Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[Firehound15]

Philippe rose again from his seat, gaining the permission to go ahead after giving a brief nod to the honourable M. Desmarais ”Messieurs,

We must grant M. Deflandre’s proposal all the merit which it deserves. In terms of political acumen, how very grand it is. In terms of the calmness of mind, integrity of spirit and desire for cooperation, how very scant it is. This very Ministry proposed by M. Deflandre is designed, with great care from M. Deflandre, for the very aim of being rejected by the Assembly at large so that he and his allies may claim unreasonable behavior on the part of every other man than their own persons.

The inclusions of persons such as M. Gillet and M. Clement is of itself a divisive proposal, for M. Deflandre knows very well that at least I, and I believe many others, could never agree or support such a proposal. For what is this experienced governance of these two vital Ministries, but the very crashing of the Bourse, with another crash seeming imminent and half a billion Francs in deficit, which we have seen this last half year. To propose these two men, is the very sign of a desire for division, as he knows many here could never agree or condone them in a government which M. Deflandre seeks to ensure them in.

Had M. Deflandre truly wished for the very cooperation, calmness of mind and integrity of spirit he so proclaims. Then neither M. Gillet nor M. Clement would be asked to take seats, neither would he seek to ensure the majority of the new Interim government would not reflect the beliefs of the majority of this Assembly, which he so ably has done. The proposed Ministry of M. Deflandre neither reflects the wishes of the French people, or that of this Assembly.

No, the very purpose of M. Deflandre’s proposal is to cause nothing less than division, distress and conflict in this very Republic. It serves no other purpose than an attempt for M. Deflandre to call foul, to paint any man not of his leanings as unreasonable, uncompromising. When in truth, M. Deflandre seeks to be the most divisive man of all. A weak attempt to justify such complaints, as nothing in the proposal by M. Deflandre seeks compromise.

That desires of such low degree and base, be what rules this Assembly can only be described as a shame. Which is why I sought to propose a moderate Interim Government led by respected men, while also ensuring the inclusion of notable individuals such M. Saint-Estephe, a man whom I on many issue do not see eye to eye.

Merci.”

"Messieurs,

"I have found in my life that those guilty of given charges are the most likely to deflect. Witness here the attempt of Monsieur de la Marche to hide his own malfeasance underneath the outright rejection of a ministry far more fair than his own. Rather than simply recognize the fact that he has endorsed a proposal which seeks to outright deny representation to this Assembly's large minority, he insists that he is being fair and righteous. I will aim to be brief, messieurs, although my friends and I have been presented with so many unsubstantiated accusations that I will need to respond with a great length than I would normally prefer.

"It is a fact that while Monsieur de la Marche may speak all he likes of some supposed conspiracy on my own part, I have never been motivated by any spirit other than what is best for the Republic. Why I would supposedly intend to delegitimize a body which I was personally active in organizing is beyond understanding. The government which I have proposed would assemble many of our most qualified individuals from a much wider variety of ideals than is suggested by Monsieur de la Marche. Indeed, men from his own caucus would be the largest segment of the ministry which I favor, despite his own alliance's seeming unwillingness to cooperate in forming such a government.

"Messieurs Clement and Gillet would both be valuable additions to a ministry and have been responsible for substantial advances for the French Republic. Monsieur Clement, for instance, was dedicated completely to the prospect of ensuring a democratic election for this very body, the preservation of basic liberties, and the reorganization of the National Guard. To reject outright a man such as him, who now possesses infinitely more ministerial experience than Monsieur de la Marche, would be to reject all of his ideological principles. The same could largely be said for Monsieur Gillet, who proved to be a fair and just member of the Provisional Government, the only negative consequence of his role as Minister of Finance being a tax increase which would have been made regardless of his holding that post. Indeed, if prior governments had not left France in five billion francs of debt, we would have produced a clear surplus under Monsieur Gillet.

"If Monsieur de la Marche genuinely took objection with those who I find supremely qualified to serve in the interim government, then he would he would have been better served by proposing an amendment to my proposal, rather than coming out with a completely humiliating one, as he did. That his response was not one of cooperation, but one of outright silencing this Assembly's minority, is evidence enough that his proposal was never intended to be fair and compromising. If he had sought to limit division, as he accuses me of conjuring, then perhaps he should have responded with a fairer nomination than one which would lend no voice to hundreds of delegates.

"I have said my piece previously, so I shall refrain from doing so again. However, the reality is that France must be served by a fair government. Monsieur de la Marche has outright rejected a proposal which would give a strong plurality to his own caucus. Instead he acts with political greed, aiming not for participation in a fair and independent-minded government, but for the domination of such an institution by his allies. It is my only hope that, in the future, we will see a form of conservatism more willing to cooperate and form a ministry which represents all the interests of the French people.

"Merci."

HENRI DEFLANDRE
Delegate for Ourthe

 

[ThaHoward]

"Messieurs,

"The reality of the two proposals before us is plain. There is one, proposed with a calmness of mind and an integrity of spirit, which aims to produce a government both experienced and representative of the French population; and there is another which seeks to silence opposed perspectives. That Monsieur Desmarais insists the proposed government under Monsieur Bastide somehow 'sidelines' conservative voices is preposterous and, quite frankly, hypocritical. It is a simple reality that the proposal which he instead wholeheartedly endorses would only give one minor post to an individual outside of the right's caucus and none whatsoever to this body's radicals.

"I believe it should be clear which of the two proposals offers more than lip service to cooperation. If we seek to have a government representative of the French people, it should be one which emphasizes both suitability for the role and an equitable distribution of political ideals. Monsieur Bastide is supremely qualified to hold the position to which we have nominated him and would be committed to a more fair government. Messieurs, it is plain to see that the praises which Monsieur Desmarais sings about Monsieur Barrot's proposed government would be more suitably directed towards that of Monsieur Bastide.

"Merci."

HENRI DEFLANDRE
Delegate for Ourthe

Joachim gave the sign that he wanted to reply to the speech of Deflandre, however de la Marche was called to speak up before him. Following de la Marche's speech Joachim rose up and adressed the Assembly.

"M.President, messiuers.

"De la Marche have provided an explenation to the claims of the honored Deflandre. Adressing the fears of many on the Right. However I intend to provide an alternate explanation.

"First we need to establish that Deflandre propose a government in a very different position than de la Marche. He propose a government out of a position of minority, where de la Marche propose one out of a majority. Deflandre did indeed propose a broad coalition, however their ideological views differ too greatly to set up an effective government.

"Instead if we are to look on the position of de la Marche he propose a government out of a position of a majority. A majority he wish to uphold in the government, so that this new Ministry will a government that is elected by the popular will of France. The Right have indeed nominated a government that is quite moderate. A majority of the ministers are indeed former members of the liberal opposition. That is a healthy sign the Right wish a moderate path that will be accepted by the Moderate Republicans. Furthermore a cause championed by the Left, chiefly public welfare, are in this very proposal occupied by the Moderate Republicans. In fact the Left's proposal for the President of the Republic.

"I implore the President and the honored Messieurs to look above partisanship and view the current proposed ministry of de la Marche for what it is. It is a government of moderacy. A government mostly composed by moderate conservatives that were once part of the liberal opposition. A government based upon moderacy, yet unity! Unity that is needed if we are to preserve tranquility in this transitional period, and that will hopefully be accepted by the representatives of the popular will of the French. And above all to uphold property, order and liberty.

"President and messiuers, I thank you for your time".

 

[Sneakyflaps]

"Messieurs,

"I have found in my life that those guilty of given charges are the most likely to deflect. Witness here the attempt of Monsieur de la Marche to hide his own malfeasance underneath the outright rejection of a ministry far more fair than his own. Rather than simply recognize the fact that he has endorsed a proposal which seeks to outright deny representation to this Assembly's large minority, he insists that he is being fair and righteous. I will aim to be brief, messieurs, although my friends and I have been presented with so many unsubstantiated accusations that I will need to respond with a great length than I would normally prefer.

"It is a fact that while Monsieur de la Marche may speak all he likes of some supposed conspiracy on my own part, I have never been motivated by any spirit other than what is best for the Republic. Why I would supposedly intend to delegitimize a body which I was personally active in organizing is beyond understanding. The government which I have proposed would assemble many of our most qualified individuals from a much wider variety of ideals than is suggested by Monsieur de la Marche. Indeed, men from his own caucus would be the largest segment of the ministry which I favor, despite his own alliance's seeming unwillingness to cooperate in forming such a government.

"Messieurs Clement and Gillet would both be valuable additions to a ministry and have been responsible for substantial advances for the French Republic. Monsieur Clement, for instance, was dedicated completely to the prospect of ensuring a democratic election for this very body, the preservation of basic liberties, and the reorganization of the National Guard. To reject outright a man such as him, who now possesses infinitely more ministerial experience than Monsieur de la Marche, would be to reject all of his ideological principles. The same could largely be said for Monsieur Gillet, who proved to be a fair and just member of the Provisional Government, the only negative consequence of his role as Minister of Finance being a tax increase which would have been made regardless of his holding that post. Indeed, if prior governments had not left France in five billion francs of debt, we would have produced a clear surplus under Monsieur Gillet.

"If Monsieur de la Marche genuinely took objection with those who I find supremely qualified to serve in the interim government, then he would he would have been better served by proposing an amendment to my proposal, rather than coming out with a completely humiliating one, as he did. That his response was not one of cooperation, but one of outright silencing this Assembly's minority, is evidence enough that his proposal was never intended to be fair and compromising. If he had sought to limit division, as he accuses me of conjuring, then perhaps he should have responded with a fairer nomination than one which would lend no voice to hundreds of delegates.

"I have said my piece previously, so I shall refrain from doing so again. However, the reality is that France must be served by a fair government. Monsieur de la Marche has outright rejected a proposal which would give a strong plurality to his own caucus. Instead he acts with political greed, aiming not for participation in a fair and independent-minded government, but for the domination of such an institution by his allies. It is my only hope that, in the future, we will see a form of conservatism more willing to cooperate and form a ministry which represents all the interests of the French people.

"Merci."

HENRI DEFLANDRE
Delegate for Ourthe

Philippe rose once again ”Messieurs,

M. Deflandre, I can only be saddened by your recent attack, for I went to you yesterday morning before the proposal of either of the Ministries, asking you for which esteemed individuals you would like to see serve on this Interim Government. To me you mentioned M. Gillet, M. Clement and M. Saint-Estephe. I expressed my sorrow in those three, as I could only endorse one, and expressed my hope that you may select other individuals than M. Gillet and M. Clement. So I sought compromise with you prior to this, and had you selected other men than only those three, then further compromise could have happened, yet you did not. So I gave you the very candidate which my conscience could likewise approve of. You did not desire compromise, you desired division which can so easily be seen by you proposing for me to be included in a Ministry with these men after our talks. I tried to seek compromise with you, M. Deflandre, you did not.

Merci.”

 

[Firehound15]

Philippe rose once again ”Messieurs,

M. Deflandre, I can only be saddened by your recent attack, for I went to you yesterday morning before the proposal of either of the Ministries, asking you for which esteemed individuals you would like to see serve on this Interim Government. To me you mentioned M. Gillet, M. Clement and M. Saint-Estephe. I expressed my sorrow in those three, as I could only endorse one, and expressed my hope that you may select other individuals than M. Gillet and M. Clement. So I sought compromise with you prior to this, and had you selected other men than only those three, then further compromise could have happened, yet you did not. So I gave you the very candidate which my conscience could likewise approve of. You did not desire compromise, you desired division which can so easily be seen by you proposing for me to be included in a Ministry with these men after our talks. I tried to seek compromise with you, M. Deflandre, you did not.

Merci.”

"Messieurs,

"To Monsieur de la Marche, I can only express disappointment. He took a casual conversation, devoid -- at least, on my own part -- of any intent more than simply discussing a few relevant figures among this body's minority. That he took that as somehow representing the entirety of this caucus is incomprehensible to me and, quite frankly, makes me wonder if I should be more careful in my other daily interactions. Perhaps when I speak to a client in my capacity as a lawyer, I should not say I will accept either notes or francs, for fear that he will pay me in pocket lint.

"Frankly, I am simply saddened by this turn of events, as I have considered Monsieur de la Marche a pleasant acquaintance. I certainly hope he has not permanently given up the path of positive discourse in favor of attempting to attack my personal character. Forgiveness, of course, is the root of a Christian lifestyle, so I will gladly welcome him to once again pursue a discourse of compromise with me, should he be willing.

"Merci."

HENRI DEFLANDRE
Delegate for Ourthe

 

[Jackbollda]

Vote: Barrot.
[None]

- Charlus

 

[Sneakyflaps]

(Joint IC with @Eid3r)​

It was a terribly dreadful August day in Paris. The heat spell which had taken grip on the capital shown no sign of dissipating and with the heat, came the stench. The Hôtel de Lassay, conveniently located immediately next to the Constituent Assembly was like an oasis of liquor, company and discussion. In the petit salon, Amélie d’Armentières was discussing with her distinguished guests, the Princess of Monaco and her daughter, in visit from their southern premises.
“Utterly useless old men, Long live the Republic, at this rate it will suffer a quick death by boring conversation if this Assembly is to continue for much longer. It is one old enlightened man after another speaking the same old which they have spoken for the past thirty years. Ugh.” Philippe spoke, largely to himself and partially to Amélie as one of the servants had taken his coat and offered him a wine glass.

“And that would be the one and only Philippe the Bourbon, Comte de la Marche, my precious brother-in-law”, said Amélie giggling to her guests. “My dear Philippe, would you please take a moment to welcome my guests, Her Highness Maria Caroline of Monaco and her daughter, Florestine Gabrielle Grimaldi.”

Philippe stopped in his tracks, his eyes closed, his mouth slightly opened as he took a deep breath with an expression on his face that could only be read as ‘oh come on’, realizing what had just happened. He quickly drew a smile as he neared the Princess and her daughter, bowing before the both of them, and kissing their hand, “Your Highnesses, a privilege.”

Amélie surveyed the whole scene like a matron mother looking at the potency of the match she had devised. When the two ladies replied with grace and amusement, she felt much relief. “You must excuse my dear Philippe for this show of temper. He is a man of action and for the moment, all France has been granted is the rhetoric of men straight from the jurassic, or is it the paleolithic?”

“Regardless of which it is, it is certainly prehistoric.” Philippe kept the polite smile as he looked towards his sister-in-law for a brief moment. “I do hope the travels here to Paris have not been too troublesome, Your Highnesses, I can only imagine the latest… activity.” He said after finally finding a half decent word of it, “Have not impeded too much upon the South.” Then looking at all three women, “And I do hope that I am not interrupting, at least not too much.”

Amélie laughed politely. “I would rather say that you arrive at a perfect time. You see, her Highness and I are bound for the theater tonight. But it appears that Mademoiselle Florestine shows little love for the arts of the scene. We were trying to cut this gordian knot between ourselves, but your arrival could settled everything most conclusively. Could you entertain Mademoiselle Florestine while her mother and I enjoy the most riveting play in ages?”

“Oh?” Philippe muttered half amused as he looked at the two older ladies, “I should always be happy to do so, for no one should surely ever be deprived of such riveting acts of art.” Biting his lower lip for a moment, “I have only heard the best of their latest production, not to mention its longevity.” Philippe looking at the Princess for a moment, wondering if he was to ask or not, “I promise that I shall ensure a delightful evening for her Highness.” Letting it rest for the time being.

“Wonderful” exclaimed Amélie. “It is settled then. Why not show her the library? I am quite certain our collection of Chateaubriand’s works will be of interest.” She curtseyed to the two while leaving with Princess Maria Caroline.

Philippe watched as the two older women left, turning his head slightly to the side as he looked at the young Princess, ”Lord Byron perhaps?” A small smirk on his lips as she just looked up at him with a small polite smile...


“I would more say it is the company, rather than the Art of the Scene itself, constantly being chaperoned by ones mother can end up being… confining.” The Princess spoke, slowly sipping from her Bisque. “Perhaps if I were to be taken by a more, youthful spirit, my views may alter.”

“They may.” Philippe said, a slight smile as they enjoyed their dinner, “Though I fear I share your dislike, at least during these days, for the Art of the Scene. Far too much Republicanism here in Paris for them to produce anything remotely worthy of being called quality.”

“Oh I quite disagree, my Lord.” The Princess countered, quite high spirited, “I find their ramblings most amusing, I never get to hear such passion in Monaco. We are far too removed for such.”

“Ah, I see, then we must certainly make time for the theater while during your stay here among us, one must take in all the delights of this fair city, before the workers rise and the delights change once more. Perhaps they will eventually revolt with a demand for good conversation.” Philippe said, sipping his wine for a moment before picking up the spoon once more.

“Would improve their lot in life.” The Princesses countered, a small chuckle escaping, “Good conversation that is.” Taking another spoonful of the bisque and wiping her mouth as the servants removed the remainder of the dish, preparing the table for the next course. “Do you hate this Assembly?” She asked looking over at Philippe, “Forgive me, but the anger in your tone earlier.”

Philippe leaned back in his chair, looking over at her as he tilted his head, “I do not hate it, no, but it gets quite tiresome and there are certainly more than enough old men with more wisdom than is wise.” He replied.

“Like my father’s council.” She laughed, looking over at Philippe, knowing full well what her mother also wished, or perhaps, didn’t wish. “Mayhaps a card game?”

“Oh?” Philippe uttered, surprised by the proposition.

“Yes, if I win, you promise to rid me of my mother for a few days.” Florentine stated.

“And if I win?” Philippe asked in return, only to make her shrug.

“Take a day off the assembly.” The Princess replied.

 

[99KingHigh]

Voting closed. Very short update forthcoming.

 

[jeeshadow]

"I once again address this Assembly to nominate Reynaud Gillet for the Constitutional Commission. Serving as Chairman of the Provisional Council and Minister of Finance has given Citizen Gillet the experience needed in the executive and legislative functions of governance to come up with wise ideas for our constitution. Furthermore, he is a man who embodies the spirit of the Revolution, and I am confident can ensure that spirit is present in the document this body creates."

-Louis-Alexandre Clement

 

[Jackbollda]

I nominate Citoyen de Lécuyer and Citoyen de Lièvremont for the Constitutional Commission.

 

[Firehound15]

I nominate Messieurs Clement, Domadeaux, and Saint-Estephe for the Constitutional Commission.

 

[Nax24]

Paris
Café Anglais

"Gentlemen, we are on the verge of freedom!" said Alexandre, raising a glass of wine. The room was filled of men from the financial sector; other bankers and men of wealth. They all have gathered here to celebrate the success of the conservatives, those who wanted to restore their companies after the Bank of France took them from their owners. Yet, work still had to be done. The new conservative government (which many there thought was a forgone conclusion) needed a way to be financed, and since it was not socialist, the banks had to show support to them, for they will give them back what they rightfully owned.

"Let us celebrate our inevitable return to owning our companies, and begin the process of aiding the government in its quest to restore financial stability to this state! To finance, Gentlemen!"

 

[99KingHigh]

Chapter 4: Of the Gauche Dynastique
(August 1850)​

​

After its moment of emotion when it proudly proclaimed the Republic for the second time, the Assembly hastened to organise and rationalise the power that the provisional government passed over. It was time, many representatives argued, to do away with the diffused power that had existed in the provisional government. The critics of the provisional government long attributed the troublesome exercise of power and the internal struggles as the direct consequence of an acephalous executive. Any ministerial formation, regardless of structure, was assumed to include the supremely popular Deflandre. His cadre of liberal republicans provided a forceful and elegant balance to the moderate-conservative republicans and the républicains de la veille. Deflandre’s opponents were hopelessly divided and confused, primarily for two reasons. The first was the effect of the exclusion clause. Revolution catapulted republicans into power; their collective prestige either depended on leadership in the February Revolution or consistent opposition to the disgraced ministries of the June Monarchy. On the other hand, conservatives of all varieties were confounded by their lack of leadership. The natural leader of the conservative party, the Duc de Montbazon, and the traditional notables of the June Monarchy, including Merivée, Descombes, Gagnon, Moncey, Barante, and Malvasia were denied entrance into the Chamber. Exclusion forced the national limelight onto figures of relative youth and inexperience, including Claude Desmarais (popular among the notables and conservatives republicans), the Comte de Charlus (popular among the legitimists), and the Duc de Lécuyer (popular among the Orléanists). The very informal leadership of the Comte de La Marche—even younger and even greener—encapsulated the troubles with a potential conservative administration. The second dilemma was that of Delfandre. Aware of the potential advantage of Delfandre’s support for the interim period, social and political conservatives inside and outside the Assembly, including La Marche, Charlus, and the Duc de Joyeuse, sought to negotiate with the most popular man in France.

The Constituent Assembly in 1850.​

Deliberations were convoluted and layered. They were made more complicated by obvious differences among the conservative ranks, including Charlus’ premeptory endorsement for the republican Saint-Estephe as President of the Constituent Assembly. The elections had been a great personal triumph for the famous author, if one considers that he had been elected by several departments, winning in the Seine more votes than any other candidate. It was impossible not to include his support for the ministry without making too open a renunciation of the events of February and the wishes of the people. Deflandre was conscious of his own strength and made use of it. He repeated his demand that the creation of the executive branch be left exclusively to himself and his colleagues so that he could avoid presidential strength. Conservative grandees sought to match him in negotiation, but Deflandre refused to budge. The majority became more and more exasperated with Deflandre intransigence. By the time of the last proposal, offered personally to Deflandre by Charlus, conservative concessions had become less generous. Deflandre, perceiving the diminishing returns, accosted Charlus for his derisory proposal and sent him away. He was not incorrect to interpret the terms as unsatisfactory to his parliamentarian campaign. However, in an act of unfortunate preterition, Deflandre overlooked the cause behind the depreciating conditions. In the drawing rooms and clubs, anti-revolutionary forces feared a presidency permanently tethered to the Assembly. They hoped to create an executive rooted in the same state instrument that was sure to elicit a preferable and conservative outcome; democracy. Deflandre’s refusal to concede on his desire for constitutional-writing privileges allowed the conservatives to coalesce around a unified program of government. The ancient proverb proved true; Deflandre became the enemy, and his enemies became friends. Delfrande remained true to his precepts of governance, but overplayed his popularity to politicians who viewed gradual and compromise politics far above any accounting of the general will. Even Charlus, who had tried desperately to keep the liberal-moderate republicans in consideration at the fractious gatherings of the notables, reversed his opinion; Delfrande’s brusque dismissal was too much for an aristocrat to bear.

The popularity of Deflandre as it was after the Revolution.​

For the first time in the history of post-revolution France, it looked as if a conservative party was beginning to form. They gathered without much coercion behind Charlus’ vindictive proposal of André Dupin, Gagnon’s former colleague in the tiers parti. During the debates, Deflandre personally attacked Charlus, precipitating a demand for satisfaction. When Delfrandre refused the duel on Christian grounds, and the papers published his shame, many republicans were disappointed. The hyper-masculine fraternity of republican society compelled many conspiratorial republicans to recoil from the man they had hoped to crown as their French Washington. Delfrande’s wounded popularity emboldened the conservatives to hasten their program for government. After the Assembly unanimously approved a resurrected council system for the interim ministry, proposals from across the Constituent Assembly delineated the battlelines. Deflandre and his companions offered the relatively unknown républicain du lendemain Jules Bastide. In this instance, Deflandre’s sudden humility proved counterproductive. Rather than capitalize on his residual popularity and entrust his elevation to the popular will, Delfrandre conceded the presidency in order to focus his energies on the commission. The conservatives made sure not to make the same mistake. La Marche proposed the famous Odilon Barrot as the President of the Provisional Council. Barrot had been a prominent member of the gauche dynastique—somewhere between Duval and Malvasia. A respected barrister and liberal (and loyal) member of the July opposition, Barrot was also shallow and superficial. Marx called him a nullité grave - a solemn nonentity. He had remained loyal throughout the July Monarchy, but the King never liked him for his relative radicalism. In the Constituent Assembly he was an obvious representative for the conservative movement. His progressive opposition to the unpopular ministries of the June Monarchy confirmed his liberal credentials; his obvious bourgeoisie exceptionalism and hatred for disorder made him a natural conservative ally. Barrot scored a slim majority with some recalcitrance from the legitimists, and appointed a ministry of républicains de la veilles, all generally resigned to the Republic. [1] The Parisian press reflected upon the new executive as the “ministry of the gauche dynastique.” East Paris seethed at the grave betrayal of the Revolution, and everywhere there were disturbing stirrings.

​

On August 17 the Assembly voted on the membership of the Constitutional Committee. They included, Delfandre, Saint-Estephe, Clement, Domadeaux, Cormenin, Buffet, Dufaure, Faucher, Lécuyer, Lièvremont, and La Marche; the constitution required a majority in the committee for presentation to the Assembly.

[1] The best way to describe some of the figures is “rallied.” For example, Tocqueville would not have preferred the Republic, and sometimes wished for the monarchy, but one could not consider him an immediate royalist. Victor Destutt de Tracy, another example, might have been an Orleanist during the June Monarchy, but OTL voted for the exile of the princes. Korona’s character, Claude Desmarais, seems to best summarize their outlook.

-

President of the Council: Odilon Barrot (NPC)
Minister of the Interior: Édouard Drouyn de Lhuys (NPC)
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Alexis de Toqueville (NPC)
Minister of Finance: Hippolyte Passy (NPC)
Minister of Agriculture: Victor Lanjuinais (NPC)
Minister of Public Works: Claude Desmarais (@Korona)
Minister of War: Nicolas Anne Théodule Changarnier(NPC)
Minister of Navy and Colonies: Victor Destutt de Tracy (NPC)
Minister of Public Education and Religion: François Pierre Felix Christoper Victor de Levis (@Jackbollda )
Minister of Public Welfare: Paul Marie Saint-Estephe (@Scrapknight - are you accepting?)
Minister of Justice: Alfred Nettement (NPC)

PC players should put forward legislation. I will also propose legislation. Now we can move ahead quicker. ALL LEGISLATION, INCLUDING A CONSTITUTIONAL PROPOSAL (AS DONE, OR FORCIBLY VOTED BY THE COMMITTEE) MUST BE PUT BEFORE THE ASSEMBLY IN THE NEXT 48 HOURS.

 

[Plutonium95]

​

Name: Auguste Napoléon Lannes
Born: 1823
Profession: Political writer, Economist
Department: Basses-Pyrénées​

Background:
The only child of Alfred-Jean, second son of Jean Lannes, 1st duc de Montebello, Auguste enjoyed a comfortable childhood at the family’s chateau outside of Pau. Unlike his uncle, the 2nd duc of Montebello, Auguste’s father never found a place with the Legitimists of the Doctrinaires. As a result the family spent little time in Paris and Auguste’s main concern growing up was to learn how to best manage the estate which would one day be his. Despite this, as a young man Auguste’s intellectual interests expanded as he read and discussed political and philosophical treatises.

Finding that Pau did not meet the task of sating Auguste's curiosity, his father granted his permission for him to study in Paris, and so he took up economics at the École Normale from 1841 to 1845. While at the school he began attending meetings of the Société d’Economie Politique, where he first meet the prominent political and economic writer Frédéric Bastiat. He soon joined Bastiat’s Ligue pour la Liberté des Échanges (Free Trade League) where he also met Gustave de Molinari. Auguste quickly began to adopt the older man’s views on individual sovereignty as a replacement for the issues caused by government sovereignty.

During the early days of the revolution he published a number of small essays in the Liberal School’s Journal des Économistes, where he praised the republic and the freedoms which it recognized while also decrying radical socialist demands.

 

[Scrapknight]

Saint-Estephe addresses the chamber

Messieurs,

When I accepted my nomination for the Presidency of the Constituent Assembly, I promised that I would seek to serve in the interests of all Frenchmen, regardless of ideology. I stand by this sentiment, and am thus flattered by M. Barrot's attempt to create an inclusive ministry. However, I sadly must decline my appointment to the office of Minister of Public Welfare, as I feel that it would be an undue distraction from my duties as a member of the Constitutional Commission. I wish the gentlemen of the government the best of luck in their efforts.

- Paul Marie Saint-Estephe

 

[ThaHoward]

I nominate Citoyen de Lécuyer and Citoyen de Lièvremont for the Constitutional Commission.

"M.President, Messiuers,

"I humbly thank the honored François Pierre Felix Christoper Victor de Levis", Joachim almost stumbled as he read out all the names "for his nomination and will with great humility join the great sons of France to write a constitution, that reflect the popular and democratic will of France and secure a society rooted in the rights of property, order and liberty. I am moved by the major responsibility you have vested on my person, and I will do my very best to honor the confidence you have shown to me and cooperate with the other honored members of the commission to write a constitution for France and her people.

"Merci".

 

[Maxwell500]

A letter is dispatched to Alfred Nettement, the Minister of Justice. @99KingHigh

Monsieur,

Allow me to express my sincerest congratulations on your elevation to the Ministry of Justice in the Provisional Government. There is surely no man better suited, nor more deserving, of such great responsibility - and I have great trust that you will live up to the expectations put before you.

It is also of great comfort to myself, and no doubt His Most Christian Majesty, that you occupy such a position so that you may keep us abreast of matters of state, and so that you can tirelessly advance the cause of His Most Christian Majesty's return - something no doubt most true Frenchmen long for. I have no they will quickly tire of this republic and its charades...its divisiveness...there can only be stability in the King, for it is God who placed Him there, and it is only God whom can remove Him.

Otherwise, I hope you are well and that all proceeds smoothly with this new government; should you require anything of me, or if you are in need of any assistance whatsoever, do not hesitate to write to me.

Amitiés Sincères,

​

 

[99KingHigh]

Gillet replaces Cormenin. My bad, completely forgot Somberg.

 

[ThaHoward]

Hotel de Lécuyer.

The champagne was sabered and its liquid bubbled over. The champagne was popped by one his old sabers from Algeria and there was a sense of relief among the guests. There was much to celebrate and Joachim seized the moment to invite several central "Orleanists" and other progressive minded conservatives or moderate liberals to his home, and several Army officers. Joachim missed the Palais-Royal, however his family home in Paris and estate(s) outside of Paris was good enough. The official pretex for this social gathering was a banquet where Joachim would raise money for his own charitable foundation along with Pour Les Héros Perdus. However the guests invited was by no chance. The majority of the guests was central Orleanists (or Center-Right or the Moderate Right as Joachim called them) members of the Assembly and electors. Their was much reason to celebrate as Joachim would emphasize as all the guests were given their welcome champagne.

"Messiuers, celebrations are in order. Gone are the days of instability, plunder and radicalism. The forces of moderate liberalism and progressive conservatism have prevailed. Our faith in property, order and liberty will be restored. Good governance shall be restored and with it the faith of the French", Joachim went on with his speech. Mostly speaking of trivial matters, vague visions, advocating for donations to the charities and thanking various men for their support. Joachim ended the speech with calling up Barrot. "The old Mouvement friends have been restored. I will not lie, M.Barrot was my hope for the Presidency of the Provisional Government along with several other former members of the opposition. Let them be dynastics or center-left. Good governance and a vision for a progressive, yet moderate, society have been restored. M.Barrot have my fullest confidence, a confidence that all of France have vested into the democratically elected Provisional Government. A government that represent the popular will of France, instead of seizing power through radical means. Now a toast to Barrot and the government!" Joachim said and lifted his glass.

The banquet went on, and the debates and conversation was in place among the many courses, recesses and dances. Joachim spent the time well listening to the various members of the assembly and the electorate, taking in their needs and wishes and giving him their opinion. Joachim also took the moment to talk through several Army reforms Colonel Auberjonois and Joachim had worked together on, hoping to gain their support.

Some friends of Joachim approached him with a more personal matter. They were worried that Joachim had not yet found a wife, and he was honest saying it never really crossed his mind. They started to sound like his mother when they told him it was not usual for a man, especially not of his station, to remain a bachelor for so long as he did. One of his friends said he had inquired and it was reported Joachim could be directed toward Hotel Lassy for a potential bride. Joachim was first infuriated feeling insulted that someone took such manners, of his manhood nonetheless, into their hands. But he promised he was to check it out.

By the end of the banquet Joachim retired to the old backroom of his father where the most central men gathered for cigars and cognac and other spirits. And while it was of course nice to retreat into seclusion for smoke and liqour, the main course on the menu was the constitution. The men would stay up all night, long after the other guests left, and discuss Joachim's coming role in the committee. Discussing what their common aims should be, and how Joachim was best to represent the "Moderate Right" as Joachim called themself, as a poor veil of their Orleanism.

When the negotiations was concluded Joachim went to his office and sorted out some official work before he could get some few minutes, and perhaps an hour or two if he was lucky, of sleep before he had to return to the Assembly. He almost forgot, but then remembered what some of his friends told him, and as tired as he was he wanted to just go to bed right away. However the proposal intrigued him, so he penned down one last letter.


A letter is sent ((@Eid3r ))

Spoiler: Letter.

Your Highness,

I hope our brief correspondence have not been forgotten on your part. I am willing to visit you to discuss the role of women in our educational system. One that is in the need of reform as it is anyway.

Due to time limitations I need to be brief. Certain rumors have crossed my sphere where there's someone in particular your famous café-salon that may deserve my attention. If it would not be too much to ask, I would like to see this fair maiden and perhaps take her for a stroll.

Kind regards,

Joachim-Philippe Lothaire Duc de Lécuyer.

 

[Andre Massena]

I accept my appointment to the constitutional commission and shall present my ideas shortly.

-Jean Francois Domadeaux

 

[Sneakyflaps]

‘and require approval by at least one Chamber.’ Philippe put his pen down, the early hours of the morning slowly approaching as he drowned what remained in his glass, sighing a breath of relief. The Left, left by Deflandre and no doubt desiring to reclaim some lost reputation had already presented several issues in a proposal of theirs. Philippe had, during their brief conversation taken notes of their desires and seen what he could do, while keeping the desires of this Constitution which he so sorely believed and desired. Now he had spent the night writing his own document, with the feelings and beliefs of himself and those expressed by other conservatives. No doubt that some tomorrow and in the coming days would call him too bold, or impertinent, but that remained to be seen.

While others may have taken to celebration, to partying or other expressions of joy, Philippe had shut himself away in a room. He had only allowed a servant to enter to refill his glass when the time was required, as well as bring food when his stomach began to rumble. He had already gone to one opera with the Princess, but sadly he had to cancel last night, an even which may very well come back to haunt him in the future, a event which he hoped he would not come to regret. But the choice had been made all the same, and now, now he would be allowed to get a few hours of sleep before he convened with the committee, before he had to apologize to the Princess come evening, if he even be allowed to return home.