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    Real Strategy Requires Cunning

99KingHigh

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Le Censeur
ou
Examen
des Actes et ouvrages

qui tendent à détruire ou à consolider
la constitution de l'État

A Remark
on the Inverse Relationship
Between Offense and Truth
as concerns Recent Publications


Alexandre Cazal


Reader—you maybe aware of an essay that appeared under my name in the previous issue of this journal attacking the fallacious nature of the patriotism of certain ‘Ultra-royalists’, in particular of certain ministers of the King.

Since publication, amongst a few messages of support, I received three very notable expressions of distaste: one from the Bishop of Montauban; another from the secretary of the Prince of Condé, writing on his behalf; and a third from the secretary of the Duke of Saint-Aignan.

I do not wish to offer great comment on this—save perhaps to express my surprise that such luminaries would deign to make time in their days to respond to what must be in their eyes an especially unseemly screed—but I could not but help be put in mind of certain things after I had received the third notice of distaste. Namely: if so mighty figures, ‘Ultras’ all, were so offended by my essay as to consider it necessary to express such to me, the author, does it not stand to reason that there is at least a kernel of truth in what I wrote? A man does not worry himself with any baseless allegations—or otherwise would seek to quell them in the public arena before they proliferate and fester. That three men elected to voice their disagreement in a private sphere cannot help but suggest to me that their wounded pride, in need of some redress but untitled to it under any law, directed them to make at least token gestures towards the ridiculousness of the claims—so that at least the pretense that they are merely ridiculous may be upheld one day more.
 

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Chapter 2: Introuvable
(September 1815 - May 1817)

From the wreckage of Talleyrand’s cabinet, and the extraordinary return of the election results, the King was placed in a most difficult quandary between personal amicability and legislative cooperation. The situation required a cabinet that could retain robust relations with the lower chamber, and simultaneously obtain from Europe the best possible terms of peace. Fair terms with the European powers was particularly at the forefront of Louis XVIII’s thoughts when he appointed the comte de Dhuizon as President of the Council and authorized him to form a government. Auguste Philippe, comte de Dhuizon, was the son of King Louis XV’s personal acquaintance Jacques-Henry (1725-1791), and a former émigré. Unlike other exiles, such as the esteemed prince de Polignac, Dhuizon was a military novice, and preferred political philosophy to continental violence as his preferred pastime. Dhuizon was a reluctant political appointee, and had initially shirked from Talleyrand’s impressions of powers for so long as Fouche retained an officeholder. In many personal respects Dhuizon seemed unprepared for such an assignment “The one man in France who knows more about Burke and England,” sneered Talleyrand. In face he did feel like a foreigner in France; he had not even met his fellow-members of the cabinet. He was baffled by the casual domestic politics, beyond the reach of formatted British legislatures, that swirled around him, and often moaned “What an awful country!” Dhuizon was further handicapped by his fear of public speaking; he did not know to extemporize or give a quick rebuttal in debate or to control the direction of discussions — his brilliance with the pen as exemplified in his acclaimed work The National Folly failed to translate into spontaneity. He was often quick to anger in the presence of the slightest setback or flight, and could not conceal his thoughts or impressions to his dearest colleagues. His extreme modesty and excessive lack of self-confidence made it difficult to impose his will in larger legislatures, although his assertiveness fared better in smaller cabinet rooms. Moreover, he did not let himself be influenced by others, because he had been so often and so easily misled that he always suspected ulterior motives to those whom he was dealing. Mole compared him to a frisky horse which you must approach from a distance and tame down gradually.



Auguste Philippe, comte de Dhuizon, Prime Minister of France

However, in the long run his shortcomings were to be just as useful to him as his strong points. Never having engaged in party politics, Dhuizon found it easier to arbitrate them. And above all, his Christian gentlemanliness and mastery of philosophy earned everyone’s respect. Whenever he was accused of promoting his self-interests, all sides were uniform in their opposition to the accusation — Dhuizon even broke off negotiations with the purchasers of his confiscated estates for fear that his new position would give him an advantage in the settlement terms. It was his chivalrous conduct, matched by the equal warmness of Valence, that induced France back into the good graces of Europe. Tsar Alexander once remarked, “He is the only friend who will tell me the truth to my face” and Wellington once remarked that “his work is as good as a treaty.” Dhuizon’s political naivety was matched equally by the émigré inexperience of his cabinet team. To the justice ministry went the Ultra-Royalists duc de Saint-Aignan, another political exile and austere cynic, but basically more pride than iron. In the finance ministry, succeeding the esteemed Baron Louis, was the duc de Richelieu, who was known as Dhuizon’s equal in Christian chivalry and oratory bumbling. As minister of War Marshal Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey, duc de Conegliano, was chosen as one of the only non-emigres of Dhuizon’s cabinet. Mole declared frankly of Moncey and his undersecretary the duc de Feltre that “Under the king he was right where he had been under the emperor.” In the naval ministry appeared the old Viscount Dubouchage, a former minister of Louis XVI, who had been out of public life for over a quarter of a century. The minister of interior, the comte de Berstett, was no more a man who could be considered accustomed to governmental experience in public office. Bersett was also energetic and indefatigable, and was known to be the ultraroyalist response to the written vigor of the Prime Minister. The office of Minister of Police was given to the ever-shrewd Elie Decazes, who had attached himself to King Louis by means of his position as police prefect. Decazes had learned to play the role of a naive and devoted young man in order to earn his sovereign's favour; when the king tried to teach him english, Decazes studied secretly with another professor so that the king could marvel at the rapid progress of his pupil and also his own teaching ability.


The final appointment of Minister of Foreign Affairs was reserved by Talleyrand for Séverin Maximilien, marquis de Valence. By several criterion, Valence was the personal antithesis of Dhuizon. Valence was a distinguished military veteran, having served in the Army of Conde, and was encumbered by none of the introverted qualities that enfeebled Dhuizon’s oratory and exhilarated his oeuvre. A known acquaintance of Europe’s esteemed diplomats, Valence’s style of politics was more akin to the armored perspicacious machiavellianism of Talleyrand then the sincere honesty of Dhuizon that had earned the Prime Minister foreign acclaim. Aligned by friendship and affiliation, Dhuizon and Valence proved a fearsome pair; Dhuizon coated the diplomatic missions of France in Christian sincerity whilst Valence managed the particulars of treatise. Such a style was all the more suited to the first and principal objective of Dhuizon; the procurement of a peace treaty in Paris. The tsar had promised to help Dhuzion obtain some attention in the terms presented by the Allies on September 2nd. But Valence mistrusted his Russian hosts, and refused the Tsar’s proposal to have Louis XVIII send an ultimatum of abdication if the terms were not alleviated. Henceforth, Dhuizon was excluded from foreign entanglement as Valence centralized his control over France’s external policy and made himself indispensable to the council and the court. As a consequence of Valence’s consolidation of control, and his premonitions regarding Russian policy in Poland, Alexander’s faith in the Bourbon project was much diminished. But the Russians were unable to stomach a diplomatic counter-attack, partially because Valence strategically played the comte Capo D’Istria and the prince de Rasoumoffiky against each other, and partially because Alexander was too fond of Dhuizon to foment trouble. In the absence of Russian clout, Valence pivoted France’s focus to Austria and England, which had a more immediate investment in the post-Hundred Days occupation. For the accomplishment of these aims, Valence adopted a regimented placation of Prince Metternich and Lord Castlereagh.



Lord Castlereagh and Prince Metternich in Paris.

Valence was keen to see the force of occupation replaced with a buffer of “exclusion,” the retention of the former Papal territories of Avignon and Comtat Venaissin, the reduction of the indemnity, and the inclusion of France into the proposed Quadruple Alliance. In order to procure these goals, Valence first offered himself to Lord Castlereagh as a friend of British policies with regard to Russian ambitions in Anatolia, the Mediterranean, and the Balkans. Viscount Castlereagh was all too happy to see France invited into the European cabal of Russophobia, and coordinated with Metternich on a possible reduction of terms on the French. Prince Metternich, however, was afflicted with a duality of loyalties; the foreign prince had no desire to enervate France but worried that reduced concessions from the French would enrage the Prussians and enfeeble the juvenile Holy Alliance. Metternich was also displeased by Valence’s estrangement from the Russians, who were presently considered an ally of Emperor Francis II. Metternich’s dilemma was further complicated by Tsar Alexander’s refusal to receive anyone except Dhuizon into his sovereign presence. Valence’s salvation, however, was Metternich’s personal skepticism of the Holy Alliance, and thus the Austrian prince began to spin his infamous web to win the day. With excuses of Prussian anguish, Metternich reinforced the necessity of the occupation, but blunted its expanse to east of Paris, and ensured that the expenses of occupation were equally distributed. Not unsympathetic to the claims of the Baron d’Humboldt and the Prince de Hardenberg, Metternich compensated by delaying Valence’s requests for a firm commitment on the indemnity, and eventually settled on the figure of eight-hundred ten million french livres, excluding another fifty million livres for the expenses of the occupation. France’s territorial boundaries were reverted to those of January 1st 1790 rather than those of 1792 — these concessions included Philippeville, Marienbourg, and the duchy of Bouillon to the Low Countries; Saarlouis and Saarbrucken to Prussia; Landau and the territory north of the Lauter to Austria (who was then to turn them over to Bavaria and Hesse); and Savoy to Sardinia.


Diplomats in a Parisian café.
These new conditions were harsh, much more severe than those of 1814, but far more lenient than the occupant Prussians had demanded. Nonetheless, the King could do little more than consent to the situation and concede to the demands. Critics pounced not only on the supposed humiliation of the treaties, but the system of alliances concluded at the same time by the four great powers to guarantee its fulfillment. Much more important than the Holy Alliance Treaty was the treaty of November 20th 1815, which was concluded among the four allied powers and was known as the Quadruple Alliance, renewing the coalition pact that had been ratified at Chaumont the year before. The Quadruple Alliance declared “to guarantee and facilitate the execution of the present treaty and to solidify the close relations uniting the four powers...the high contracting parties agree to renew at certain periods...their meetings to consider their important common interests and to examine what measures might be judged most salutary for the tranquility and prosperity of peoples and for the preservation of peace in Europe.” The new law of the land — the preliminary to international relations — excluded France and put her under constant great power of surveillance. But Valence’s machinations in the week preceding the ratification of the so-called “Second Treaty of Paris” succeeded in planting the seeds of discontent among the powers. Metternich was eager to get his new French puppet into the Quadruple Alliance, and Prime Minister Lord Liverpool was equally anxious for an alliance with France to balance the disproportionate Russian power across the hemisphere. The final series of treaties was ratified by His Majesty King Louis XVIII, after some confined protest, on the 20th day of November, 1815.


The Holy Alliance; Alexander, Francis, and Frederick William.
The new legislature was a matter of equal concern and peculiarity to the great powers. Although the liberal historical school imposed the legend of the “Chambre Introuvable,” especially considering that almost two-hundred of the elected deputies were those of bourgeois origin, the new chamber was nonetheless determined to enact vengeance on those guilty souls of the Republic and the Empire. Most of the new deputies were new in politics; only about sixty-one had ever sat in a previous legislature. In the words of Bertier de Sauvigny, “Because of this and because of the youth of its members, it is understandable that this chamber should have been, like that of 1789, impulsive, passionate, and often blundering.” Its first act, an address in reply to the state of national education, proved wholly irrelevant to the immediate necessities of the nation, but nonetheless proved controversial. The debate pitted Deputé Victor Durand of the Nord department against Deputé Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget, Bishop of Montauban (curiously the only clergyman in a chamber so concerned about religious interests) regarding the appropriate stewardship of the public education. The entire debate, little more than the testimony between secularism and establishmentarianism, proved part frivolous and part consuming, failing entirely to earn the interest of the Prime Minister or the King, no matter what certain government ministers desired. Issue after issue and compromise after compromise was scribbled together in a hopeless mess of irrelevance as Bersett — ever the engaged minister — tried hopelessly to engage Dhuizon in the issue. Education never reached the proposal pen of the King. The first act of relevance, a petition in reply to the speech from the throne published by the bastard son of the Prince of Conde and seconded by Bersett, elucidated a desire to punish those who had inflicted the evils which the country had suffered. The ease with which Napoleon had been able to return to the country was very much dependent on the fact that civil servants of the first Restoration had remained in office from the staffs of the Empire. Royalists reacted to this news with presentiments of conspiracy, and were now eager to punish the unmasked guilty. The cabinet ministers were all inclined to support these views as they were shared by moderates and pure royalists alike. Other more extreme elements of the Ultra-Royalist faction, notably the controversial Deputé Emile-Charles Pêche-lame de Couteau, petitioned for the most severe crackdowns on dissent, while Louis-Marcelin, marquis de Fontanes, the famous and good-natured French poet, declared “you must strike fear into their hearts if you wish to avoid worse evils.”


Chambre Introuvable.

Dhuizon was cautious to weed out the less-than-desirable legislation that the ministers had proposed before the council. Three retributive laws were presented before the council, and recommendations for royal ordinances were also presented to the King. One after another these four laws were voted which made up the legal weaponry of the second White Terror: the Lustration of Public Offices Act, the Oath of Allegiance Act, the Loyalist Pensions Act, and the Royal Ordinance of the Affairs of Royal Justice. The first, proposed by Saint-Aignan, was the most effective vehicle for repression as it evicted from public office any individual who had accepted (and by implication retained) an imperial position during the Hundred Days. The second piece of legislation compelled those of dubious allegiance and public office to swear an oath of allegiance to the Kingdom of France, and included terms for exile from France if that allegiance was not obliged by the participant. The final statute, drafted by the extreme royalists and adopted by Saint-Aignan, established a clear demarcation line between those of French loyalism and those of royal loyalism by issuing writs of pension and honours of war to those émigré combatants. But the most powerful piece of statute, rather curiously, was issued by the King (as opposed to legislated by the Chamber) upon the advice of Dhuizon. The “Ordonnance du Roi sur l'affaire de la Justice Royale,” an amalgamation of laws from Saint-Aignan, Bersett and Decazes, was momentous for two reasons. The first reason was the scope of the ordinance; it permitted prosecution against regicides, conspirators, and (within one year of the decree) Bonapartists of any persuasion on the discretion of the King and the Minister of Justice. The second reason for the significance of the ordinance was that it was decreed by the King, and hereafter, precedent would dictate that matters of justice statute would flow down from the royal person. [1] The executor of these new ordinances were determined (by the ordinance of December 7 1815)[2] to be the provost courts, re-established from the old regime, and sporadically deployed by Napoleon during the brigandage of the Chouannerie. These provost courts were established in each department, and were supervised by four civilian judges. The role of prosecutor and accused, however, was delegated to a military provost. Their jurisdiction, as a result of the general amnesty of the ordinance — “Individuals and groupings that have in 1815 been involved in acts of politically-motivated violence and causation of public disorders regardless of conviction, are henceforth pardoned for any crimes relating to such involvement which have occurred prior to the formation of this ordinance on the condition that they disarm and swear an oath of allegiance to the King of France and promise to uphold his laws” — was limited to seditious meetings, new armed rebellions, and threats against the government and the royal family. There was no jury and no appeal, and the punishment was to be executed within twenty-four hours.


Saint-Aignan and Decazes.
The course of these regulations was influenced greatly by the events outside the confines of parliament. The Ordinance of July 24th, which declared “the generals and officers who betrayed the King before the 23rd of March, or who attacked France and the government with weapons, and those who by violence have seized power, will be arrested and taken before the qualified councils of war in their respective divisions” had listed Marshal Ney as one of the included officers. Despite the government’s best efforts to afford him every opportunity to escape from France, Ney would not flee from his country. Louis XVIII himself complained that “he is doing us more harm by letting us catch him then when he betrayed us.” With amnesty beyond consideration for the most notorious defector, the royal government was forced into prosecution. Ney challenged the jurisdiction of the court-martial because he was a peer, and insisted on the right to be charged before the Chamber of peers. The allied governments watched the deliberations with great anxiety, and made it clear to Valence that the Bourbon monarchy was being judged on the careful observation of the law. Consequently Dhuizon went in person to ask the Chamber of Peers to take the case and vote on judgement. Judicial proceedings began in late November and continued until December, when the royalists voted one-vote short of unanimity that Ney was guilty of High Treason, and thereafter sentences to death by equal acclaim. The King considered a pardon, but Ney’s friends had doomed him by daring them to observe their own law; the king refused to budge and Ney met his end by firing squad the day after his verdict. Otherwise, the death of Ney soured the mood for further high-ranking purges, and other possible victims, such as Piombino, were spared. These affairs occurred concurrently with the so-called “Legal White Terror,” which succeeded the informal violence that had occupied the south prior to the conclusive skirmish in Toulouse. Between July 1815 and June 1816, approximately 5,000 political condemnations were made, while departmental administrations endured a wave of internal purges as the Lustration of Public Offices Act cleaned out the civil service. The ministers, the directors of services, and the prefects oversaw severe purges in their administrative regions; once again royal secret societies and groups became purge and accusation committees. It is possible that as many as 80,000 civil employees were purged, constituting almost a third of government employees.


The Execution of Marshal Ney by Jean-Léon Gérôme (1868)
The legal purge continued to run its course for the duration of the Parliament, but the crown had other concerns throughout 1816 as Baron Louis’ budget expired. The two matters of dispute between the ministry and the Ultra majority were preliminary discussions over electoral law and the budget. Elements in the ministry, and particularly in the Ultra minority, were eager to disentangle the electoral system and extend a vote on all citizens paying fifty francs or even twenty-five francs. It was their belief that a further democratization of the vote — contrary to Dhuizon’s political philosophy — would drown out the liberal bourgeoisie in a flood of popular votes. An Ultra-Royalist figurehead, Jean-Baptiste de Villèle, declared “cancel out the middle class, the only one you have to sear.” But support for the ministry in the upper chamber and general apprehension from the most elitist Ultra-Royalists stalled the advance, while Richelieu's budget caused further distress for the Ultra majority. The manifold increase of arrears and debts, and the further addition of the indemnity, necessitated greater taxes, reduced salaries, and government sales. Richelieu adopted his predecessor's method, and proposed to liquidate the arrears by eight per cent government bonds backed by the auction of one-million acres of national forests. The Ultra majority reacted to the proposition with immediate vehemence, and refused to auction land that it intended to restore to the Church as it had already restored the unsold confiscated state land to the returning exiles in the First Restoration. The Bishop of Montauban related the budgetary proposition to Exodus 20:15 “You shall not steal” and vowed to fight the legislation along with his colleagues. Once again, Montauban and Durand clashed (albeit this time on something of relevance), while Durand inundated Richelieu with his own financial suggestions, much to the chagrin of Richelieu’s secretary. Richelieu was soon overcome with letters of support and complaint, and once it became clear that the Ultras were convinced that it was an immoral act to have the monarchy pay back rebel-contracted debts, the Finance Minister and Valence panicked and sought compromise. The budget was revised without the sale of Church forestry, and the Ultras accepted the principle of refinancing by a special issue bearing five percent interest until 1820. The ministry was now eager by mid-summer 1816 to unshackle itself from the difficulties of the ungovernable chamber.


Deputé Victor Durand and Deputé Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget, Bishop of Montauban.
Divisions began to emerge in the ministry by the autumn, when Decazes accused Saint-Aignan of being “nothing more than the minister of the of Count of Artois.” At the same time, the representatives of the Allies in Paris, notably Wellington, were now perturbed by the aggressive attitude of the chamber on the budget, which seemed to compromise the repayment of the indemnity. They also feared that the bloodletting of the civil service would inspire revolt, and thus brought the strongest pressure on Louis XVIII to persuade him to rid himself of this troublesome chamber. Dhuizon resented the foreign interference in domestic politics, but Decazes had brought him around to his own point of view by the only argument that could appeal to his patriotism; he argued that the continuance of the “Chambre Introuvable,” so distrusted by the allies, would obstruct negotiations with the occupants regarding an early departure from France. By September, Decazes and Richelieu were resolved to dissolve Parliament with or without Dhuizon, but were blocked by a deficiency of justification. The government slugged through the winter months of 1816 in a state of deadlock, unable to will itself into action or convince the allies of their governmental stability. An episode in December, where the Minister of War and the Prince of Conde both lobbied for the prerogative over a so-called “Chief of General Staff” position that did not exist, further damaged the government’s credibility, resulting in the “senile sectioning” of the Prince of Condé in the Tuileries Palace and the forced resignation of Moncey before his replacement by Saint-Cyr. The stench of decay became so pervasive that Dhuizon considered tendering his own resignation.


The unfortunate souls.

Fate intervened, however, in late April 1817, when several coastal patrolmen outside Calais confiscated an illicit transport of documents by several unruly gentlemen. The patrolmen produced the documents to the local court as these gentlemen were tried for several “nighttime misdemeanours.” The presiding judge, after reading the documents, quickly departed and presented them to the provost court, where it became apparent that the comte de Saint Germain and the “le Boucher” were engaged in some extremist conspiratorial effort against Louis XVIII. Le Boucher was found mysteriously dead some days later, presumably at the secret instigation of some Monsieur Pavilion, while Saint Germain was dragged before the Chamber of Peers and given a rather unceremonious trial. The trial was only significant because a series of motions to introduce the trial were petitioned and proposed with immediacy, indicating that Louis XVIII had conceded his power as dictated in Article 14 in favour of the Chamber’s power in Article 19. [3] Saint Germain’s treachery was afforded more grace, and the comte was able to “escape” after his conviction of high treason. It was often believed that the comte’d Artois swore to revoke the conviction upon his ascension to the crown. Nonetheless, the indisputable guilt of Saint Germain and Le Boucher provided the King and the Ministry with the necessary blemish on the Ultra-Royalists. On May 14th 1817, the King dissolved the Chambers and called fresh elections.


[1] Absolutism +1 — law and order laws are confirmed as the prerogative (ordinances) of the King. Added to notes on the Charter.
[2] A new ordinance by my own decree as a result of [1], passed in accordance with OTL, and fulfilling the terms of the October ordinance where prosecution is performed and “judged in accordance with the laws and customs of the Kingdom”
[3] Constitutionalism +1 [Net 0 on update] — laws may now, by convention, be proposed in the legislature. The power may be overruled by the King.

--
I will do a "State of the Nation" in the morning. But it is 4:30 AM and I want to sleep. Anyway, you know the drill (albeit I don't think I've ever done back-to-back elections).

Schedule: 48 hours until voting. 36 hrs for voting. 8 PP for IC distribution. Modifiers in the morning.
 
Last edited:

Eid3r

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Église Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois, Paris

The news of the dissolution of the Chamber, after months of acrimonious relations with the Government named by the King did not surprise many in Paris. The Bishop of Montauban, which at the moment the die was cast on the fate of the Chamber was taking part in a Congregation of clergymen, assembled in Paris to discuss mooth points of doctrine and administration. Seizing the occasion of being with a most captive crowd, the Bishop played his connections to adress his fellow brothers,

"My most esteemed colleagues. I certainly hope you will indulge my solliloquy for a moment given the momentous news that we have just received. Indeed, barely an hour ago, the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved and new elections called. My temporal mandate thus being fulfilled, I take this occasion to adress you as a fellow clergymen to another."

"It is true, our Holy Mother Church suffer grievously under the vindictiveness of the Revolutionary Governments. Our oeuvres de charité have been ransacked, the tracts of lands we held in Patrimony for the interests of the population were violently taken away from our care and our very churches were defiled by the anti-clericalist rioters prompted by these governments."

"Upon the return of His Most Christian Majesty, we had great cause to rejoice and hope for better days. And better days we are living, my fellow brothers, under the auspicious sun of the King. This being acknowledged, we must not be impervious to the deleterious effects that years of Bonapartist propaganda had over the minds of our younger generation. The necessity and validity of the benevolent action of the Church might certainly be fact in the minds of the oldest of us, but there is much missionary work that needs to be done wih our youth."

"This current election is of prime importance, for it is clear that several prominent men in the Kingdom would rather see the election of a morel liberal and docile Chamber, one which would have not so courageously opposed the sinful liquidation of former Church lands. Quite the debate we had, my brothers, and time and time again I was conspued by many telling me there was simply no other solutions to the ailments of the Kingdom. Curiously, facing our steadfast resolve, the Government backtracked and, surprise, another solution was found."

"What this episode revealed is that we, clergymen, cannot simply rely on our confidence that the Government will do the right thing. We must take an active part in the decision making process if we are to ensure that the Kingdom of France be a Kingdom of Morality, as God always intended for the Eldest daughter of the Church. It is our responsibility to voice our concern and to offer our opinions to his Most Christian Majesty, who was ill counseled by his Government in the affair of the Church lands, and will certainly be ill-counseled again unless a strong majority of decent, pious and resolute men be elected in the next Chamber".

"Therefore, I beseech you. Let us find those among us whose oratory can be used to further the cause of Our Lord Saviour among the garden of politics. Let us encourage them to step forward and seek elected office, for the sake of our Church and the Salute of the masses. And for those too occupied by their. ministries, lend your support to the brave men who casted their votes on the right side of this most divisive debate. I thank you for your time and support, and may the light of the Lord keep shining upon France"

The Bishop was then applauded by some, others being much more contained in their enthusiasm or lack of. After all, they were rather dull priests, weren't they?
 
May 7, 2017
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Mathieu walked Down the streets of Yonne when he recived news that elections had been called and the chamber dissolved good Mathieu thought maybe we can get a sane government and chamber.
 

Eid3r

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Auberge du Lardon-Chantant, Auch (Gers)

The trip from the Capital had been quite long for the Bishop of Montauban, which had used the long hours of solace to put in order is most recent dispatches to his see, dealing with the many administrative necessities of his clerical position. For certain, the constant need of his political office had taken a toll on his mind and body, as he felt more and more burden of the years upon his shoulders.

Arrived in Auch, he attended a small gathering of moneyed interests, which had first guaranteed his election to the Chamber under the very high treshold to obtain the right to vote. The trick was to keep these good men in his camp, therefore quashing any kind of liberal opposition ot his candidacy. This being said, the Gers was very much in the South, whose populace was quite conservative leaning.

"My good friends, I thank you for answering this humble invitation. I have it on good information that you have quite prospered well in the recent months, the stability brought by the return of the King being of good auspices for trade and commerce. Suxh a state or success shall for certain fortify the South and our beloved Department of the Gers, and for this most brilliant display of acumen, I thank thee."

Flattery. It opens the doors to even the most unassailable minds.

"Now it seems that his Majesty the King decided to take congé of us, deputies, to convene a new Chamber once these elections are past. Therefore, I submit my actions during the past months to your most moral review, as your representative in that most rancorous body."

A plump man spoke to the Bishop.

"To be honest, Monseigneur, I was a bit disappointed by your opposition to the sale of Church lands. There is a prime tract of forests, near L'Isle-Jourdain that I have kept my eye on and I would certainly have placed a bid on it."

The Bishop answered.

"My dear Monsieur Janvier, putting the moral issue of the dilapidation of God's patrimony aside, I have it on good terms that the said auctions would not have alloted preference to local money. Many rich merchants in the North were already smiling at what they called the great Purchase of the South. Surely, the government keeping this land you covet is better than losing it to some business owner from Lille or Rouen. Now, should you have ideas about how the King might develop the land in his care, I am all ears."

Another plump merchant rose.

"I was quite worried that the Chamber would reject the budget, thus depriving the army from the necessary funds it needed to rebuild. Was there any chance of that happening?"

The Bishop answered.

"Let me reassure you, Monsieur Guillet, that this was never going to happen. The entire chamber is but of one mind in support of our troops, in which you son serves most dilligently. Now, this whole unfortunate episode could have. been avoided had the Governement taken the time to seek the advice of the Chamber before submitting its budget proposal to the King. They would have known right away that such a sinful provision would not have passed, and could have amended the budget like we ended up doing, thus saving the nation much debate and alarm"

And the clergymen continued to answer to his backers, for politics is but a harsh mistress.
 

ThaHoward

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1817 at the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies.

The life of Lothaire were well. His wife had soon birthed a child, alltough Lothaire were dissapointed it were not a son he would come to be fond of his daughter named Marie-Louise. Lothaire felt a great pride in himself becoming a deputy seeing it as a sine qua non - having reached absolute social prestige. The bussiness he had inheritated from his father (as all his brothers had died in the field of battle) continued to thrive, and alltough Lothaire did not give it much attention he would delegate administration several employees. This bussiness in turn continued to ensure that Lothaire could have the rights to vote and stand as a deputy.

Following the initial heated debates in the Chamber Lothaire would soon seem to withdraw himself from the political life. He would soon realise that he had to gain practical and theoretical experience in order to spar with the heavy weights. However he met with Henri-Benjamin Constant and would be fascinated by his speeches and political works. Lothaire would come under the Liberal block formed by the skilled orator and support his many theories and policies - and being in opposition to the Ultras. Outside of the Chamber Lothaire would continue to frequent on Liberal Cafés debating politics and essays and reading several works. Lothaire would also start to secretly admire Louis Phillipe the Duke of Orleans for his open sympathies with the Liberal Opposition and during the Revolution and especially got deep respect because of his service record. However Lothaire were no Orleanist, and would still support King Louis.

During this time Lothaire would also finalize his baccalaureate in Political Science focusing on political theory with it's Idea- and Real- political implementation in policy drafting and foreign relations. Lothaire would of course also write many other assignments during this period and would again draw heavy inspiraton from his unofficial political mentor Constante - namely his work named Principes de politique applicables à tous les gouvernements représentatifs. After his graduation in Political Science Lothaire debated with himself and his wife if he should pursue a further degree in this dscipline or another political discipline, but soon found himself to apply for a study in Economics as that, he reasoned, would be most suitable in the future to draft budgets. For the heated Budget for 1816 itself, he were glad that a compromise were found and especially happy that the salaries of the government officials and nobles were sliced.

As Lothaire had mostly withdrawn himself from politics in the Chambers (mostly just agreeing with other influential Deputies as Constante and Durand) he would go back to his initial pet project; the Veterans League. This time around he sought to give it a more rigid structure and clearer goals, and would amend it from being an organization representing the veterans of the Grande Armée to veterans as a whole. He hoped that the League would gain even more sympathies as the white terror in the south had been succeeded with a legal terror and purging of many state officials. Lothaire would also draft a Charter for the organization.

Charter of the Veterans League.

Purpose:
The purpose of this League is to further the cause of all veterans who have served under the nation of France. The League also stand to preserve the shared military history of the past so that our common sacrifice, glories and harship will never be forgotten and so that errors of the past will not be repeated. The League is also a place for all veterans, regardless of creed, branch, rank and social status to come together in a Brotherhood.

Rules:

1: To qualify as a member one need to prove they have served in the Armed Forces of France. Let that be under the Empire, the French Kingdom prior to the Revolution, the Revolutionairy Army or the current Royal Army.
  • However, those who are proven to have participated in leading roles in the Hundred Days are not eligble for membership. Consult the Charter sanctioned by our King Louis the Desired.
  • Those who are condemned for political violence, serious crimes or political crimes are also not eligble.
2: During sessions and assemblies of the Veteran's League the following is not allowed:
  • Any symbols, flags, political chants and songs of any sorts that are associated with the Revolution, Republic and the Bonaparte Empire.
  • Politics are not to be discussed (unless it is in direct relevance to veterans's rights) and anyone who provoke for political violence or revolution will be expelled. Treasonous talk are also not allowed, as well as insulting the King and glorifying the Bonapartes or the Revolution.
  • Weapons are also not allowed. The only exception is ceremonial sabers - if it is agreed upon by local governments.
3: When we gather together either by individual chapters or the League of it's own, we are to apply to the appropriate government in order to clear up misunderstandings.

4: We will remain loyal to France. We served loyally before and will do so now. Therefore all who seek membership are to swear an Oath of Alligiance to France and the King.



5: The League will champion the cause of all veterans also those who are not members. But only members can be part of our sessions and assemblies.

6: The League also distance itself from the violence in Tolouse, and will seek to reedem itself financially and morally for the wrongs commited that day.

The first draft was of course lacking in many ways, but it was a good start. Lothaire would continue to hold several assemblies for veterans all over the nation. However they were mostly confined to pubs and cafés in order to not provoke a disaster as the one in Tolouse.

When the Chamber of Deputies were dissolved Lothaire would debate with himself and his wife if he should seek another term as Deputy, or if he should fully dedicate himself to his studies and the Veterans League - or if he should retire from politics alltoghther and become a bussinessman and merchant as his father. His wife, Christine, would advise Lothaire to focus on the Veteran's League during the coming election. She told him the story of Janus, and told her husband that he too could be two faced. She reckoned that if championed their (the veteran) cause and gained support from the upper military he could once more become a deputy. As he would then gain grassroot support among disillusioned soldiers, and among officers. Furthermore Officers he were well off enough to vote would then be more likely to vote for him. Also, she argued, now that he studied economics he could develop a Borgouise friendly economic platform in order to gain their support. Afterall they were a powerful electorate and they were mostly liberal - at least economically. Her husband could then look to the other side and gain their support and trust by appealing to them economically. Lothaire would thank his wife for his support and would proceed to make another child.

In his office Lothaire woul once more instruct his secrataries, of course they were all new as the former ones had grown past 20 and were thus too old in the eyes of Lothaire. The letters would be sent to gain support for his coming campaign, but most importantly his Veteran's League. He enviosoned making a grand gathering at the Place Vendôme in Paris and invite several reformers and figure heads to hold speeches or just attend.

((Private letter to @Mikkel Glahder ))

Esteemed Marshal and Peer of France Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey,

I would like to thank you for your loyal service to France and King in all these years. You are still a grand figure and an icon for our nation. It saddened me that you were the victim of a smear campaign and were forced to resign. I would, however, like you to attend to a public meeting I am planning to hold in Paris for the Veteran's League. I and the veterans and their families would be most honored if you were to attend, and even more if you were to make a speech. I humbly ask you this and hope you will consider. Also don't be distressed, this will not be disorganised and with conflicting motives as what happened in Tolouse. This will be orderly and will respect the government, King, peace and rule of law.

With great respect and admiration,

-Capitaine Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @Cloud Strife ))

Dear Marshal and Minister of War,

First let me congratulate you on once more becoming minister of war. Alltough the events surronding the resignment of Marshall Moncey is most sad and disheartening, you are most deserving of your appointment. I hope you all the best. I would also, humbly, like to extend an invitation to you. I would like you to attend to a public meeting I am planning to hold in Paris for the Veteran's League. I and the veterans and their families would be most honored if you were to attend, and even more if you were to make a speech. I humbly ask you this and hope you will consider. Also don't be distressed, this will not be disorganised and with conflicting motives as what happened in Tolouse. This will be orderly and will respect the government, King, peace and rule of law.

I would also humbly invite you to a dinner at my place. The food and drinks will be of utmost quality, the very least I can do to a man of your stature, and I would also like to say to you that I would extend my support to you. If you need advice on military reforms please do not hesitate to ask, and during the dinner I would also like to discuss what we can do to safeguard the rights of the veterans.

With kind regards and salutations,

-Capitaine Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @Luftwafer ))

Fellow brother,

I hope you are in good health and the last years have been good for you and your unit. How are things in the south these days? And how are you doing? I would also like to announce that I am planning on holding a gathering for veterans in Paris. I and the veterans and their families would be most honored if you were to attend, and even more if you were to make a speech. I humbly ask you this and hope you will consider. Also don't be distressed, this will not be disorganised and with conflicting motives as what happened in Tolouse. This will be orderly and will respect the government, King, peace and rule of law.

With kind regards,

-Capitaine Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @Davout ))

Monsiuer de Rotschild,

I write to you again. How is your bussiness and industry going? Do you have any ongoing projects? I will be brief and I will tell you, I am not bragging, that I do have a merchant compnay that are bringing me great wealth. Alltough I do not know if it is as grand as yours it give me enough income to vote and stand for candiacy in the Chamber of Deputies. Now I have also started to take classes and courses in Economics in the University. Now I would like to invite you to my home, so we can discuss future economical plans for France that will benefit the people and our industries. I would also like you discuss with you, if my Company in anyway could assist you in any projects you may have.

Eagerly awaiting response,
-Capitaine Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @TJDS ))

Fellow Deputy!

I would like to thank you for your hard work in the Chamber, and I hope that you will be re-elected if you seek to do so. France and the French need more men like you. I would also like to announce that I am planning on holding a gathering for veterans in Paris. I and the veterans and their families would be most honored if you were to attend, and even more if you were to make a speech. I humbly ask you this and hope you will consider. Also don't be distressed, this will not be disorganised and with conflicting motives as what happened in Tolouse. This will be orderly and will respect the government, King, peace and rule of law. There you could lay out your further reform plans.

Or if it is more to you liking we could meet, you and I, to discuss further future reforms and plans.

Eagerly awaiting your response,
-Capitaine Lothaire Lécuyer.

Lothaire were content with the letters he had written and would wait for their replies before he would apply for a public meeting and send out it's announcement. After spending some time.. smoking cigars.. with his favorite secratary Lothaire would take on his top hat and cane and go for a long walk in the many parks in Paris watching it in it's full splendor. Breating in the fresh spring air, watching as life came to new, looked at young couples who were full of newfound love and hoped that this and the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies were a good omen for a new and bright future for France and the French.

((Edit: Forgot to add a letter)).
 
Last edited:

Sneakyflaps

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”At the very least the King pays for your wine.” Bourbon spoke up, himself now past his sixty birthday, his hair no longer as great as it had been in his prime, but his teeth and stomach in a far better condition than that of his father.

“If he doesn’t drink it first.” The old Prince coughed as he laid in his bed, sweet on his forehead with a heavy breath as one of the servants came forth, giving a helping hand for him to drink the wine. The old Prince’s eyes had become heavy and he had slowly begun to despise his cousin who he saw as weak, a frail monarch no better than Henry III, at least Henry could still walk when God found him wanting. “It is a disgrace.” He said as he laid back down on the bed.

“What is?” Bourbon asked as he looked upon his father who began sweating more and more as he pulled the covers up over his body. The priest was on his way and it would not be long now, the last bit of time in this damned palace had done the old prince in enough.

“This France of ours.” The Prince responded as he turned his head slightly to the side. Bourbon took a piece of cloth with cold water and laid it on Condé’s forehead, making the older breath a sign of relief.

“It’s not too bad, compared to England this feel like welcomed relief. Even if this seems a bit forced.” Bourbon responded as he sat back in his chair, taking another sip of the wine as he fiddled with his left sleeve with his right hand.

“The King has lost.” Old Condé spoke, “Weak advisers fill his ears, his own buffoonery has doomed his life, the peasants are rising, armed with our guns in hopes of his death. The streets of Paris flow with blood as the faithless shed the life of their betters. The King is afraid to act, the Ghost of Charles of England haunts him in his dreams, he dares not assert his right, he has corrupted France, destroyed the crown of Louis XIV, the defeat and degeneration of France has come. The King’s soul will forever be damned in the eyes of God. A weak monarch undeserving of his throne, the Bastille has fallen.” The old Prince’s breath was heavy, sweat dripping from his forehead as it burned up.

Bourbon finally gave the nod to the priest who stepped forward, performing the last rights as Condé fell into a slumber. The Prince was not to open his eyes again, taking his last breath later that evening. The Prince was dead, long live the new Prince.
 

etranger01

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Henri, dressed in mourner's black, addresses a prominent Parisian salon stocked with his supporters.

"After much consideration, I have decided not to renew my candidacy as your representative in the Chamber of Deputies. While I am awed and grateful for the trust that you have imparted in me as your Deputy, I simply cannot attend to the demands of the Chamber at this time. I must grieve for my beloved grandfather, for whom I had the utmost respect and filial regard, and whose passing leaves this world a diminished place.

In his honor, and according to his request, I shall pursue a reserve commission in the Army and attend to other personal matters during this time. Should any of you require my support, please do not hesitate to call upon me."
 

Dadarian

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An unneeded funeral
The flag flew at half-mast. The first Grandmaster was dead, killed at the hand of the King's own assassins. Falsely accused of a plot that didn't exist, the title of Most Loyal Man was buried due to a scheme to sell counterfeit porcelain at undercut prices. A get-rich-quick plan, mistaken for treason, was all it took to alienate the greatest society created.

Les Hommes muttered darkly, why had the King struck?

Les Hommes muttered angrily, what did le Couteau, the Most Loyal Man, do to deserve this?

Les Hommes began to shout, why have we been forsaken, like a chipped sword or a dirty knife?

Les Hommes would not stand by this murder, this dedicated body of loyalty by the man they gave their fealty to. No more would Les Hommes be tied to Kings, Tyrants. No more would they be slaves. If the Most Loyal Man would be struck down for conducting almost legitimate business, what of those that were only a Mostly Loyal Man? If the highest dedication of loyalty wasn't enough, what was?

Les Hommes would bide, Les Hommes would wait. The forces of reaction needed not act immediately, for in emotion is where failure is, much like in emotion the Most Loyal Man was struck down by the Forsaken King.

So, in the sunny day which was de Couteau's burial, Les Hommes made a pact. Their loyalty was no longer to the King, but to a man who will demonstrate themselves worthy. Much like the Greeks of olde, Les Hommes would wait for their Emperor under the Mountain.
 

Dadarian

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Henri-Maurice de St. Germain, dict le Roche

Grandmaître des Hommes d'Artois ~ Sans fin patient ~ Constructeur de Sociétés

Information General:

Name: Henri-Maurice de St. Germain, dict le Roche
Date of Birth: 11th September, 1769 (48)
Place of Birth: Toulouse, France.
Current Residency: Toulouse, France.
Religion: Catholic
Profession: Second Grandmaster of Les Hommes d'Artois.
Political Affiliation: Ultraroyalists.
Social Class: Middling.
Alma Mater: None.
Fluent in: French.

Bio: Born to a family of merchants, Henri-Maurice has been working for his family sine he was old enough to walk, doing whatever his father and brothers needed in order to continue their minor fish mongering business. Henri-Maurice, the middle child, was seemingly doomed to a life of mediocrity until the Revolution, where he saw the horrific toll of Republicanism and then Bonapartism on his fair city. Abhorring such banal and barbaric excess, and losing his youngest brother to Bonaparte's legions, St. Germain grew hateful of all things left. Indeed, he stopped becoming left handed as a result.

However, the rather sleepy looking man had no outlet for his hate until he met the Butcher of Toulouse, de Couteau, during the White Terror, when de St. Germain acted as an impromptu provost and priest, giving men accused of Bonapartism in more lenient crowds last rites before summary judgement and hanging. Quickly impressed by the thoroughness of the short man, de Couteau tasked St. German with creating the structure of Les Hommes. His quiet efficiency earned him the sobriquet le Roche (the Rock).

A legal right hand of Les Hommes to de Couteau's murderous right, Henri-Maurice was the natural choice to become the next Grandmaster of the Order. Their future, which was once so clear, grew stormy, requiring much guidance for le Roche.

Honours and Titles:
Grandmaître de les Hommes d'Artois (1817 - Present)
Écuyer de Chevalier de Foi (1817 - Present)
Writer and Owner of l'Élan et Publications de la Maison d'Herbe (Late 1810s - Present)
Chevalier d'Ordre de Saint-Michel (1824 - Present)
 
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Shynka

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* North Carolina *
'He's quiet, that one' Willy 'Three Legs' Buckton said to the Sheriff, who sat perched atop a light brown mare. His eyes studied carefully the sunbathing new owner of the small plantation that once belonged to the local drunk. 'Don't like to talk much. Sounded a bit weird. All I got out of him was that he was from the North.'
'North of where?' The Sheriff replied, spitting on the ground.
'Didn't say.'
 

Dadarian

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Les Hommes d'Artois
History: Formed in 1815 by Emile-Charles de Couteau, it was originally a rabidly monarchist and reactionary secret society dedicated to the upholding of the monarchy, the King, and France. However, following the murder of the de Couteau at the hands of royal agents in 1817 for suspected (although entirely false) treasonous actions, the society has grown weary of rabid monarchism. As of the late 1810s, it is a body dedicated to the upholding of traditional French values and reaction to liberal encroachment.

Histories of Import: 1832 - 1846 Era
1850 GM Election
The Divisions of Les Hommes; 1850
1852 GM Election

Grandmasters: Emile-Charles Pêche-lame de Couteau (1815 - 1817)
Henri-Maurice de St. Germain (1817 - 1831)
Roy de Brye (1831)
Francois-Olivier Nadeau (1831 - 1850)
Hubert-Denise Boulange (1850 - 1852)
Jean-Anne Gai (1852 - Present)

Notable Members:
Louis Francois, comte de Saint Germain
Florian Gigot
Damien Passereau

Notable Mouthpieces: l'Elan Journal (1817 - 1850, 1850 - 1854)
Le Désolé Journal (1817 - 1818, 1849 - 1854)
Le Coup de Poing Magazine (1850 - 1852)
Maison d'Edition Lily (1863 - )

Associated Bodies: Publications de la Maison d'Herbe (1821 - 1828)
Publications Sully Saint Germain (1828 - 1831)
Le Club de Jeanne d'Arc (1852 - Present)
Fraternal and Royal Order of Working Men (1863 - Present)

 
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Sneakyflaps

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Louis Henri Joseph de Bourbon
Title(s): Prince de Condé, Duc de Bourbon, Bellegarde, Buise, Marquis de Graville, Comte de Valery, Seigneur de Beaugé, Chantilly, Château-Chinon, Château-Renault, Montluel, Château d'Écouen, etc., also Prince du Sang
Age : 61
Profession: Aristocrat, extensive land owner and extensive wealth
Court position: Grand Maître for Louis XVIII, peer of France
Department: Oise
Political alignment: Ultraroyalists (not politically active)
Bio:

Born in 1756 to the late Prince of Condé, Louis grew up in luxury and was married to Bathilde d’Orléans in 1770 in an attempt to mend the wounds between the two branches of the family. At the time of the marriage the young Prince was only 15, and as such considered too young to consummate the marriage. Therefore his wife returned to a convent until he became older. It was however quickly disproven to as his wife fell pregnant and gave birth only two years later, giving birth to the duke of Enghien.

In 1779 following a masked ball where an altercation occurred between his wife and the Comte d’Artois, the Prince, who was at the time the Duke of Bourbon, challenged Artois to a duel to avenge the insult. The happy marriage dissolved shortly after this in 1781 after his wife slighted him and his family. In the following year he was appointed as the governor of Franche-Comte, serving the king loyally until the outbreak of the revolution. The fallout with his wife lead to a string of mistresses, resolving in the birth of three bastards, one in 1780, the year prior to his final fallout with his wife, followed by his second bastard daughter, Louise Charlotte, and finally his son, Henri Jules in 1787.

During the revolution, the duke of Bourbon raised his own army in the Netherlands before joining that of his father fighting against the revolutionaries. In 1895 he prepared the expedition of the Artois before it was forced to be aborted. Finally together with his father he fled into exile in England, staying there until the restoration in 1814, where upon he returned with his father and their fortunes, titles and lands were restored. During his stay in England he met Sophia Dawes who became his latest mistress, joining him in France at the end of the hundred days. It was during the revolution that his heir, the duke d’Enghien was murdered by Napoleon, causing great grief to the Prince and causing a scandal in the rest of Europe.

The last three years of his life has been fairly quiet, apart from the hundred days where he attempted, although unsuccessfully, to mount to royalist defense of Anjou against Bonaparte. However, the treatment of his father at the hand of his cousin enraged the new Prince, as such he distanced himself even further from the governing of the country and was able during his father’s last hours, to spend them by his bedside.


Positions held:
1756-1817: Duke of Bourbon
1782-1792: Governor of Franche-Comte
1792: General of his own army
1792-1798: High ranking officer in the army of Condé
1795: Organized the expedition of the Comte d’Artois
1817- : Prince of Condé, Duke of Bourbon etc.
 
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MadMartigan

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jjgrandvillebook04.jpg

Monsieur Duval, depicted in a satirical caricature. Primary sources from the period strongly suggest he did not actually have the head of a lion.


Name: Thibaut Duval
Born: 1787
Political Affiliation: The almighty Franc
Profession: Silk merchant
Department: Bouches-du-Rhône

Background: The bougiest of the bourgeoisie, Monsieur Duval's patronage extends into political influence, primarily used to secure economic freedom above all else. Excess is a way of life for him and France is but another banquet on which he will crack the bones and drink the grease. On the steamy streets of Marseille, agents and debtors refer to him as "Le Ver".
 

baboushreturns

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Mon Retour
My Return, a letter to France

After almost two years away from my homeland, I am pleased to now announce that I will return back to the land of my birth. The village of Saint-Sever has always been my home and the Department of Landes was always like a dear friend. In my time abroad I have had much time to think, and to reflect on my time in the service of Emperor Napoleon and in the service of the Republic. Under both government cruel and inhumane injustices existed. The rights of the people were not respected, nor were they even considered in many cases during those times.

For that reason I regret, much of what I did during my time in the service. Yet, I must still express a pride in the steps I took to fight on behalf of France against all aggressors. Now we find ourselves in league with the nations of occupation and despotism that we once fought so hard to dislodge from our sacred lands. I cannot help but be troubled by entering into a league with those who are so comfortable squashing the liberty of such staunch and open supporters of freedom and equality as the Poles and Italians. I feel regret at our betrayal of these people, our allies in the battles of these last twenty years. I do beg whatever government is formed upon the conclusion of these next elections to take into consideration the plight of those nations and peoples still living under occupation all across Europe, for while in France our war may be over for them the battle continues every day as they are deprived of their sovereignty and rights.

In this new time, under this new government we must keep our eyes set forward. We must fight for a more just, and equal system where the fruits of this land are distributed fairly among its inhabitants. I must decry the confiscation of so much land by the church, as it has most certainly resulted in many hundreds of peasants going homeless. For this reason in my own village of Saint-Sever and beyond it I will invest my personal fortune into helping the local farmers. However, I do not only seek change on the local level but on the national one. This government must be made tolerant toward its opposition, for the French people cannot withstand further tyranny. I seek the best for all Frenchmen, I want to fight for a system free from the corruption of the elites, and one in which all men, women and children have an equal chance at making something of their lives regardless of their station at birth. This must be our goal as a country, if we are to ever put the mistakes of the past behind us. We must also battle to maintain our liberties as they are, the press must remain free of government censor for that is vital, but in order for our press to remain free the streets must also be clean of the violence and terror which has haunted them these past many months. The King must provide his people with security, not tyranny.

Vive le Roi!
Vive le peuple de France!

-Jean Lamarque

((Lamarque returns to France))
 
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Cloud Strife

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Paris, May 14, 1817

Saint-Cyr had finally found himself back in the King’s good graces but not after time spent on active duty, in the service of his Most Christian Majesty, putting down fires in the Southlands. His time in Toulouse had brought him into contact with the plight of the common folk, who simply wished to live long, safe lives. The Second White Terror had caused untold destruction to national cohesion. The constant bickering between Ultras and Doctrinaires in Paris stymied the normal course of government. Many in the Southlands, scared for their livelihoods and the future of their families, had written to Saint-Cyr to call for moderation and a path towards true national reconciliation.

With some reluctance the Marshal set aside his sword and took up the pen. In a series of editorials he argued forcefully for the passage of a national budget so that pensions and funding for defense would not be delayed. He hoped that his articles against factionalism would help to sooth a national psyche damaged by mob directed retributive justice. What he expected to be a simple call for sanity in policymaking was treated by certain Ultras as a declaration of war. A series of anonymous letters, presumably penned by officers with Ultra-leanings, made all sorts of bold face accusations behind a veil of anonymity. Saint-Cyr had no desire to respond to someone hiding behind an alias, in any case others took up the task of holding the Marshal’s Ultra critics accountable for their nonsense.

Saint-Cyr was in Paris visiting family friends and visiting his one-year old son, Laurent-François, when his cousin Louis Jean-Baptiste, comte de Gouvion, and a fellow Peer burst into Saint-Cyr’s townhouse with news their friend Marshal Moncey had been forced to resign his appointment as Minister of War. Moncey and the Prince of Condé had gotten into a row over the appointment of positions on the General Staff which were unsanctioned by the King. Soon enough the summons from the Palace had come and Saint-Cyr now found himself back in his old job as Minister of War.

He worked to keep a low profile as he gently tried to continue building a rapport with ex-Imperial and émigré officers. There was little use in getting into a row with the remaining aristocrats of the era of the Ancien Regime. Soon they would be gone and the future of the defense of France left to the “children of the Grand Army” and the brightest of the emigres. From his time in Toulouse he brought with him Nathanaël Barrande, the comte de L'Isle Jourdain, and now a full Lieutenant and one of aides, and Jean Luc Gottoliard, a Major he had brought on to advise him on military matters. Along with them was a whole host of other figures who in their time would bear the responsibility for defending France.

Life seemed to return to normal. The bickering the Deputies went on. Then the revelation that a group of extreme Ultras were engaging in conspiratorial acts against the King in Calais and other Channel ports caused panic. Emile-Charles de Couteau, leader of the Toulouse Verdets, and the comte de Saint Germain were caught planning conspiracy to undermine the Throne’s authority. Before “le Boucher” could be tried and interrogated he was found slain, the likely victim of whomever he was working for; silenced to protect their identity. The comte de Saint Germain was quickly found guilty by the Peers and fled before justice could be served. The net result was the discrediting of the Ultras and a call for new elections.


---

((The day after the dissolution of the legislature, Saint-Cyr penned a letter for distribution to the papers, and intended for the national readership.))

To, the readership of France.
From, Laurent de Gouvion, Maréchal de France.

Fellow subjects of his most Christian Majesty,

While assigned to Toulouse by the august will of his most Christian Majesty, to preserve the peace and apply the King’s Justice, I was reminded of the need for cooperation; that is to say, the active participation of all Frenchmen worth their salt in restoring to France the glories of Louis XIV, and the other sainted kings, we have lost to recent events. I posit to you, the good people who have been gifted the ability to advise the King through use of the franchise, that the recovery of France can only come about with the active participation of one and all, united behind the Throne, in defense of the Charter.

When I visited my family in Paris some time ago, I received from his Majesty a summons, wholly unforeseen and unexpected by me, to return to the War Ministry without delay. I instantly obeyed the command for my return; and on my arrival, I did not hesitate to place at the disposal of my King any services which I might be thought capable of rendering.

It is well-known that I have surrendered this office in the past for personal reasons which in no way impinge upon by loyalty to the throne. However, from the nature of the trust which I again solicit from the King and of the People, I gladly write to you to emphasize my dedication to public service on behalf of the King and the country. The many duties in which I am engaged have been given to me through no act of mine, on no account of personal ambition. The King has requested my service, as a loyal subject I obey the call. To deny such a call is to shrink from the responsibility of rendering service the Kingdom demands.

After considering the state of affairs we find ourselves in, I write to you, as we are about to embark upon another election to implore the support of all Frenchmen for the King's Charter and those individuals loyally in support of it. I have the firmest convictions that that confidence of those gifted the franchise cannot be secured by any other course than that of a frank and explicit declaration of principles. Indeed, vague and unmeaning pronouncements of solidarity with this or that may quiet distrust for a time and attract support, but that such pronouncements must ultimately and completely fail, if when being made, they are not adhered to. Worse, if they are inconsistent with the honor and character of those who made them.

Thus, let me say unto those gifted the franchise, that a vote cast for the friends of the Charter, is a vote cast for peace. France deserves peace. Peace can only be had by defending the Charter with vigor. The Charter is a gift that aids in the correction of proved abuses and grants the redress of real grievances. No action undertaken by his Majesty, in his Majesty’s great wisdom, has denied the usefulness of the Charter’s gift in quieting disorder and advancing the cause of peace, order, and good government throughout France. The settlement and reconciliation defended by the Charter protects the interests of all Frenchmen against recrimination. By electing those who do not hold fast to the principles so graciously outlined by his Majesty in the Charter, the work of reconciliation is undone and abuses become manifold and rampant.

Gentlemen, as an illustrative example, consider the delays related to the recent budget. The back-and-forth discord was detrimental to the just concerns of pensioners and the people of France. What should have been a straightforward approval of guidelines given by the King became a circus where a Bishop would insult the Concordat signed freely, of his own will, by the Holy Father and every attempt at compromise was stymied until the budget had to be redrawn. These fellows call for obedience but then refuse to obey the Holy Father’s dictates and those of the King. To this I posit, to you the readers, that conditional obedience is disobedience in both fact and nature. Thus I urge those gifted with the franchise to vote using the outline of the King’s will and return to him in the legislature those obedient to the Charter, that extension of the King’s will. Whether they call themselves Ultras or Doctrinaries or whatever grouping they have chosen, let the litmus test for evaluating such a candidate be their adherence to the King’s will via the Charter. Discriminate against none so far as they show a willingness to continue the cause of national reconciliation as enshrined in the Charter.

We must be above politics as usual and work to prevent a perpetual vortex of agitation from swallowing up the necessary function of government. There are certain tasks of governance that ought to be above mere politicking and factionalism. Having a working budget is one of those tasks, so that the monies given in taxes are not wasted frivolously and that the King’s officials have numbers to work with to plan. That these monies go mostly to security, infrastructure, and the betterment of all Frenchmen are evident. These are not and should not be controversial measures. Only by accepting the need for consensus in these common areas of public policy can we debate other issues that the King may need advice on.

It is unnecessary for my purpose to enter into any further details on specific policies. I have said enough, with respect to general principles, to indicate the spirit in which we might want the legislature to act. I feel assured that those of you gifted with the franchise will affirm, by sending to Paris those friendly the principles of the Charter, your support. It is with the strong impulse of public duty, the consciousness of upright motives, and the firm belief that the people of this country will unite behind their King, that I call upon all to support the Throne loyally, and for those gifted with the franchise to make their support for the King’s wisdom apparent through the results of these upcoming elections.

I am humbly and most faithfully yours in the service of King and of France,
Laurent de Gouvion, Maréchal de France
 

99KingHigh

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Issues of the Campaign:

ELECTORAL laws remain convoluted and difficult. Both parties have differing opinions as to reform; the Ultra-Royalists wish for a larger electorate, and the inclusion of primary assemblies in the cantons and arrondissements where the weight of local nobles and clergymen may be felt. The Constitutionalists wished for the reformation of the indirect system to one where there was only one type of electoral college, administered by the prefect, and located in the chief town of the department. For more on the specifics of the electoral debate, see The Electoral System in France during the Bourbon Restoration, 1815-30 by Frederick B. Artz.

The BUDGET remains ever controversial. A FAMINE from the winter has complicated the matter by drying tax revenues. Necessary expenditure is 1,169 million francs but possible revenues are only 774 million francs, which means there is a steep deficit of 395 million frances. A new budget must be drafted!

MILITARY reform remains controversial; the Chamber has taken an interest in the King's prerogative, and some reformers wish the army to be part-volunteer and part-drafted, and very much meritocratic. The Ultra-Royalists, accustomed to the old regime's "reserved appointments" are all too opposed and in favor of the retention of their former military privileges.

The KING is said to be considering a royal ordinance that would ensure that all peers had an entailed estate (majorat) - a piece of inalienable, indivisible, and unconfiscatable property, to pass to the eldest son along with the title of peer. The value of the entailed estate would vary according to title; furnish for dukes an income of 30,000 franks; for counts, 20,000 francs, and for viscounts and barons, 10,000 francs.

The CLERGY cries for the nationalized land! The emigres have had their unconfiscated nationalized land returned, now is it time for the Church to have theirs?

AS ALWAYS the indemnification question looms. Royalist radicals cry for the restoration of the confiscated estates, and the national indemnification of the new owners. Liberals cry for the reverse, and the indemnification of the former owners for the preservation of the current land. But the costs for both are high! An indemnity would exceed one-billion francs!

((State of the Nation will be posted with various statistics))
 

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Enrichissez-vous!

A secret lodge, Paris, May 1815.

The air was filled with dense cigar smoke. One could only see the orange light from the cigars from time to time. If one looked very closely you could barely see the figures of long coats, the finest tuxeos and top hats. There were few tables, and each table had men of the finest garments, the finest cognac and champagne and eating goose livers and other cuisines the ordinary man could barely dream of. And all of them had at least one woman on their arm or lap who would make even the godess Afrodite green of jealousy. Who were these men? Radicals, Liberals, Doctrinaries, Republicans, Independents, Reformists and Constitutionalists. Men of many varying political doctrines and opinions, but they were all united. They all had something common. They were all haute borgegouise. They were the richest in Paris and the Seine area. New money, and all had a distaste for the Aristocracy. Some sincerly wanted to usher France into an age of enlightenment and liberalism, while others merely wanted to enrich themself.

"Gentlemen", Lothaire stood up front and adressed the men, he had to cough from all the smoke and continued: "I have gathered you esteemed monsiuers here today. As I ask of your support in the coming election. I have not addressed my candidacy yet, but I won't do so without your support". Many of the men started to laugh and dismissed the young men. They asked him what he had accomplished as a deputy, and what he could do for them all he did were championing the cause of the lower classes. "First, let me say that the Ultras had a majority in the Chamber. Now I do champion the working man, that much is true. But I do so in order to keep social order, and you will see that I have plans on how you can benefit from that too". Lothaire said firm and with confidence. His cause for the poor were indeed sincere, but for now he needed to get in be with the rich Borgouise, a class he too were a part of, to get their support.

"Now I have concrete plans in order to weaken the aristocrat grip on the Chamber. In the name of liberalism and suffrage I intend to enlargen the electorate", Lothaire paused as he drank some of the finest champagne he had ever tasted. It was as silk was laying on his tounge and continued "now I have concrete plans to reduce the requirement of voting from paying direct taxes of 300 francs to 200 francs". Lothaire looked at his audience for reaction and let the words sink in, or he rather heard the eager mumbling. "Then I will also seek to decrease the eligibility from running as deputy from paying 1000 to 500 francs. Let this be known that I will not seek to do this in one day. If the timing is right I will do it on day one, but this is a long term goal. It might aswell take 10 years. But this will according to my estimations less than 100.000 men are allowed to vote,with my reforms the number will increase to over 160.000!". Lothaire once again paused, waiting for response. The men gave them his approval, but some were concerned this might endanger their position. "Au contraire!" Lothaire quickly countered. "We will now only increase the Borgouise electorate, and in turn increase the liberal presence in the Chamber! Now my good gentlemen, enjoy your meal and when you are done I will have further announcements to make!" Lothaire said, and would sit down beside his favorite secretary and consume the finest goose.

"Now men, I hope you enjoyed your meal! Now I have further reforms. Also these are long terms. This is regarding the Chamber of Peers. Not only is this an affront to the elected chamber, but it is also mostly aristocratic and is a great hinder for the Chamber of Deputies. Here I seek reforms aswell, here I will strive to ablish heriatary peerage. But I will not be too radical, as I will not eliminate the Chamber of Peers alltogether, as it say in the Charter they are an essential part of our legaslative power, and I believe so too".

Lothaire stepped down again and got many eager questions. He hoped that he would gain the support of both the greedy capitalists and the ideological philantropists. Many shaked hands with him and commeneded him. His wife's plan seemed to work. He were Janus reincarnated, he would use the Borgouise in order to get their support to further liberalise France and helped the impoverished. And he wished to take the more radical elements to the reformist cause.

As the room was too full of smoke, they retreated into another room. On the walls hanged all kinds of excotic animals as trophies. They each sat down in their majestic chairs more akin to thrones. Of course in this room the women were not allowed. They consumed several glasses of cognac and café, and then Lothaire would continue to lay out his plans. "But it will not stop there. I also seek to reform and revalitize the French economy. This is for several reasons. One reason is that we as a nation become stronger and more vibrant. That we rise once more from the ashes! Then the more cynical of you will benefit from this, as you will indeed become richer! Then if we do this more will be employed, reducing civil unrest and the plight of the workingman - for those of you who care about that. Lastly, if the people see the good in liberal economical policies which they enrich themself in, those who enrich themself enough may then pay enough taxes to vote". Lothaire sat down, consumed some more cognac and continued. "Now I am studying Economics to get a better grasp on this for the future. Now I am also running a major company like all of us are. Now I have made some plans already for how we can recover our economy and.. enrich ourselves.. To stablise the economy and bring social order, I wish to earmark 5 million francs to subsidise public works. That can be anything from improving infrastructure to renovating churches. I also want to earmark up to 60 million francs for firms and bussinessed struggling. This is mostly here in Paris. This is to prevent bankrupties and prevent unemployment. This will be a guarantee to firms encountering difficulties. Those funds will also be used to partially fund new enterprises". Lothaire paused, and drank some liqour imported from USA by a very fat man. He did not like, but pretended he did. "I will also grant subsididues to companies who provide housing for workers. That way you will have greater access to working capital, and it will also stimulate other industries such as the construction industry and cement industry. These grants will benefit the workingman, French economy, but especially you. I hope you will consider my cause, and that I have persuaded some of you and that you will grant me financial backing and or electoral support. I would be most grateful. Now let's drink!"

Lothaire and his fellow merchants and bussinessmen would drink to the long hours. Then they dispersed. Some went home, others passed out and some visited a house dedicated to women of the oldest proffession. Lothaire would go home to his beloved wife, even as she became old (26!) and pregnant she was beautiful as ever - and her plan was most clever. "I believe it worked" Lothaire said to her before he fell asleep from all the liqour.
 
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((A short selection of comments solicited from Saint-Cyr on election issues for publication in the papers, and intended for the national readership.))

On the matter of the franchise; "There is an elegance to be had in simplicity and there are valid reasons for the rationalization of the electoral process. However, in response to the more radical proposals by the Constitutionnels and Independents for widening the franchise, it would be keen to allow the system of the Charter to continue on a path of measured change and gradual development, rather than rapid, disruptive changes. The management of public affairs is in someways a science and we ought to be keen to see to it that the Throne is given the advice of those concerned with the national well-being, rather than those given to the passions of the moment."

On the matter of the budget; "The shortfall in revenues is more pronounced this year. Relief must be given to those afflicted by famine, it is the right and Christian thing to do. We should not ignore the need for a solid agricultural base to firm up the other sectors of the French economy, namely factory-based industry. Taxation and gilts only go so far as to alleviate the current crisis, we ought not to be above sale of excess state lands to those with means to eliminate the current shortfall and provide for the stability of the fisc."

On the matter of military preparedness; "You are not born with the ability to sight artillery properly. Merit ought to be the driving force in appointment to positions of responsibility in the armed forces. Whether from a traditional military lineage taking up the family profession or a new student on scholarship in the academy, one must be properly trained and for that to happen there must be an increase of funds to educate more students. No economy ought to be imposed when it comes to national defense. The recent scandal in Calais--a cabal rumored to be devoted to overthrowing the King--means we must not only be vigilant but to also have the means to protect the Throne, the Charter, and Order."