Paris, May 14, 1817
Saint-Cyr had finally found himself back in the King’s good graces but not after time spent on active duty, in the service of his Most Christian Majesty, putting down fires in the Southlands. His time in Toulouse had brought him into contact with the plight of the common folk, who simply wished to live long, safe lives. The Second White Terror had caused untold destruction to national cohesion. The constant bickering between Ultras and Doctrinaires in Paris stymied the normal course of government. Many in the Southlands, scared for their livelihoods and the future of their families, had written to Saint-Cyr to call for moderation and a path towards true national reconciliation.
With some reluctance the Marshal set aside his sword and took up the pen. In a series of editorials he argued forcefully for the passage of a national budget so that pensions and funding for defense would not be delayed. He hoped that his articles against factionalism would help to sooth a national psyche damaged by mob directed retributive justice. What he expected to be a simple call for sanity in policymaking was treated by certain Ultras as a declaration of war. A series of anonymous letters, presumably penned by officers with Ultra-leanings, made all sorts of bold face accusations behind a veil of anonymity. Saint-Cyr had no desire to respond to someone hiding behind an alias, in any case others took up the task of holding the Marshal’s Ultra critics accountable for their nonsense.
Saint-Cyr was in Paris visiting family friends and visiting his one-year old son, Laurent-François, when his cousin Louis Jean-Baptiste, comte de Gouvion, and a fellow Peer burst into Saint-Cyr’s townhouse with news their friend Marshal Moncey had been forced to resign his appointment as Minister of War. Moncey and the Prince of Condé had gotten into a row over the appointment of positions on the General Staff which were unsanctioned by the King. Soon enough the summons from the Palace had come and Saint-Cyr now found himself back in his old job as Minister of War.
He worked to keep a low profile as he gently tried to continue building a rapport with ex-Imperial and émigré officers. There was little use in getting into a row with the remaining aristocrats of the era of the Ancien Regime. Soon they would be gone and the future of the defense of France left to the “children of the Grand Army” and the brightest of the emigres. From his time in Toulouse he brought with him Nathanaël Barrande, the comte de L'Isle Jourdain, and now a full Lieutenant and one of aides, and Jean Luc Gottoliard, a Major he had brought on to advise him on military matters. Along with them was a whole host of other figures who in their time would bear the responsibility for defending France.
Life seemed to return to normal. The bickering the Deputies went on. Then the revelation that a group of extreme Ultras were engaging in conspiratorial acts against the King in Calais and other Channel ports caused panic. Emile-Charles de Couteau, leader of the Toulouse Verdets, and the comte de Saint Germain were caught planning conspiracy to undermine the Throne’s authority. Before “le Boucher” could be tried and interrogated he was found slain, the likely victim of whomever he was working for; silenced to protect their identity. The comte de Saint Germain was quickly found guilty by the Peers and fled before justice could be served. The net result was the discrediting of the Ultras and a call for new elections.
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((The day after the dissolution of the legislature, Saint-Cyr penned a letter for distribution to the papers, and intended for the national readership.))
To, the readership of France.
From, Laurent de Gouvion, Maréchal de France.
Fellow subjects of his most Christian Majesty,
While assigned to Toulouse by the august will of his most Christian Majesty, to preserve the peace and apply the King’s Justice, I was reminded of the need for cooperation; that is to say, the active participation of all Frenchmen worth their salt in restoring to France the glories of Louis XIV, and the other sainted kings, we have lost to recent events. I posit to you, the good people who have been gifted the ability to advise the King through use of the franchise, that the recovery of France can only come about with the active participation of one and all, united behind the Throne, in defense of the Charter.
When I visited my family in Paris some time ago, I received from his Majesty a summons, wholly unforeseen and unexpected by me, to return to the War Ministry without delay. I instantly obeyed the command for my return; and on my arrival, I did not hesitate to place at the disposal of my King any services which I might be thought capable of rendering.
It is well-known that I have surrendered this office in the past for personal reasons which in no way impinge upon by loyalty to the throne. However, from the nature of the trust which I again solicit from the King and of the People, I gladly write to you to emphasize my dedication to public service on behalf of the King and the country. The many duties in which I am engaged have been given to me through no act of mine, on no account of personal ambition. The King has requested my service, as a loyal subject I obey the call. To deny such a call is to shrink from the responsibility of rendering service the Kingdom demands.
After considering the state of affairs we find ourselves in, I write to you, as we are about to embark upon another election to implore the support of all Frenchmen for the King's Charter and those individuals loyally in support of it. I have the firmest convictions that that confidence of those gifted the franchise cannot be secured by any other course than that of a frank and explicit declaration of principles. Indeed, vague and unmeaning pronouncements of solidarity with this or that may quiet distrust for a time and attract support, but that such pronouncements must ultimately and completely fail, if when being made, they are not adhered to. Worse, if they are inconsistent with the honor and character of those who made them.
Thus, let me say unto those gifted the franchise, that a vote cast for the friends of the Charter, is a vote cast for peace. France deserves peace. Peace can only be had by defending the Charter with vigor. The Charter is a gift that aids in the correction of proved abuses and grants the redress of real grievances. No action undertaken by his Majesty, in his Majesty’s great wisdom, has denied the usefulness of the Charter’s gift in quieting disorder and advancing the cause of peace, order, and good government throughout France. The settlement and reconciliation defended by the Charter protects the interests of all Frenchmen against recrimination. By electing those who do not hold fast to the principles so graciously outlined by his Majesty in the Charter, the work of reconciliation is undone and abuses become manifold and rampant.
Gentlemen, as an illustrative example, consider the delays related to the recent budget. The back-and-forth discord was detrimental to the just concerns of pensioners and the people of France. What should have been a straightforward approval of guidelines given by the King became a circus where a Bishop would insult the Concordat signed freely, of his own will, by the Holy Father and every attempt at compromise was stymied until the budget had to be redrawn. These fellows call for obedience but then refuse to obey the Holy Father’s dictates and those of the King. To this I posit, to you the readers, that conditional obedience is disobedience in both fact and nature. Thus I urge those gifted with the franchise to vote using the outline of the King’s will and return to him in the legislature those obedient to the Charter, that extension of the King’s will. Whether they call themselves Ultras or Doctrinaries or whatever grouping they have chosen, let the litmus test for evaluating such a candidate be their adherence to the King’s will via the Charter. Discriminate against none so far as they show a willingness to continue the cause of national reconciliation as enshrined in the Charter.
We must be above politics as usual and work to prevent a perpetual vortex of agitation from swallowing up the necessary function of government. There are certain tasks of governance that ought to be above mere politicking and factionalism. Having a working budget is one of those tasks, so that the monies given in taxes are not wasted frivolously and that the King’s officials have numbers to work with to plan. That these monies go mostly to security, infrastructure, and the betterment of all Frenchmen are evident. These are not and should not be controversial measures. Only by accepting the need for consensus in these common areas of public policy can we debate other issues that the King may need advice on.
It is unnecessary for my purpose to enter into any further details on specific policies. I have said enough, with respect to general principles, to indicate the spirit in which we might want the legislature to act. I feel assured that those of you gifted with the franchise will affirm, by sending to Paris those friendly the principles of the Charter, your support. It is with the strong impulse of public duty, the consciousness of upright motives, and the firm belief that the people of this country will unite behind their King, that I call upon all to support the Throne loyally, and for those gifted with the franchise to make their support for the King’s wisdom apparent through the results of these upcoming elections.
I am humbly and most faithfully yours in the service of King and of France,
Laurent de Gouvion, Maréchal de France