people of France are faced on a daily basis. In this decade, I must conclude with some sadness, conditions have deteriorated. The great migration of peoples from our fair countryside to the slums on the outskirts of struggling cities have created conditions of destitution and depravity unworthy of our great nation. My fellow-deputies from Lyon, Bordeaux, Marseille and of course Paris will have, without a doubt, have been confronted with these conditions. I shall first seek to illustrate the current conditions of our towns and cities at the hand of recollections on the slums in my constituency, in the new XIXe and XXe arrondissements of Paris, after which I shall set out the method with which to defeat this crisis, lastly I shall provide an explanation on the workings of the Loi sur la Santé Publique.»

«Towns and cities across France are facing a social upheaval there are not equipped to face. Before, extraordinary poverty had been a result of temporary conditions - failed harvests, war - which forced our fellow men to flee the countryside to the our urban centres, causing a misery which was, however deplorable, ultimately temporary. Now, extraordinary poverty worsens by the day as a result of self-perpetuating conditions. A continuous lack of work and land in the countryside pushes our fellow men, the farmers and villagers of old, to our towns and cities, in the hope of a better life. There, these deplorable masses fall victim to the vagrants of our urban centres, the Marchands de Sommeil. With little income, if the men find jobs at all, these families are forced into the most deplorable of "housing," if one may even call it that at extortionate rates. These dwellings are rarely more than cellars, dark, damp, without hearth for the cold winters or a chamber pot to relieve themselves. In the XIXe arrondissement, it is not extraordinary for two families to share such a cellar. Families of eight, ten, sometimes twelve persons large living in what can only be described as absolute squalor. Of course, I would be remis to report the eternal truth that were material depravity is present, moral depravity soon follows. If we allow the Marchands de Sommeil to sow their pauperism in our cities, we reap a Kingdom of Paupers.»

«Besides these moral considerations, with which many fellow-deputies have expressed some affinity in the months before the legislative election, we must also recognize utilitarian considerations in our to work to relief these social conditions. For in these slums sewerage, if it exists at all, lays near the street, spreading a foul stench and providing the only source of water for the community; bodies are rarely properly buried, due to the cost of burial; people relieve themselves in the street. In these conditions, Cholera and Typhoid, not our Majesty, reign as King. Not only do these scourges of mankind spread death and despair in the families of these slums, the quarters, then the arrondissements and finally the entire city falls victim to the unforgiving Scythe. Who benefits? No one, the exploited tenants lose their loved ones and their health, society loses productive citizens and sees itself weakened even further by the scourge of disease. Thus, as a shameful lack of proper sanitation mixed with urban decay festers in the urban centres of this Kingdom, allowing sin and diseases of the body, mind to reign, I propose the Loi sur la Santé Publique establishing a Royal Inspection of Public Health to address any improper sewerage, drainage, supply of water, burial grounds and unsanitary housing in this Kingdom.»

«The Loi sur la Santé Publique has three aims: First, the investigation and monitoring of the public health of France; Second, the creation and maintenance of sufficient public utilities, such as sewerage, drainage, water supply and burial grounds, to insure a minimal standard of public health, where pre-existing private and public utilities have failed; Third, the regulation of minimal standards of housing in our urban centres. The first shall be achieved through the Royal and Local Inspections of Health, which, through the employment of officers of health, shall upon request of the population of the locality or unacceptable squalor, investigate and charter the conditions of Public Health in France. The second shall be achieved through the construction service of the Inspections, which shall improve, where possible, build, where necessary, and maintain the public utilities necessary for the public health of France. The third and final aim of the bill will further by achieved by the Inspections, which, through their investigations of the liveability of housing, providing an impetus to the market to finally improve conditions of housing.»

«Having set out the theoretical framework, we now have to confront the praxis of the law. First of all, the implementation of the act shall be carried out over extended period of time, with the Royal Inspection monitoring the creation and workings of the Local Inspections and their cooperation with their localities, thereby granting all parties the appropriate time to adjust their practices and plan in accordance with these new laws. Secondly, the funding of this proposal. The proposal sets out the ability of localities to introduce a levy on surplus square footage. With the exception of farm holds and standard square footage for direct family members and businesses, to exempt our proud agrarians and important middle class, the surplus square footage shall be taxed at a low rate to provide only the most necessary funds for the construction and services of the Inspection, with funds further being supplemented by the reasonable fees for the usages of the public utilities.»

«Monsieur Président, before I move this legislation in this Assembly, I wish to appeal directly to the moral, humanitarian, and utilitarian principles of my fellow deputies. The material depravity and moral depravity present in our slums are unacceptable. They undeniable contribute to the retardation and weakening of the French people as a whole, and cannot be allowed to fester as an infected wound in our cities and towns. I, therefore, call once again not only upon good sensibilities of the Gentlemen present in this Assembly, but on their good senses, for this act is not only of good virtue, but also of prudent ground.»

Loi sur la Santé Publique
A Law for the Promoting of Public Health, and the Establishment of Bodies as to oversee the Improvement of Conditions of Sanitation within the Kingdom​

AS a shameful lack of proper sanitation mixed with urban decay festers in the urban centres of this Kingdom, allowing sin and diseases of the body, mind to reign,

AS the status quo is a detriment to proper governance and Rule of Law in our urban centres.

IT is thus resolved that the Government shall establish a Royal Inspection of Public Health to address any improper sewerage, drainage, supply of water, burial grounds and unsanitary housing in this Kingdom.

Constitution of the Inspection de la Santé
I. So as to oversee the implementation of the clauses and articles herein, the Inspection royale de la Santé publique (hereafter 'Inspection de la Santé', 'Inspection royale' or 'Inspection') is hereby constituted, falling within the Ministry of the Interior. The Inspection de la Santé shall be presided over by a Inspector-General, who shall be answerable to the Government and appointed by His Most Christian Majesty on advice of the Minister of the Interior. The Inspector-General shall be assisted in his duties by as many Junior Inspectors as is deemed necessary for the proper execution of the duties of the Inspection de la Santé, as outlined in this bill.
II. The Inspection de la Santé is henceforth empowered to further appoint a secretary, and such clerks and servants as is deemed necessary for the efficient operation of the Inspection, subject to the approval of the Ministry of Finance, from whom they are to be granted sufficient funds that their duties may carried out to an acceptable degree. Persons employed in such a manner are to be answerable to the Inspection, and shall serve at its pleasure.
III. The Inspection de la Santé shall be similarly empowered to appoint such inspectors as is deemed necessary for the purposes of this bill. Such persons are to assist on the ultimate execution of this bill and its clauses.
IV. Upon such time that it is deemed that the Inspection has carried out its duties to a sufficient level, as detailed herein, though namely the survey and improvement of the nation's standards of sanitation, the Inspection is to be dissolved. Such a time may not come within five years after the passing of this bill.

Duties of the Inspectors
V. Henceforth, the Inspection de la Santé shall be empowered, upon the receipt of a petition of not less than one-tenth of the inhabitants of any commune or parish, to direct an inspector to visit such a place for the purpose of public inquiry into the state of the sewerage, drainage and supply of water, the state of burial grounds and the number and sanitation of such persons residing within the boundaries of said place for the purposes of compiling a report into such matters.
VI. Notice of at least fourteen [14] days must be given by an inspector, including notice of where he intends to hear testimonies and witness statements as to the standard of facilities, prior to his visit of such a place as detailed in article V for purposes of inquiry.
VII. Should the death rate in any such place, as detailed in article V, exceed twenty-three [23] in a thousand, public inquiry by an inspector of the Inspection shall be deemed necessary and an inspector dispatched by the Inspection automatically.

Aims and Powers of the Royal and Local Inspection de la Santé
VIII. The primary duty of the Inspection de la Santé shall be, as far as is possible, the rectification and amelioration of any and all instances of neglect in any of the areas, as detailed in article V, identified by inspectors of the Inspection through public inquiry.
IX. For the purposes of achieving this aim, the Inspection shall be hereby empowered to oversee the formation of Local Inspections of Health (hereafter 'Local Inspection'). Local Inspections shall be entrusted with the prosecution of all actions deemed necessary for the amelioration of unsanitary conditions, pursuant to article VIII, within its purview (also 'district',) hereafter defined as having the same boundaries as the place to have petitioned for inspection as per article V, or to have been deemed in need of inspection, as per article VII.
X. Local Inspections shall be empowered to appoint such employees as is deemed necessary for the prosecution of its duties, including a surveyor, a clerk, utility maintenance and construction officers, a treasurer, an officer of health, who is to be a qualified physician, and an inspector of nuisances, who is to be empowered to investigate, and take action against, all nuisances.
XI. 'Nuisances' are hereby defined as insanitary, overcrowded or otherwise unliveable dwellings; accumulations of refuse and sewage; smoke dust, miasmas and industrial emissions; polluted water; noise; adulterated food; and issues with slaughterhouses.
XII. Local Inspections shall assume control and ownership of any and all public sewers within its purview, and may also purchase any and all privately owned sewers within its purview, for the purposes of increasing standards of sanitation.
XIII. Local Inspections shall be required to clean the streets in its district, removing dust, ashes, rubbish, filth, dung and soil for sanitary disposal.
XIV. Local Inspections may provide public necessities, as are deemed necessary, within its district.
XV. Local Inspections shall be obliged to regulate slaughterhouses, and shall be empowered to provide such facilities itself where it is deemed necessary.
XVI. Local Inspections shall assume control over all public streets, highways, roads and rights of way within its district, for the purposes of their maintenance and paving, and may also require that any private streets, highways, roads and rights of way are paved.
XVII. Local Inspections shall be empowered to provide and lay out pleasure grounds within its district.
XVIII. In cases where a private company is unable to provide such a service to a sufficient degree, a Local Inspection may assume control over and responsibility for the supply of water within its district.
XIX. Local Inspections shall be empowered to provide houses for the reception of the dead prior to burial, and may also apply to the Royal Inspection to have an existing graveyard closed, should it be found to contravene accepted standards of sanitation.
XX. Local Inspections shall have the right, upon inspection, to declare dwellings "unliveable" and destroy unliveable dwellings, after which the land below these structures may be bought without further compensation for the structures above.
XX. For the purposes of carrying out such duties, Local Inspections shall be empowered to purchase land within its purview.
XXI. Local Inspections shall be empowered, after investigation of the locality, to set minimal standards of housing within the locality.
XXII. All purchases made by the Local Inspection shall be made out of its own funds, to be granted by the relevant Commune exercising responsibility for the Inspections’ purview and ameliorated by reasonable usage fees on public utilities, and a reasonable levy on surplus square footage of land in the locality of the inspection.
XXIII. Surplus square footage shall be defined as all square footage of land beyond farm holds and standard square footage for family members and businesses.

Provisions for the Continuation of Actions
XXIV. Upon such time that the Royal Inspection is dissolved as per article IV, the Local Inspections shall be subsumed by the District, wherein it held its purview, and shall be empowered with the maintenance and upkeep of all improvements made while under the purview of the Royal Inspection.
XXV. The Royal Inspection shall not be dissolved until such time that it is deemed that all necessary improvements to standards of sanitation to have been undertaken by the Local Inspection have been completed. Such improvements shall be judged as per article VIII where dissolution is concerned.
XXVI. The clauses of this bill, if passed, are to come into effect on January 1st 1864, so as provide time for due warning to be given to all parties interested in the formation of such bodies as detailed within this bill.

​

​

 

[ThaHoward]

​

Committee Rue de Lille.

The election results ticked in. The candidates and supporters of the progressive and reformist agenda believed in projections of continued ministerial dominance and through them status-quo. A status quo that, in the mind of many progressives, did not serve the longterm interests of the Kingdom and the French. Early results indicated Paris was lost. Jérôme looked into his glass as he swirled around the brown liquid, in deep thought.

He followed his gut feeling on Poland, the very moment news reached about the atrocities committed in against the free people of Poland he dropped everything he had, refused to debate the case went straight to the balcony and offered his unconditional support to the Polish. This struck a nerve among the Parisian populace. Jérôme wanted to give his support to Comte de la Rhône - he believed the ancient comte suffered from the same fate that became the end of the once great Prince d'Rohan and he believed the comte was untactful at the very least. However, Jérôme's instinct first commanded him to support Rhône. Not that he agreed with him, or believed his opinion was of merit, but for the principle of free expression. But the party discipline got the better of him, not wanting to splinter the party he was silent on the issue. This passivity came back to haunt bite the progressives in Paris so to speak. Paris was lost, and the banquet in the Hôtel that first was meant as a celebration of the young Union Libérale, now the mood of the banquet was more reminiscent of that of a funeral wake. The sensation of youthful optimism and spirited excitement left the gathering. It was as if the breath of the assembled monsieurs and messieurs left at once, like the sound when a bayonet punctuated the lungs of an enemy.

Then new reports ticked in. Day became evening, and the evening was about to be relieved by nightfall. One picture became clear: Union Libérale was close to forming an outright majority of its own, furthermore barring the loss of Paris every urban and industrial center was in the fold of the Union Libéral.

An intense sensation of happiness surged through the Hôtel, the wake was replaced by festivity and optimism. Spring swept over France. Jérôme entered the podium to give a speech to rhythmic tramps and cheers from the progressive assembly. It was as if Jérôme lost his limp when he strode up to the podium as if he physically grew to two meters tall. His confidence was absolute, so was his smile and expression of pure joy on his face. He waited for the Hôtel to calm down. However, in the corner of his eye he could see an assembly outside of the Hôtel. He strode right away to the balcony, it was as if he almost ran. The physical limitation of the One-Legged Devil, the Grande Liberator as some called him - some out of respect, most mockingly.

He waved his top hat to the crowd and felt energetic. He held a speech with much motion and a high, yet deep vocalization.

"France today is a day of joy! Today is a day of excitement and of hope! The people of France have spoken, the people of France have given their verdict; no more status-quo! No more idleness now is the time for a change. The French have given their popular mandate to the progressive and liberal agenda of reform, to actual reform and just not big ideas and big words without substance.

This is indeed the best election for liberals and progressives ever since His Most Catholic Henry V. was restored. We will act upon our mandate, we will pursue greater political and social reform, we will pursue rational economics. This may very well be the first time since the God-given Restoration a liberal and progressive ministry will be negotiated.

I trust upon the leadership of Union Libérale to act upon their popular support and rule France and the Kingdom into a new era of prosperity and liberty, guided by enlightenment and liberalism - anchored in an ordered foundation under traditional royalism. These ideas will merge into a new and popular monarchy of modernity. This is a great day of joy. Vive la France! "