Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[Cloud Strife]

​

Excerpt from the Prince Royal's private journal;

... the prince de Polignac's efforts to dominate overseas transport--first with the Suez project and now by appending the Lecuyer firm to the Messageries Maritimes--are admirable but also require some careful observation. It was on M. Duval's recommendation that we associated our Grand Ports Maritimes with the Messageries Maritimes it is with much hope that there can be a rising tide to lift our all boats, given the importance of this partnership ...

... open factional politics is another Anglicism imported to our shores, no doubt inspired by the long years abroad both the duc de Lévis and vicomte du Bessin endured in the service of the state. Thus, it was with great interest that I read of the formation of a "Liberal Party" declared in L'Union. A party through its very nature is beyond faction; Faction is personal, the Party is a neighborhood of interests. We had come close to the imposition of such a system in France, when M. Barante came close to creating one out of his faction in the waning days of the June Monarchy. Now it would seem Lévis and Bessin face the same dilemma; How to ensure the continuity of one's agenda after one has left the stage, ceasing to be a player? They crave continuity. They were denied it when the King prodded M. Descombes into action. Now they seek to undo, or at least restrain, the royal agenda.

The Liberal manifesto cannot wholly be characterized as bad, as much as it lays blame at the feet of those who advise the King--by extension those closest to our interests, financial or otherwise--there is something of the spirit of the June Monarchy present. Especially in the principle of letting parliament govern, which would allow the King to reign without petty distractions. The finer points of policy are always lost on the politicians and bureaucrats, who are as a species overly protective of planning and details; This is the lesson uncle Nemours gave to me. Better, he said, to set first principles and then to let ministers decide what polices that best embody those principles to be put forward. This should be the way a Monarch reigns in our modern era ...

 

[Nax24]

Internal Memo
Droite National - Les Hommes Caucus
​

Brothers, if I may suggest a proposition. In my journeys across the factory towns and mills of France, an idea came to me. Les Hommes for too long has tried its hardest at obtaining its initiatives for the King's workers by political means. I suggest we take an economic approach instead. We can reach out to those who are suffering in the factories, and unionize them into a block that can ensure the leeches that suck them dry come to the table to grant them more rights and benefits. I propose a mass campaign to unionize the factories in the name of the King and reform!

-Brother D. P.

 

[Eid3r]

Excerpt from the journal of General Patrice Edme de MacMahon

“Once again, our beloved France will undergo the throes of an electoral campaign. Frenchmen of all sorts will seek to guide the destiny of pure Marianne, yet, behind their talk of progress and their honeyed words lies the unscrupulous nature of those who would seek to plunder the riches of government, drape themselves in the glory of office and utterly ruin the crown and the country, for the pursuit of idealistic reforms which will draw the strength of this country away from its martial nature.

The land, the lord and the crown. That is, in its essence, the powerful root which has sustained our country through its entire history. Pray dutifully, work hard and trust in the King, a recipe for greatness. A simple and hard life, but one which shapes the character and spirit, a remedy many in Parliament would need.

I have witnessed their action, their disingenuous nature and their greed. Unlike them, I never wanted to enter the fray of politics, and I have done so against my very own volition, more by the necessary duty of any son of liberty. Politics is a kind of warfare unlike any other, without rules or convention. At least, a soldier knows who his enemy is and can face his with all his martial might in a contest of will and fury.

I shall once again enter my name in this contest, if only to preserve France from the enemy within.”

 

[99KingHigh]

The Peers Divide
​

Yesterday evening the Faubourg Saint-Germain was alive with war's alarms; not the great struggle for liberty in Poland but among the Peers of France. They had hardly begun to depart the city (the dissolution was only two weeks passed) when L'Union declared the Liberal Manifesto, and suddenly a terrific commotion erupted in Paris as all came to knew it was the work of Bessin and Levis. Spontaneous acclamations by wandering crowds of fascinated electors, and especially, non-electors, consumed the center of the city; ambitious Peers, many of them of the younger generation, or closely connected with the aristocratic groupings around those two gentlemen, declared their support for the Manifesto to fascinated scatterings of Parisians. By day's end there was not a copy of L'Union to be found in the city, as the Faubourg Saint-Germain descended into a furious skirmish of competing soirées, each one punctuated by some grave declaration in support or against the manifesto in the upcoming elections by the composition of the Upper Chamber.

 

[Eid3r]

Autun, Saône et Loire

It was a beautiful day in the French countryside, the small town of Autun seemingly frozen in time, untouched by the agitation which sporadically gripped the capital. The General, as many knew him, was taking a leisurely stroll, exiting the Cathedral of Saint-Lazare where he had paid his respects to God and to his earthly representative, the Bishop of Autun, a character of very small stature when compared to his predecessors such as Talleyrand, but a personage of which MacMahon was very fond of, given his devoutness and the Bishop’s unassuming nature. There was a man who knew his limitations and who shepherded the flock with the means granted to him, nothing more, nothing less.

As he strolled through the streets of the city, Patrice de MacMahon would stop here and there, discussing with the populace about the latest news, always keeping his fingers on the pulse of the gentry, trying to ascertain what drove their passion and what was only politician’s talk.

“Indeed, last year saw terrible and dreadful weather for the crops. I sincerely hope that this year shall be more bountiful, for the reserves of many are just about as low as can be. There is much to be said as to ensure some form of insurance for the good tillers of the land, quite assuredly, their cause is my cause” he said to a farmer who was bringing foodstuff to the market.

Near the tailor’s shop, he got into a discussion about the plight of the Poles, currently revolting against the Russians, only to be crushed under the Germanic heel.

“I can certainly sympathize with the cause of the Poles, whose honourable character has long suffered from the covetousness of its neighbors, namely Russia and Prussia. But any talks of intervention is wildly disproportionate, for the men extolling such ideas need to take a good look to the state of our military, which while still the most powerful in the world, is in dire need to being refitted and equipped to be able to project our national prestige to such extent.”

And so he continued his stroll, in a countryside who knew his family, his history and his politics. Times were changing, but not that fast in fair Autun.

 

[Vals]

The Mexican War at Sea

A recollection of the Battle of the Gulf of Farralones

By Captain Vallée
​

4th of March 1859
The Prelude

Of vital importance to the Mexican Government was the gold mines of California, in seeking to expand and consolidate upon their dominion of the region there had been made significant effort for the settlement of coastal areas to serve as staging grounds for continued expansion of civilizaton inlands, and as to bring the benefits of trade to this corner of the Americas. During the initial stage of the war wherein the Imperial Army combated the forces of the United States on the frontlines of Texas and New Mexico with the aid of their British ally, it was not deemed that California stood at a significant risk of an American incursion, as a majority of forces on both sides were concentrated in the afforementioned areas and British Canada.

Whereas that may be the Mexican government prior to the war had ordered the construction and reinforcement of a line of forts up and down the California coast to supplement preexisting fortifications built by the Spanish Colonial Empire who once held sway here. The intention of which was to cement central authority and defend from native attacks or those of rival colonial powers. The most important of these forts known as the Presidio of San Francisco is located as to control the entry into San Fransisco Bay which laid host to one of the most populous and significant Mexican settlements of California from where gold was to be transported to the south by ship, in time of war it came also to be the location from where military supplies and reinforcements from Mexico proper were dispatched to forts on the frontier which held American intrusion in check.

Intent on disturbing delivery of supply to these forts and prevent the transport of gold to fuel Mexico's wartime economy, the United States dispatched two military vessels to bombard the San Fransisco Presidio and make a blockade of the Bay. Being at the time myself stationed in the Bay to take in supplies and recuperate after two months at sea it came down to myself and the crew of my vessel to foil their plans. Therefor upon receiving news of the American ships presence just outside of the Bay where they were bombarding the Presidio I set sail to engage them. The Battle of the Farralones was about to begin.

The Engagement

In order to give further context to the battle which I am now to describe, I find it prudent to give a description of the vessel which I had at my disposal. Named the Sierra she was originally a vessel constructed for the Royal Navy but given to the Imperial Mexican Navy as part of the alliance between the governments of their nations, a frigate outfitted with a steam engine she was I believe the most technologically advanced vessel which Mexico had at her disposal on the California coast. Outfitted with Thirty-four guns (That is a distribution of sixteen guns of varying caliber to starboard and port and two guns at the bow) and carried a crew of some three-hundred-fifty men of whom twenty-four were officers. Now, onto the battle.

Upon seeing myself and my vessel appearing from inside the bay, the two Americans vessel which had hitherto bombarded the Presidio retreated to a position outside the range of its guns, as to give themselves fire-superiority against the Sierra. In spite of this and with the knowledge that I had the direction of the wind at my advantage (coming from the east and blowing towards the west) I made the decision to follow after them and give battle, I gave the command to prepare to fire up the engines (these are only put to use in combat as to conserve coal, otherwise relying on sail and wind) and prepare the guns. I could see that our American adversaries did not have the luxury of steam and thus I imagined to press them by denying acces to the wind direction and put myself at an advantage due to their lack of speed.

Continuing the approach I was at this point some four and a half kilometers from the American vessels which had formed a line vertical to me as to allow them bring the full might of their guns upon my vessel and in doing so rake it. To my estimate and those of my Lieutenant both of these ships constituted American sloops with some twenty guns each, as such it would constitute a significant danger to continue the approach in this manner. I gave an order for my vessel to turn towards starboard (right) and approach the Americans by way of a slant line which posessed no threat of raking and would allow our portside (left) guns to return fire onto our adversary. We were now three kilometers from them and approaching at great speed due to our steam-powered propellers, the Americans not content with being static maneuvered into a position whereas to counter my slant so that it was now we were near parallel to each other, and upon approaching each other to a direction of one and a half kilometers the American leading ship gave order to fire.

I had made my command station on the poop deck and could therefor see and hear quite well as half a dozen guns went off, sending towards us their deadly cargo of metal shells. It was fortunate then that it would appear our enemy had not made the proper calculations for range, as it was their projectiles fell short of some half-hundred meters and impacted with the water. In response to this I myself gave the order to gauge the range towards the vessel which had just fired upon us, firing off one of our guns which in turn also landed some hundred meters short. Thus armed with this knowledge our cannoneer's adjusted accordingly and began the process of discharging one-by-one our portside guns aimed at the enemy ship. As I am sure any reader who has ever heard the firing of a cannon is aware the sound which emits upon its discharge is one of immense proportions and if one is too near they might find themselves having to clutch their ears to ward off the sound. As so I believe you would have found that as the entire battery of cannon was discharged we all found ourselves somewhat ringing at the ears even though we counted ourselves lucky that we were not on the receiving end.

With the advent of modern naval artillery the range to which one may hope to achieve an effective barrage has been greatly increased, as has the destructive power of the singular gun. Due to this I counted amongst the sixsteen times we fired in the initial volley we hit the enemy with nine of those which at the range we found ourselves at was quite remarkable and a testimony to the skill of our gunners.

Though we could see that our explosive shells had penetrated through the hull of our first adversary and left some marks upon them in terms of splinters being sent all throughout and a number of holes appearing this did not deter them upon having reloaded their guns to once more give fire towards the Sierra. And this time they did so with some more succes than last. From where I stood I could see the smoke of their guns and the approaching metal shells coming towards us a particularly one of which smashed through the railing sending splinters all around and then continued onwards onto one Crewman Melendez who found himself decapitated as his arm was seperated from the rest of his body by the shoulder leaving him dying on the deck. An additional number of shells impacted with us causing the crew below to take cover behind whatever they might , this did not save them all as I saw at least another six men killed by this second volley.

At this point we were no more than a kilometer apart from the two enemy vessels, and only one of them had thus far fired upon us. The second american ship which followed in a line some two-hundred meters behind the lead one would soon be ready to fire upon us if we continued on the parallel course which had been forced upon us by their maneuvering. Not intent on receiving broadsides from two Americans at once I gave the command for a daring maneuver to be excercised. Bringing the engines to full power the Sierra swang towards the left thus breaking the parallel and made speed towards the space seperating our two foes. If we were succesful we would be able to make a pass wherein our port and starboardside guns could fire clearly into both ships which would respectively be at our left and right potentially even causing a raking. But if we were unsuccesful and the enemy guessed our intentions and had time to maneuver they might envelop us from left and right and deliver devestating cannon and rifle fire onto us. I could see that my men were nervous at this maneuver and were aware of the risks so I exposed myself clearly on the deck where all might see my calm composure and draw comfort from it.

Two minutes passed and I could see that the lead American ship which was now on our right had guessed our intention, but they lacked the power of steam and could only slowly turn right to bring their guns against us. As we were now passing through the space between the ships to our left and right I gave the order to fire when ready. First our guns opened up on the lead ship who had managed to get into a position where their guns closest to their own quarterdeck had an angle which allowed them to return fire unto us, their guns did some damage to our deck, bringing a gun out of order and impacting with the steam chimney which by the Grace of God remained intact. In returning their fire I believe we did them quite some harm in hitting their quarterdeck thus causing many casualties amongst their crew, but it was to the ship now on our left on which we did the most harm.

A raking is a most terrible thing and something which I would never wish to be on the receiving end of. When one vessel directs at close range the entirety of its fire in direct parallel to the long axis of an enemy it allows for the projectile to pass unopposed through the entirety of the ship, thus tearing to pieces the crew, causing destruction of the hull and dislocating the enemy guns. This was experienced to most devestating effect at Trafalgar when Nelson's Victory raked the Bucantaure killing near two-hundred men in a single pass.

Now I will not claim that two-hundred men lost their lives as a result of this volley, but as we passed right infront of the bow of the vessel to our left we unloaded every single gun we had into it one after the other to a most devastating effect. From one moment to the other that vessel which had thus far not been not gotten to discharge a single cannon nor been hit once by one of ours was now turned into a veritable killing ground as our shells crashed into the bow and passed through the entire of its lenght of some fourty meters leaving a significant proportion of the enemy crew dead or wounded. Some of our shells which were explosive in nature detonated halfway through and caused the mainsail to crack and fall into the water, some strings of wood causing it to be dragged along as the ship in spite of this continued on. At this moment I felt true sympathy for those poor men who were onboard this vessel but I was firm in my resolve that I had to continue and lay the pressure onto it.

Turning left once more I aimed to circle astern of the raked American and put it between myself and the lead ship. In doing so as I came across their port we received sporadic gun and rifle fire from their cannons and marines. Having ourselves not had time yet to reload our guns we stoicly accepted this knowing it was nowhere near as devastating as that which we had just inflicted upon the ones who were now firing at us. Notwithstanding the shells which impacted and brought much damage onto the Sierra, one explosive shell caused a large gap to be made in the bow, I could see and hear the impact of bullets fired from the rifles of the American marines and I saw some of my men falling to their efforts.

Taking the time to load our guns we circled the raked ship by one-hundred-eighty degrees putting us at their starboard. I could see that the vessel would not be able to withstand much more and I gave the order to pour onto them with a volley one last time. We were some four-five hundred meters away from each other as both sides poured into one another, though I might say we came out as the victor of the exchange scoring many hits against their lower hulls causing them to start taking in much water. I knew this vessel was now out of the fight and I decided we should now once more turn our attention to the lead ship which had taken the opportunity to put some distance between us as we dealt with their comrade. It was some five kilometers ahead and continuing to put more space between us, I suspect they were hoping we would have remained to take prisoners from the survivors of the second ship who was by now attempting to put some lifeboats into the water. I decided to press on and give chase rather than waste time when we could come back for them later.

As we gave chase with our front-mounted cannons giving fire in an attempt to demast them my crew took this opportunity to recuperate and prepare for battle once more. The wounded were carried below and new ammunition brought to the guns. Yet as we started to gain on the American there came a loud sound from the engine and suddenly the propellers stopped. I called for the Chief Engineer who informed me that it would seem the enemy shell which had initially impacted with the chimney had caused some way of damage to it which necessitated repairs if we were to have it functioning once more.

Dejected by this news as I could now see the American ship which had initially caused this damage to our engine now make it's escape, I knew we would not be able to catch up to it with use of sail. Thus I gave the command for the Sierra to be turned around so that we might pick up the survivors from the second ship which was now listing in the water and due to the damage our final volley had caused to it would clearly not be able to continue north to American port in search of repairs, and as their countrymen had seemingly abandoned them to make escape it would appear they were now condemned to captivity.

Arriving at the site we were able to rescue some fifty sailors from the vessel which I was informed was known as the U.S.S Smith which originally possessed a crew of some one-hundred-and-eighty sailors. Their Captain had been killed during the raking and so I accepted their surrender on behalf of one Lieutenant Howard who gave me his revolver and in spite of his recent trials and tribulations seemed quite level headed, I invited him to dine with me that evening and promised him his wounded would be looked after. Indeed I would soon act upon that promise and more as some of my crew (I was the sole non-Mexican) were not quite content with having representatives of the United States onboard our ship. In spite of this I was able to ensure the safety of our American captives so that we were able to hand them over to the military commander of the San Fransisco Presidio upon our return to the Bay.

During the battle the Sierra sustained the loses of three guns and fourty-seven dead and wounded. I was myself quite content the result of this our skirmish with the Americans as we had prevented their blockade of the Bay and managed to chase off one Sloop while sinking the other and taking a number of captives. Though in need of significant repairs to the engine which caused our confinement to land for a month this engagement served as a point of pride seeing as the U.S.S Smith was the first ship we managed to sink during the war. And though we knew it not then the next three years would grant us ample opportunity to battle once more with the United States Navy.​

 

[99KingHigh]

NYT
Summaries

The votes were tallied throughout the day yesterday and today the results in Annapolis were announced. Jérôme Napoléon Bonaparte was duly proclaimed the next Governor of Maryland on the Republican ticket following the sudden death of the late Thomas Hicks. Mr. Bonaparte won the state with 56 percent of the vote and will assume his seat immediately...

​

 

[TJDS]

Achille Bonhomme
l'Exil revient
​

Jacques Étienne Marcel (17 May 1821 - XX-XX-XXXX), known by his nom de plume Achille Bonhomme, was a French trade unionist, writer and politician. He established the Grande Société Amicale des Travailleurs, a de facto umbrella trade union of factory workers in the textile, metallurgy and chemical industries during the July Monarchy. A radical Girondin and Gauche Républicaine in the Second Republic, he was elected as Representative to the National Assembly for working-class arrondisements of eastern Paris. After the Fall of the Second Republic, Bonhomme led a self-imposed exile in London, where he increasingly came into contact with Owenites and the German emigré Karl Marx. In the dying days of the Third Restoration, Bonhomme became a vocal critic of the stagnant monarchy.

Not much is known from Bonhomme's youth, only that his farther, a minor coal merchant, died an early death in 1830, most probably from cholera, but Bonhomme would claim in later life his father died on the barricades fighting against King Charles X. Losing her only source of income, Bonhomme's mother was forced to hand him over to a Parisian Textile Baron, who offered to feed, house and cloth the young Marcel in exhange for his labour in a textile factory. Although this decision may have saved young Jacques' life, indeed, his mother most probably succumbed to cholara soon afterwards, Jacqeus' existence was a misery, the poor and dangerous working conditions and the general abject poverty of his surroundings would forever leave a scar.

As the years went by, Jacques Marcel became an increasingly uncontrolable employee, going so far as organising a strike in 1842 to improve general wages, which landed him a four year jail sentence in La Roquette Prisons. Jacques returned to society a free but different man, no longer was he just an insubordinate employee, he had become a full blown utopian socialist and had changed his name to Achille Bonhomme, in reference to Medieval French peasent revolters, who were generally referred to as Jacques Bonhommes (Good-fellows). Achille Bonhomme quickly turned to writing small pamphlets calling industrial workers to organise in Friendly Societies, organisation that would unite the industrial workers and be able to provide basic insurances and education to its members and their immediate family. Achille established the first of these societies, the Société Amicale des Traivailleurs du Textile, with his former colleagues the Parisian textile workers in late 1846, with relative success, as an alliance with the comapgne of the croppers forced a small wage-increase for the most experienced factory-workers. Much of the next three years, Achille worked to expand his Friendly Societies to other Parisian industries, with mettalury and chemical industries being the most notable successes, crowning the beginnings of this trade union bastion on the right bank of the Seine with the establishment of the Grande Société Amicale des Traivailleurs in late 1849.

However, the Grande Société soon found itself in a large conflict than with the Captains of Industries, as the maelstrom that was Spingtime of Nations brought Achille and the Grand Société to the streets in protest to the failing July Monarchy and in favour of a Republic. The industrial workers of the Grande Société, of working-class east Paris carried the revolution and they would enjoy the fruits, that was the promise they were given, and that was what Achille came to assure. Thus he ran for the National Assembly as candidate for the VII Constituency of Paris, which covered much of the Eastern Parisian arrondissements where the Grande Société found much of its support, carrying him to an easy victory in the election. As a vocal and left-wing member of the Gauche Républicaines, Achille Bonhomme sought to improve the conditions of the working-class of Paris and strengthen the power of fully legal trade unions through legislative iniatives. Among the significant acts sponsered was the Public Health Act of 1850, which caused a small constitutional crisis between the Presidency and National Assembly after President La Marche refused to enact its provisions in full. The Fall of the Republic left Bonhomme a broken man, bringing him to self-imposed exile in London for the subsequent decade, where he came into contact with the British utopian socialist Owenite movement and the German socialist emigré Karl Marx. Spending his time studying British industry and enticing worker unionization, Bonhomme finally decided to return to France in the fall of 1860. He would spend the next three years trying to rebuild the Grande Société Amicale des Traivailleurs in the slums of Paris.

General Information:
Born: 17 May 1821; XIe Arrondissement, Paris, Royaume de France
Profession: Trade unionist, Pamphleteer, Politician
Political Affiliation: Gauche Républicaine (1850-1853); Républicain (1863 - Present)
Religion: Nominal Roman Catholicism, Atheism

Public Positions held:
Assemblée nationale:
Représentant de Paris VIIe (Representative) 1850 - 1853
Député de Paris XIe (Deputy) 1863 - 1867

En Société française:
Secrétaire Général de la Grande Société Amicale des Traivailleurs (G.S.A.T.) 1849 - 1853; 1860-1867

Président de la Société Amicale des Traivailleurs du Textile (S.A.T.T.) 1846 - 1853​

Répresentant en Chef du Travail 1867
Secrétaire Général de Fédération Générale du Travail (F.G.T.) 1867 to Present

Significant Acts sponsered:
Public Health Bill, 1850
Parliamentary Statute on Powers of Delegation
Parliamentary Statute on the Responsibility of the President in regards to Laws passed by the Parliament
National Productivity Bill, 1850
Law on Public Health, 1863
Law on Associations, 1863

Bibliography:
Les Délibérations de la Commission du Travail - 1867
Chartre et Programme de Paris - 1867

 

[Maxwell500]

M. Lièvremont (@Lyonessian),

I have received your letter, and the content thereof, with great interest; further, I have taken much time to deliberate over the merits of the requests you have put before my person.

From my own observations, and from what I have been informed, your assessment of the situation seems to be accurate: there indeed seems to be an aura of peace and stability in France, and for this I am most grateful. I certainly recognize your efforts in achieving this state of peace, with your hard labours and diligent oversight over the enforcement of our laws throughout the nation.

In light of these points, and my own faith in your person, I see little reason not to grant the requests you have put before me: alongside this letter I shall dispatch another granting my seal to the pardon of the political offenders. Furthermore, you have my support in in granting the mutual aid societies further freedoms. Of course, I expect that you will closely monitor these released individuals, or at least the most vocal of them, to ensure that they do not fall back into 'bad behaviours'.

Otherwise, I would request your attendance at the earliest convenience for a private audience, as I believe there is much else to discuss, but that it is best done in the privacy of individual conversation.​

Salutations distinguées,

​

 

[Eid3r]

Mâcon, Saône et Loire

The town of Macon was the embodiment of countryside living, quietly nestled on the northern bank of the Saone river, bordered by the Bresse river and the Beaujolais mounts. In this small town, life was leisurely, with many in the population strolling by the water in the various shops on the Quai des Marans. It was a town living at the beat of its vignobles, producing some of the best wines in all of France, a claim boldly put but certainly upheld by any of its inhabitant which prided itself in the hard tilling of the land and its bountiful results.

On the parvis of the Cathédrale Saint-Vincent, the good General MacMahon was shaking hands, discussing with the parishioners after having attended the service. It was a common mistake of many politicians to aim for the masses at the exit of the church, without attending themselves. But the citizenry truly noted one’s attachment to religion during the silent reflection of the office, and as such, always felt a closer connection to the moral fiber of the being of the one courting their vote.

“I sincerely believe that the strength of a nation can partly be evaluated by the number of its catholic priests, for they form the backbone of the nation in terms of educating the masses, from which many of our accomplishment stems, but they also provide vital services to the public, by manning hospitals and crèches, by feeding the needy and offering the moral counsel which keeps us in the right track, on a personal level and on a societal one. The Church is the patient weaver of our moral fabric, and in return for her services, we owe our Holy Mother the filial love and attention of a dutiful son.”

Such words were sure to please the curé, which would most certainly display his happiness by weighing in on the mind of undecided voters coming to consult him. But such was not the aim of Patrice de MacMahon, who would never stoop so low as to instrumentalize religion for political purpose, since he was not himself a politician. Those views were simply the results of an honest upbringing and genuinely reflected his opinion on the matter, himself a devout Catholic.

 

[Maxwell500]

We make the following designations;

M. le duc de Blacas is appointed Chancellor of France.

M. baron Descombes is appointed a conseiller d'État.

 

[DensleyBlair]

((Private))

​

Mon cher fils—

I thank you for your letter dated X, and am heartened to hear that you have been well and carrying on with the prosecution of your work at this sombre time. I was glad to hear also of the continued good health of Madame Julianne, as well as the happy spirits of the children. Once more resident in France, I regret that I am apart from five of my grandchildren, and pray that you will find time to return to the Calvados in due course.

Since my return from London, I have been greatly impressed upon by the extent to which, even in five years of absence, France has seen change. Much of this has warranted little report in the press across La Manche; distracted by the travails of war in the Americas, what news-sheet editor would possibly give space in print to the development of a government by moneyed cabal in Paris; or else such affronts as the tightening of restrictions on the assemblies? When I returned to England five years ago, defeated after a series of regrettable contretemps surrounding the appointment of a ministry, I was glad of having at the very least conducted myself in power with restraint, and a clarity of purpose. I left for London with the generous regards of His Majesty, and a mind that the conditions for a beneficent legitimisme had, perhaps been established sufficiently so as to survive my departure.

I write this as, while I had been filled with hope for the prospect of a new generation, who might have guided the Legitimacy onwards towards the stewardship of a harmonious relation between all classes of French subjects, it is quite clear that such a cohort is yet to emerge. There are, it must be said, pockets of good feeling for our own disposition, and we are much supported by a younger element in the Pairs – yet the spirit of the times is much directed by the pursuit of Capital, which debases all who seek it and turns the art of government into a exercise of accounting only. The party lately in favour at Court have been much taken with the pursuit of a security of their own standing, and I am reminded of that great rallying cry of the times of my early middle age: Enrichissez-vous!

It was therefore no end of a surprise to learn of the activities of the Duc de Levis, previously our friend Charlus, whose attentions have been much roused of late by the necessity of a sensitive and prudent advocacy of the legitimist cause. How far things have progressed that, five years after my last departure, my good reception should be at the hands of the man who once was first in line to wish me bon voyage! Monsieur le Duc has returned from Vienna a much tempered figure, and I find myself in near complete agreement with the programme he wishes to pursue. To this end, we have embarked upon the crystallisation of the liberal legitimacy, or more broadly the liberal cohort within the royal party, in the creation of a new political grouping, akin to that whose formation our friend Palmerston lately orchestrated in England. The party will, I am quite certain, prove an interesting alliance of interests, whose careful balance will no doubt occupy a considerable fraction of my attention in the coming years, but I am much energised by this development, and choose to put my faith in this vehicle as the most judicious means of rescuing the French crown from the ills of too close an alignment with the moneyed class.

Most pressingly, I have been arrested by the deteriorating condition of Paris, which while yet two-thirds of the size of London seems riven with the full surfeit of its many ills. Under the auspices of the programme developed by Monsieur le Duc de Levis and myself, I have given some consideration to the matter of the amelioration of the city, which is a question that presently captivates the attention of a number of thinkers and writers in the press. The majority opinion, or certainly that which is declaimed the loudest, appears to be for a renovation of Paris along the aspirations of a 'nouvelle Rome'. Men of means envisage the tearing down of the slums, and their replacement with grand boulevards and monuments to the greatest of France; the displacement of the urban poor and the reclamation of the interior for the gentle classes.

I have been greatly frustrated by this opinion, which I believe has little to say to the rectification of those noxious material conditions which so trouble those who write of Paris's remodelling. I am of the belief that all work done in Paris must prove itself useful with respect to the judgements of contemporary medical science, and furthermore that these works must at heart be carried out for the betterment of the urban condition as it now lies, and not for the imposition of a new social order upon a city whose delicate operation must not be given over to the fancies of more aggrandising gentlemen. We have been fortunate to have witnessed a great number of improving works carried out by the authorities in London, and I remain fascinated by the question of the application of similar schemes in France. Central in my consideration remains the question of the land, whose status in the city drives so much of the politics surrounding the use of any area or another. If we can address the issue of the land, in tandem with considered interventions into the material health of the city, I believe that we may hit upon a salubrious programme for the treatment of Paris.

Paramount within these considerations, the question of urban smoke and fog remains vexatious. I was greatly interested to read of work done in London regarding the condition of a number of species of plant-life within the city's confines. The issue of nature and the city is key to the understanding of the emerging condition of life, and the fostering of pockets of greenery within the urban environment is to be encouraged. In this respect, I must ask a favour of you, mon fils. I had wondered whether you have made the acquaintance of any of the men presently engaged in the survey of flora in London, particularly with regard to the effect of foul air upon certain species of plant. If you have any way of making contact with such men, I would be grateful of the opportunity for an introduction.

I eagerly anticipate your swift response, and pray for the good health of you and your family.

Je reste,

Bessin, pere​

 

[TJDS]

«La Grande, it is not what it used to be. The hall in which the proud Traivailleurs used to sing and debate is now again a factory floor, a house of shackles, rather than a home of friends. La Grande, how it was left despondent in the wake of the Fall, how it was little more than a cadaver on my return. The last three years have been hard. La Grande has returned with force in the nineteenth, the twentieth and the thirteenth arrondissements, but only in the most strenious conditions of illegality. La Grande survives only on the most deprived factory floors, in the textile sweat shops of the thirteenth, the meat producers in the twentieth and the metal factories of the nineteenth. But we grow. The Traivailleurs slowly regain their strength, their pride, their want for a worthy life. So we meet, in the degraded and deprived pubs in the slums, in the street, we sing, we debate and we hope... all for a better life.» - The Diaries of Achille Bonhomme, Entry 18 February 1863.

-----------
​

Somewhere, in a dark private pub in one of the many depraved slums of Paris, Achille Bonhomme speaks to men of the Grand Société Amicale des Traivailleurs.

«Copains,»

«Ten years ago, the Royalists seized power promising a better future under their "God-given King." Has anything improved? [Cries of "No!," "Of course not!" fill the pub] No, copains, these men took our hall from us, they took what little security that Republic gave us and destroyed it! They claim that the foreman is our friend! They claim we are responsible when we are left mutilated, and broken by the machines of our masters! They claim our wives should toil to an early grave! They claim our children do not need sleep! ... Now they claim they have given us a choise.»

«Even if they had not lied to us a thousand times over, I would not have trusted these men with a penny. Legitimistes and Orleanistes they still call themselves, Royal kiss-arses is what they are. These men burned out houses in the Fall, closed the Workshops when work disappeared and left us starving in the street. When our weakest brothers are left to beg on the streets, they turn up their noses and send in the cavalary to remove that "eye-sore." And now they expect us to get in line and stay silent when this little charade of any election is happening? No, no, never!»

«We, the labourless toilers of this earth, demand work! We, the fathers of hungry children, demand bread! We, the husbands of toiling wifes, demand a honest wages! We, the tenants without fireplace or chamberpot, demand homes! We, the Sans-Culottes of this Age, demand a Free and Just France!»

«Copains, we will vote. We will participate in their charade. But these Royal Kiss-arses will not get our votes. Only those who know of the disgraces we face and the demands we make shall get our votes. Our toil continious yet, but we shall inherit the earth!»

-----------​

They had heared their Deus Vult. The men of La Grande would begin to covertly campaign, pamphleteer, and clad walls for those candidates, social reformers and populists in the working-class arrondissements of Paris.

 

[Qwerty7]

((Private - @Bioiron ))

M. Dubois

I have read your pamphlets with great pleasure. Your revolutionary zeal fills me with hope that we may eventually return to our nation and break the oppressive chains to which it is shackled. I am certain that you observe the current political events in France with as much as ridicule as I do. Behold the bourgeois progressive placate the workers with lukewarm reforms which ignore the false consciousness that plagues contemporary life!

So long as they pledge loyalty to that dying symbol of a decadent, bloated bourgeois system, the conservatives will consider them an acceptable opposition. While the two parties of government and opposition will act out a melodrama, the workers will suffer under both. If we participate in these elections, then we are already defeated. This leaves the revolutionary party in a precarious position, and victory seems nigh impossible. But such is the fate of the revolutionary, always looking forward to the small light which struggles into the darkness of the cave.

But I have forgotten my original intent for this letter. Several other radical emigres come to apartment for weekly meetings to discuss politics, news, revolution, and many other facets of life. We wish that you would join us. The time for our return to France is drawing near, and we will need your pen if we are to overturn the old order.

Charles Bouchardon

 

[Eid3r]

Chalon-sur-Saône

Touring his department with a view of being seen before the upcoming elections, the good General MacMahon had arrived in Chalon-sur-Saône, which at the time harbored a healthy population of 20,000 souls and whose main commerce was slowly shifting from agriculture to industry, thanks to the arrival of the railroad connecting Paris and Lyon, thus granting new economic prosperity to the whole of Burgundy.

Sitting at a table in the shadow of the Tour du Doyenné and admiring the garden, MacMahon was enjoying the company of some of the town leading magistrates and industrialists, chatting casually about the necessary investments. The tower, whose primary function had been to serve as a staircase for the house of the deacons, had survived its household, long gone, and had been fortified although none every believed it would serve any military purpose other than providing an appreciable vantage point.

Picking through a variety of fruits displayed on the table, the general was also sipping from a glass of claret while visibly enjoying the discussion, interjecting here and there.

“Now, now, one must always be mindful to include the honest peasantry in the economical boon that is to come. There is much future in the transformation of food stocks, and we have an opportunity here to ensure the implementation of robust industry which will ensure that their crops are bought years after years. Orderly industrialization will ensure that we are both prosperous and that none are left behind, for we must keep in mind that the vast majority who is tilling our land is the source of our strength and their honest work must always be dignified and rewarded.”

Several gentlemen nodded at the comment, as the good men of the city were discussing the lives of thousands while drinking wine and enjoying the scenery of Ile Saint-Laurent, an upper-class haven.

“Thoughts must be given to entice military industry in the region, for in times of war, these industries are always prioritized and generate improvements both in railroad capacity and investments. The munition industry could prove itself quite prosperous in these lands, and I re-elected I will certainly raise some interests about it in Paris.”

Much was discussed during the lunch, the attendance leaving in a cheerful spirit.

 

[Bioiron]

((Private -- @Qwerty7))

M. Bouchardon

It provides me great encouragement to receive letters such as yours, at times it can feel as though we are shouting in the wind when we fight on the side of justice. To answer the original intent of your letter, I am very much willing to join with you and other fellow radicals for weekly meetings, it is through such meetings that revolutionary theory is advanced and solidarity built, for all the good one can do alone, the crowned heads of Europe can not be toppled and cast aside singular genius, from theory crafting to leadership to revolutionary confrontation, it is all a deeply collective effort.

Yes, the liberal bourgeois "concessions" only extend as far as their business interests will allow them, to advocate for any more would see their being overcome by those who have extracted more from the workers by not bothering to do so. The system it's self punishes those who might even see themselves as being sincerely benevolent.

Therefore, there is no ultimately solution but to do away with the bourgeois system it's self, for it keeps the conscious men in bondage and replaces the reluctant with those inclined to commit the most vile of abuses. This doesn't mean we must oppose all reform, but we most only advance those that empower us advance towards to tearing the system down in it's entirety.

As for participating in elections, I tend to agree. the state of the franchise and the rotten oath is such that electoral efforts might simply serve as a demoralizing force. We must, therefore, strive to utterly delegitimize this round of elections in the minds of the workers. We must not fall into the trap of believing, however, that the elections being illegitimate mean that the period is meaningless. No, this is a time of heightened political awareness by elector and non elector alike and must therefore be used to the fullest.

We must also not make the mistake of assuming, though that as both government and "opposition" are both for and by the bourgeois, that it does not matter who comes out ahead in this election. It is our interest to see the sitting government, cycle with their opposition as frequently as possible, by shaking the parliament back and forth we can create cracks in the foundation of the state that we can exploit to bring it tumbling down.

It is my position therefore, that target the bulk of our efforts on the inadequacies of the government and not it's opposition. Not that we should ever find ourselves defending the opposition, but that our focus must be on the government of the day to topple them. Should the "opposition" come to power, we aim our barrage at them from that point forward.

Now, I do not want to write too much, but suffice to say, we have much to discuss regarding what our tactics ought to be in the coming weeks.

Adrien Dubois.

 

[Firehound15]

AN ENDORSEMENT OF PRINCIPLES
___________________________________________________________________________________________
​

A great question of the nature of our political system and how it shall proceed is emerging. Questions of liberty are now at stake among the population, particular among those engaged in political affairs in the capital. This is a time of change. To such an end, I have been asked by the Editorial Board of this fine publication to write an elaboration of their position, as it has been told to me. They, of course, have been given full warrant to edit the forthcoming, which is an interesting arrangement for a writer. Thus, it is the disposition of this publication that the Union libérale accords with best interests of France at this particular moment and that its principles are ones which align well with the positions and arguments of its precedents among His Majesty's loyal opposition. What they have argued for is the codification of a policy of liberalization that will better France and better position its government to ensure the maintenance of a virtuous political order. This requires an active policy of the sort previously advocated by many of this publication's writers and now advocated by MM. de Levis and du Bessin.

For the elucidation of our readership and the development of a better understanding of the matter for us all, the program proposed for the Union libérale is enclosed before, including necessary commentary on each point. In doing this I hope to elaborate on how this publication and its editors have identified their principles. This is an important distinction to be made, for a proper endorsement of principles can only ever be an endorsement of principles as they are understood by the endorsing party. In order to diminish chances of misinterpretation, the program of the Union libérale will be approached directly and sequentially, without revision of its original text.

The decentralization of the Kingdom, stimulated by the encouragement of the conseil generaux and the loyal municipalities; while recognizing the exigencies of public order and the necessary investment of the prefects.​

Decentralization is crucial to the betterment of France. While many prefects ought to be commended for their honorable service in pursuit of the best interests and well-being of this country, it should be noted that many others have overstepped their boundaries and have begun to suffocate life in the country. This is a problem of the present political structure more than of any individual prefect. Central decision-making and harsh rules implemented from above have inhibited an amicable resolution to local affairs. It must equally be observed that a certain measure of decentralization will enable men to become more active in civic affairs, reducing the likelihood that they turn against each other. Indeed, with the opportunity to be active in the affairs of the community, it is quite reasonable to conclude that most of France will experience a period of pleasant stability. It might also be observed that it will be to the betterment of both the inhabitant of the city and of the country to have the involvement of that government nearest to them expanded.

The considered liberalization of the restrictive laws, and the promotion of lawful associations for the Christian spirit and national welfare.​

As has already been noted, these are necessary principles for the betterment of French society. I have elaborated elsewhere of the need for both a freer press and the topic of lawful associations has been broached as well, even if it has not received as lengthy a discussion. This paper has reported quite diligently on those laws proposed by the opposition at the close of the last session of Parliament and which it can only be assumed are part of the basis for the plan of liberalization sought by the proponents of the Union libérale to this point. The necessity of these things is widely known and while the topic deserves more elaboration than is is here, its importance to France cannot be underestimated. As it stands, His Majesty's government will only serve to be weakened by its policies on both press and associations. If the people of France not given the opportunity to build a sense of community, then there will be nothing to stop unscrupulous individuals from resisting the government and consequently reducing its ability to enforce laws.

The promotion of social and charitable programs for the betterment of the industrial poor, and the improvement of their general condition.
​

There is a distinct need for this kind of policy. When men are not able to live adequately, they will often turn to violence, crime, and all variety of institutions detrimental to government. The Law on Commerce and Industry is an advantageous one and will address some of these problems, but it is only one brushstroke upon a larger canvas. The government of France must improve the general conditions of its public both for their own benefit and for the benefit of society as a whole. Where honesty and charity are lost as common virtues of a society, so too will that society's coherence and common well-being decline. This has been observed countless times over the course of history. It is necessary, therefore, to pursue this principle as adamantly as all others. But the focus of reform cannot only be directed toward industrial stability and its accompanying prosperity.

The adoption of reforms for the tranquility and prosperity of the countryside, and the defense of its liberties.
​

The strength of France throughout its history has often been outside of the cities. Our greatest intellectuals have been born among fields of grain, as have our statesmen. This is a policy of great importance to all of France and has been recognized as such previously. Among the opposition the interests of the countryside, particularly those invested in agriculture, has often been paramount. I am especially pleased to note that M. Auberjonois, whom I have had the pleasure of knowing, and others involved in this publication have often been champions of agricultural causes. Furthermore, Paris and the other cities, the country's health is of the utmost importance. Without farming and the production of cereals, France would starve, that much is obvious. It should therefore be a constant interest of government to promote the coherence and cohesion of the countryside. No part of France should prosper to the detriment of another, especially when the degradation of one is also the degradation of all others.

The regular, diligent, and parliamentary management of fiscal affairs.​

Presently, the fiscal affairs of the ministry have both succeeded and failed. They have succeeded in that they have managed to stabilize the budget; this much is to their credit. But they have also struggled to ensure sustained growth and truly impressive prosperity. Many of their achievements fiscally have also been to the detriment of the general public and should therefore be corrected. Industry and agriculture must be allowed to continue actively pursuing prosperity, sustained by full confidence in government. As it stands many agree that France requires changes to its structures of taxation and spending. There is broad consensus on that topic, although proposals have varied. By forming a coherent association, the Union libérale will be able to address such concerns in a manner that His Majesty's government has been unable to pursue effectively.

The defense of French interests in Europe within the general Congress; and the prudent and serious governance of overseas possessions.
​

It must go without saying that France requires its government to be active in upholding its own interests, the interests of the Congress of Vienna, and the interests of its overseas possessions. But it must also be noted that there is a need for France to continue expanding its position. Failure to do so will become failure to sustain both its own people and the peoples over whom it has acquired guardianship. If France is not strong in Europe, then its people will be secure in neither their livelihoods nor their circumstances. It might also be added, however, that there is a certain need to extend the progress of the French state to those countries around the world which have hungered in darkness for the benefits of good industry and a stable political character. Not doing so will only serve to weaken France over time, for the strength of its surroundings and indeed of the whole world is in some ways its own strength. Where it is not able to prosper in commercial relations internationally, it will inevitably become weak.

It has thus been demonstrated that the program of the Union libérale is the natural extension of the program of the opposition. Although this publication wishes to maintain its independence from an overtly political character and seeks to publish individuals of a wide variety of dispositions, it must also be noted that the character of the Union libérale also offers such flexibility. None of the points emphasized nor their elaborations herein are meant to preclude the participation of those individuals who possess different interpretations of how they must be implemented. The crucial point is that we cannot prosper as a civilization without pursuing such objectives. The betterment of France requires the implementation of policies directed toward these goals. While we can continue to discuss the matter of how best to implement them, our attentions from this moment onward must be toward their fulfillment.

MONTVICQ, AUBERJONOIS, LECUYER, PAUWELS, and THE EDITORS.

 

[LordDuval]

A Letter to the Duc d'Orleans
(( @Cloud Strife ))
​

Your Highness,

It would appear Committee of the Rue de Lille, which had maintained airs of sending its own candidates like Le Grand Lecuyer to the Deputies, now endorses the Union libérale; no doubt a reaction to the manifesto in L'Union capturing the attention of every nobleman in Paris. There is I am to understand, to be no ambiguity in the Chamber in which I endeavor to be elected. Only those for and those against the Union. It is a shame, as I had thought that the progressives of the Committee might have joined forces with the forces of the social gospel among the Legitimist camp. After all, both sides would defend protectionism against the attempts of the heirs of the great Descombes to liberalize France's trade relations with Britain. How then has the progressive, protectionist faction lined up with free-trade liberals?

In any case, I would ask from you a piece of advice. In the Chamber of Deputies should I endeavor to be for the Liberals, or against?

I am a man of commerce, like my late father, but it was the social gospel of the Church as espoused in Belgium where I met my wife that drew me to Christ. And the laws of thermodynamics which I, as an engineer, view the superior guide to man's endeavors have as of yet to make a final determination in which of two general paths the material progress of Paris and the rest of France resides.

While I know very well a man of your stature is beyond such petty things as partisan politics, I would greatly appreciate your advice on this subject. Your uncle is the one who recommended me to the role of State Engineer and now I find myself the captain of many enterprises of which you are the primary investor. It goes without saying that your judgement means much to me.

Yours faithfully,

Reuben V. Duval ​

 

[Lyonessian]

Gorchakov responds on 17 April directly to France in a conciliatory tone; the French ambassador in Russia, the duc de Montebello, informs the ministry that he would not object to discussing the Polish question at a European congress provided that every other European question, including the Near East, was discussed as well.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs mandates the duc de Montebello to convey a response to St. Petersburg. Within this mandate are outlined the following points:

1. That the return to peaceful status quo requires the annulment of the convention signed between Prussia and Russia
2. That the Polish question has been excited by unlawful agitation by liberals on the Polish side, however met at unmeasured response by Russia. It is ideal that the Polish question be resolved at bilateral talks, for the preservation of stability which shall benefit all parties involved
3. That the idea of an European congress is, at this time, passive to excite undue diplomatic conflict which would threaten the balance of power
4. That it would be in the best interests of France and Russia that the Prussian threat to the principles of Vienna be recognized, warranting a careful isolation of the Prussians from the international system

 

[99KingHigh]

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs mandates the duc de Montebello to convey a response to St. Petersburg. Within this mandate are outlined the following points:

1. That the return to peaceful status quo requires the annulment of the convention signed between Prussia and Russia
2. That the Polish question has been excited by unlawful agitation by liberals on the Polish side, however met at unmeasured response by Russia. It is ideal that the Polish question be resolved at bilateral talks, for the preservation of stability which shall benefit all parties involved
3. That the idea of an European congress is, at this time, passive to excite undue diplomatic conflict which would threaten the balance of power
4. That it would be in the best interests of France and Russia that the Prussian threat to the principles of Vienna be recognized, warranting a careful isolation of the Prussians from the international system

Gorchakov responds on 30 April, and refuses the note.