Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[Dadarian]

Emile-Charles Pêche-lame de Couteau, dict le Boucher​

Chef d'un groupe de Verdets ~ Voyou ~ Coupe-jarret et Crétin​

Information General:​

Name: Emile-Charles Pêche-lame de Couteau, dict le Boucher
Date of Birth: 17th September, 1790 (25)
Place of Birth: Toulouse, France.
Current Residency: Toulouse, France.
Religion: Catholic
Profession: Leader of the Toulouse Verdets.
Political Affiliation: Ultraroyalists.
Social Class: Lower.
Alma Mater: Toulouse Backalleys.
Fluent in: French.

Bio: A young man born to little and raised with less, Emile grew up a wild youth, impressionable to the world around him. That world mostly being the violence of the Revolution and the Napoleonic Regime. When he was 8, he witnessed first hand his father gut a pro-revolutionary taxman who questioned the right of the throne. His father was decapitated as a royalist sympathiser when Emile was 10, who was thus homeless as a result.

Although thoroughly uneducated in a formal fashion, Emile taught himself how to read with the help of a looted bible, which helped cement his Catholic belief and 'elitism' (relatively) to the rest of his gang. While many of his cohorts would die in the various Napoleonic Wars, de Couteau would remain behind, gathering about him a cadre of ne'er-do-wells and cutpurses in which to use as a force of terror upon the Mayor of Toulouse. Later, in the early 1810s, de Couteau would be contacted by members of the Verdets and be introduced to the livery of the Comte d'Artois, a colour of green Emile would take a quick liking to.

With the fall of Napoleon in 1814, de Couteau and his men would seize the initiative. Deposing and lynching pro-Bonapartists, de Couteau would earn his middle name through the personal, open murder of three men accused of loyalty to the Tyrant of Corsica in the market square.

Now a well known gang leader and ultra in the city, de Couteau is not to be underestimated due to his low birth. ​

​

 

[ThaHoward]

Lothaire Lécuyer (1789-1830)
Lothaire Philippe-Joseph Duc de Lécuyer (1830)
Capitaine (1815)
Général de Brigade, Deputy, Speaker of the Chamber for the Orléanists (1830).

Born: 17th of May 1789, Paris.
Profession: Student, retired Capitaine of the Grande Armée (1815). Deputy of the Seine.
Political beliefs: Liberal, Republican, Bonapartist, Orléanist? No one knows.
Religion: Catholic.
Death: 29th of June, 1830, Paris. Final battle of the June Revolution. Aged 41.

Lothaire were born in surroundings that would define the first decades of his life; violence, chaos and monumental changes. Lothaire were born and raised during the heights of the revolution to a successfull trader and industrialist Absolon Lécuyer who had aquired a small fortune in Outremer and the Italian peninsula, and had settled down in Paris to enjoy his found wealth with his wife and children. But that was all to change in May of 1789, and with the coming of Lothaire, Absolon would take it as a sign. A sign that the revolution and cause was just, an that Lothaire and his family were to serve under it. (Of course it should also be noted that prior to the revolution Absolon were a politically interested burgher, who had for a long time demanded change in society).

Lothaire would grow up in the newfound, and chaotic, Republic. Not only being indoctrinated by society as a whole into believing in it's doctrine, but also being lectured daily by his father and elder brothers (who served in the army) about the revolutionary cause, and that the greatest honor a man could achieve were to fight and die for their fatherland and the revolution. Allthough he were raised in the upper middleclass and got a fine education (for the period) Lothaire's childhood was dominated by violence. The streets of Paris had, to put it mildly, in some cases an absence of the rule of law. This followed by the many purges and terror, led to Lothaire often engaging in streetfights, brawls between various streetgangs, and would often organise attacks against those who were considered enemies of the revolution or monarchists. This pure violence, and ideological hatred, would lead Lothaire to be a capable fighter (for his age) early on, and he too longed to one day serve under the French flag like his brothers did, wiping reactionary monarchism off the map forever. This was further reinforced as Lothaire's second eldest brother would fall during the War of the First Coalition at the age of 22. Meanwhile Lothaire's eldest brother would serve under Napoleon during his campaigns, and when he were at home, he had nothing but praise for his commander, and were full of tales of heroism and adventures that Lothaire could not wait to be part of.

Now the year were 1805, and Lothaire had heard from his brother that something major were going to happen. He would help Lothaire being taken up into the ranks of the Grande Armée even if he were just 16, but despite his young age Lothaire were already an imposing figure, taller than most men and packing more meat than most recruits. Lothaire would prove to be a most capable infantrists, being exceptionally aggressive, showing iniative, ideologically scholared and partcipating in field duty with high motivation. With his head up high and lust for adventure and glory at an alltime high, he would join his brother in arms and Emperor in crossing the Rhine during August of 1805. Lothaire would serve in the Grande Armée through the war. As it were his first war he would in the war itself prove not to be exceptional, but mediocre. He were especially ashamed as he during his first battle would do it on himself, and were afraid to die and not embrace the glory of falling for his homeland and the Empire. Nevertheless, he would serve in many famous battles including Austerlitz and were certain that his cause were just which were in his eyes proven by the downfall of the corrupt and feudalistic Holy Roman Empire. At the end of the war he were to be given the proposition of serving as a Grenadier. This was a major honor for the young Soldat (private) as he were to serve among the elite shock troopers. Tje Grenadiers were by law ordered to be the most fearsome and tallest of recruits. Also the fusiliers who proved to be the bravest and strongest were promoted to Grenadier. Lothaire, however, were to question if he were elavated to the ranks of the Grenadiers due to his own skill, or the influence of his brother. And now he also had to grow a moustache. As Napoleon ordered all Grenadiers to have a moustache.

Life would move on, but so would the wars. Soon Lothaire found himself in another war, the War of the Fourth Coalition. This time around Lothaire would fight with the experience from his latter war in his mind and his body, and also the newfound confidence of being a shock trooper. This time around Lothaire would excel and became soldier known for his aggressive posture in battle and unflinnching resolve. He would also regurally write home to his parents, and in his letters he would start to formulate his philosophy and worldview. In his mind wars were won by the side who had men who would dedicate themself fully to their common cause and being led by a strong leader, and together they would liberate the continent of reactionary darkness through permament aggression. Lothaire would participate in the marching through Berlin, and that topped with the founding of the Confederation of the Rhine he believed the lands of the Germans were to embrace the progressive ideals. For his bravery in combat, Lothaire would be given a medal for bravery and be promoted to Caporal (corporal).

Following the war Lothaire would in 1807 attend to a non-commsion officer academy at the age of 18, and were a promising leader. Lothaire would attend to the academy for one year, and would be stationed in a Dragoon Regiment. However, this time around he would not participate in the following war but would instead be in charge of preparing recrutis and training reserves for another year. During his year of peace and missed oppurtunity, as he recalled it, he would meet a girl two years younger than him named Christine and would soon marry.

In 1810 he would serve as a Sergent for the 11th Dragoon Regiment and would partake in the disastrous Battle of Bussaco. Over four thousand of his fellow brethren would fall or be wounded, this deeply shook Lothaire. Perhaps were the Grande Armée and their Emperor not invincible afterall? During the battle, however, Lothaire would fill in the gaps of his superiors who had fallen in battle and managed through cunning tactics and risky charges to break out of a pocket that were meant to spell certain doom for he and his platoon, and for his gallantry and leadership Lothaire would be promoted to Sergent-Major and became a decorated Dragoon. The decoration he recieved were no small one. He were said to have conducted "excellent military conduct, in the face of great risk for his own life, well beyond the duties bestowed upon him and of vital importance to the overall operational importance" and were as such awarded the Legion of Honor. The most prestigious order and highest order for military merits. This were a tremendous honor for the young soldier, and he would as such be a "Knight of the Empire" - a title that would be made heridatary and giving him the generous sum of 250 francs. He would retire as a NCO, and instead apply to enrolled in an Officer Academy - with letter of reccomendation from his batallion commander.

Lothaire would be taken up in École des Cadets-gentilshommes in 1811, and would for two years study to become a war leader. As he said himself, he found it ironic that he were to attend to a War Academy, he already knew what war was and most of the other children, as he called them, had recently come from the sweet life among their parents and not seen the harsh realities of war. Despite his cold attitude Lothaire would excel in all classes regarding not only the art of war and combat, but also leadership and civil duties. As he were still attending to the war academy, he would not participate in the invasion of Russia, and he would be ahsamed of himself that he were relieved to not participate in that horrible campaign.

In May of 1813 he would graduate from the academy, and would be given the rank of Lieutenant and be placed in the 20th Dragoon Regiment. Here he would once more be put into the fray of battle and participate in the German Campaign of 1813. Despite the defeat in 1812, morale was all time high and Lothaire and his Dragoons were ready for war and spread the revolution, and despite their heroic efforts and victories in Dresden and Hanau in Leipzig they would be beaten decisively in battle. This led to the Grande Armée retreating west of the Rhine which Lothaire considered the natural borders of France - which meant he were now fighting on sacred ground; France. The year turned to 1814 Lothaire would be promoted to Capitaine and were to lead an Escadron (calvary battalion) - which made him acting Chef d'escadron. He were, however, unsure if he were promoted because of his abilities as an officer, or simply as a desperate last resort to re-organize the regiment after the losses in Germany. Nevertheless, Lothaire would serve loyally and faithfully to his men, country and Emperor in France and partook in the battles of St. Dizier, Brienne, La Rothiere, Mormont, Monterau, and Troyes. And Lothaire soon proved that he were acting Chef d'escadron due to merit. With no respect for his own life he charged recklessly and broke enemy lines of artillery in order to open up a pocket where several Imperial Guards were trapped. For his bravery he were now made Officer in the Legion of Honor - and given the generous amount of 1000 francs. But as with Leipzig and the German Campaign, the dreaded reactionaries would be victorious, Napoleon exiled and the Bourbons restored. Following the defeat Lothaire would be disillusioned and would soon be retired during a low key purge of Bonapartist officers. He would enroll in the University of France to study Political Science in order to keep up with his other interest than war; politics. Returning home to Paris and his civillian life he felt lost, he had a hard time adjusting to civilian life and felt as if everything he had fought for, all those hours in the field and the pure agony of battle were for naught.

When Napoleon returned to France, Lothaire would not be able to partake due to a nasty fever that broke out among his family. This would forever haunt him, as this was his chance of dying in glorious battle for his Emperor, land and cause - as his elder brother did. In addition his father would succumb to the same fever, and because of this Lothair would inherit a small fortune. However Lothaire had gotten a renewed interest for politics, and would attend to reading and political circles in the University. Alltough he were officially a moderate Doctrinaire, Lothair were in reality leaning toward liberalism and Bonaprtism. He believed that the Rhine were the natural borders of France, and that France were to restore her borders and spread the revolution to Italy, Germany, Iberia and Low Countries. For the current king, Lothaire would preffer a Bonaparte, but knew this was unrealistic. However, he believed that the current monarchy should be a fully constitutional one and the power were to reside with the people and not the reactionary clergy and aristocrats. Indeed the current monarchy were better than the last Bourbon one, but they still had a long way to go. Lothair got a renewed energy, and realised what he may not have achieved in the field of battle, he may achieve in the cafes of Paris and the halls of the national assembly; social justice and freedom to all and the restoration of French glory.

Spoiler: Service Record/Positions/Awards etc

Awards:

Legion of Honor - Knight (1810).
Legion of Honor - Officer (1814).
Legion of Honor - Commander, posthumously awarded (1830).
Order of the Cross of June, posthumously awarded (1830).

Positions:

Noble titles:

Knight (of the Empire) (1810-1830).
Duc de Lécuyer (1830, posthumously awarded).
Peer of France (1830, posthumously awarded).

In the French Army:

Soldat (Private), 69th Infantry Regiment (1805)
Caporal (Corporal), 14th Infantry Regiment (1805)
Caporal, Grenadier, 39th Infantry Regiment (1806)
Sergent (Sergeant), 11th Dragoon Regiment (1807)
Sous-lieutenant, Dragons de la Garde impériale/Dragons de I'Impératice (Dragoonns of the Imperial Guard) (1808-1809)
Lieutenant, Dragons de la Garde impériale (1810 - 1811)
Officer Candidate, École des Cadets-gentilshommes (1811 - 1813)
Capitaine, Grenadiers à Cheval de la Garde Impériale (Horse Grenadiers of the Imperial Guard) (1813 - 1814)
Chef d'Escadron, Grenadiers à Cheval de la Garde Impériale (1814).
Demoted to Capitaine, Corps of Royal Cuirassiers of France, Bourbon Restoration (1814).
Major en second (Senior Major) Grenadiers à Cheval de la Garde Impériale (1815)
Purged/retired, demoted Captain, Second Bourbon Restoration. (1815-1822)
Capitaine, Infantry Company commander (1822 - 1824)
Capitaine adjutant-major (Staff Captain), Chasseur à pied, second in command battalion (1824 - 1824).
Chef de bataillon (Major), commander of Fort de Bertheaume (1824 - 1827)
Major (Lieutenant Colonel), inactive reservists, regimental staff (brevet rank, de-facto retired) (1827 - 1830)
Colonel, commanding the Seine National Guard Brigade during the June Revolution (1830).
Général de brigade, posthumously awarded.

In the Kingdom of France:

Member of the National Order of the Legion of Honour (1810)
Deputy of the Seine in the Chamber of Deputies (1815 - 1824)
Founder of the "Veterans League" (1815 - 1820)
Member of la Charbonnerie
Founder of the secret "Sons of Marianne" (1821 - 1830)
Deputy of the Seine in the Chamber of Deputies (1827 - 1830).
Speaker of the Chamber for the Orléanists. (1827-1830)
Member of the "30 Deputies" during the July Revolution. (1830)

Degrees held:

Graduated from École des Cadets-gentilshommes (École de Militaire).
Baccalaureate in Political Science.
Baccalaureate in Economics.

Campaigns and Wars participated in:

War of the Third Coalition (1805-1806).

• Ulm Campaign; Battles of: Günzburg, Elchingen, and Ulm
• Battle of Austerlitz.

War of the Fourth Coalition - (1806 - 1807).

• Prussian Campaign - Battles of Jena, Eylau.
• Polish Campaign - Battle of Friedland.

War of the Fifth Coalition (1809)

• Battle of Wagram

Peninsular War ( 1808-1809 and again1810-1811)

War of the Sixth Coalition (1813-1814)

• German Campaign; Battles of Dresden, Leipzig, Hanau.
• Campaign in North-East France; Battles of La Rothière, Montmirail, Château-Thierry, Vauchamps, Reims, Craonne, Mery-Sur-Seine., Paris, several other battles and skirmishes.

War of the Seventh Coalition (1815).

• Battles of Ligny and Waterloo.

100 000 Sons of St. Louis/French Intervention in Spain - (1823).
Occupation of Spain - (1823 - 1824).

June Revolution (1830)

In Italy:

Member of the Carbonari. 1818-1830.

Revolutionary in the Two Sicilies Insurrection. 1820.
Revolutionary in the Piedmont Insurrection. 1821.
Various revolutionary activity in northern Italy from 1824-1830.

Spoiler: Family.

Spouse:
Christine de Lécuyer - wife.

Issue:

Marie-Louise de Lécuyer, b. 1815.
Joachim-Philippe Lothaire Duc de Lécuyer. b. 1816. d. 1852
Jean-Louis Comte de Lécuyer b. 1818. d 1846, Jérôme Marquis de Lécuyer. b. 1818. d. 1866
Stéphanie Caroline Joséphine de Lécuyer. b. 1820. d. 1832

Grandchildren (amongst others):

Victurnien-Hyacinthe Hippolyte Lothaire Casimir-Louis Ferdinand de Rochechouart de Mortemart Duc de Lécuyer (b. 1851). Heir to the titles of Marquis de Mortemart, Viscount de Rochechouart, Duc de Mortemart, Prince de Tonnay-Charente, Comte de Limoges, Duc de Vivonne, Grandee of Spain (first grade), Duc de Rochechouart.
Armand-Lucien François de Lécuyer (b. 1838), Duque and Grandee of Spain.

​

 

[Rolman99]

((reserved for a homme))

 

[Syriana]

​

Name: Major général Séverin Maximilien, marquis de Valence
Born: 14 August 1768 (aged 47)
Party: Independent
Profession: Military officer, peer
Department: Drôme

Séverin Maximilien was born in the Château de Laubardemont, a medieval pile outside the city of Valence, and in his youth, he went by the courtesy title of Baron de Laubardemont. His father, Jean-Joseph, marquis de Valence, was a lieutenant-general in the Royal Army, and the House of Valence had a long and extensive history of military service. On the occasion of his tenth birthday, Laubardemont was sent to Paris to continue in this fine tradition, enrolling in the University of Paris. As he had missed the Seven Years’ War and was too young to join the fight in America, his early military career proved to be purely ceremonial. He was commissioned into the Musketeers of the Guard as a sub-lieutenant, promoted to captain in the Queen's Dragoon Regiment, and then given a command in the Auvergne Regiment as lieutenant-colonel.

The Revolution changed all that. At first, the Valences adopted an ambivalent position typical of the aristocracy. Jean-Joseph was elected to the Estates-General in 1789, and thereafter was appointed to the Parisian National Guard, while Séverin Maximilien accepted a transfer back to the King’s Musketeers, as the exodus of the nobility left the Royal Family desperate for candidates. As the revolutionary regime became increasingly radical, however, Jean-Joseph found himself accused of conspiring with the Marquis de Lafayette to whisk the Royal Family away in the infamous flight to Varennes. When his father met his fate at the guillotine, Séverin Maximilien inherited his title and fled into exile in Coblence. He assumed a role at the émigré court of the Comte de Provence. As Revolutionary France achieved triumph after triumph, however, he found himself chased first from Germany to Italy, and then Italy to Austria.

Valence enlisted with the Prince de Condé’s army, the only émigré fighting force to have any real success against the republicans, albeit with the full weight of Austrian arms and gold behind it. As both the First and Second Coalitions crumbled under military defeat, however, it became obvious to Valence that the restoration of the monarchy was nowhere near imminent. Unlike his fellow émigrés, who were often at odds with the Austrians, Valence sought to ingrate himself and offer his services. He travelled to Austria to serve as a military adviser and translator to the Imperial bureaucracy. During his time in Vienna, he encountered a young Klemens Wenzel, later Prinz von Metternich. Valence was familiar with the Metternich family, as they owned an estate outside Coblence which had been lost to the French invasion, and the two bonded over their mutual bitterness towards the French Republic.

With the end of the Second Coalition and peace between Austria and France, Valence saw his prospects declining. He moved on once more to the Russian court. Here he served for the long years of Bonaparte’s empire, distinguishing himself in some minor engagements with the Turks, maintaining his network of contacts in Austria and with the other émigrés, and establishing new ties with the Russian elite. Although the Bonapartist regime had begun to lift the restrictions against émigrés, and many of them slowly returned to France, Valence – the memory of his murdered father still fresh – remained adamantly opposed. As such, it would be twenty-two years before he returned to his homeland.

At last, the Bonapartist regime collapsed under its own hubris. Valence returned to France in 1814 and started to put his affairs in order. Uncertain at the outcome of Bonaparte’s Hundred Days, he spent the crisis confined to his château, which had fallen into disrepair. With the final defeat of Bonapartism, Valence welcomed the restored House of Bourbon and was appointed to the Chamber of Peers.


Family Tree

Spoiler

Grandfather: Etienne Emanuel Joseph, 3rd marquis de Valence (1699-1760)

Grandmother: Marie-Elisabeth, comtesse de Maulevrier (1709-1781)

Father: Jean-Joseph, 4th marquis de Valence (1727-1792)

Mother: Anne-Marie Sophie Colbert (1746-1768)

Siblings: None

Issue: Michelle-Séverin Claude Louis, 5th marquis de Valence (1822-present)
Anne-Marie Josephine Elisabeth (1824-present)

Honours and Distinctions

Spoiler

Knight of the Order of St Anna, Fourth Class (1809)

Knight of the Order of St Vladimir, Fourth Class (1813)

Record of Service

Spoiler

Sous-lieutenant, Musketeers of the Military Household of the King of France (1781-1782)

Captain, Queen's Regiment of Dragoons (1782-1784)

Lieutenant-Colonel, Regiment of Auvergne (1784-1789)

Colonel, Musketeers of the Military Household of the King of France (1789-1791)

Colonel, Army of Condé (1791-1794)

Major-General, Army of Condé (1794-1801)

Public Offices

Spoiler

Peer of France (1814-present)

Minister of Foreign Affairs (1815-1820)

President of His Majesty's Council of State (1820-1821)

Minister-Plenipotentiary to the Hapsburg Empire (1821-present)

 

[Davout]

​

Name: Jacques (Jakob) Mayer de Rothschild
Date of Birth: 1792
Place of Birth: Frankfurt am Main.
Current Residency: Paris, Ile de France.
Religion: Jewish
Profession: Financier and Industrialist (Capitalist)
Political Affiliation: Moderate Doctrinaire sympathies but prefers whichever politics promotes the best business
Social Class: Haute Bourgeoisie

"Like arrows in the hands of a warrior,
So are the children of one's youth"
- Psalm 127​

Mayer Amschel Rothschild established his banking business in Hesse Kassel in the 1760's. However, unlike previous court Jews, he had an eye for the future that projected beyond his lifetime and even his children's lifetimes. Perceiving the potential for profit in the maturing government bond markets he sought to spread his business across Europe, sending his 5 sons (one for each of the 5 arrows in his coat of arms which had been granted by the Landgrave in gratitude for providing solvency to his tiny realm) to each of the main financial centres of the early 19th Century - Amschel, the eldest, remained in Frankfurt, Solomon to Vienna, Nathan to London, Calmann to Naples, and Jakob to Paris in 1811 where the 19 year old francified his name to Jacques.

Furthermore, instead of following their own stars, the 5 sons live by the family motto, "Concordia, Integritas, Industria" (Unity, Integrity, Industry). They work in conjunction with each other as a multinational enterprise with a sophisticated network capable of moving vaste sums of money, and valuable information, around the globe that would put the Fuggers and Medicis to shame. This places their collective wealth beyond the reach of royalty and revolutionaries, but also makes them useful allies to governments who court the Rothschilds' favour.

For example, Nathan aided the British war effort during the recent wars, going so far as to underwrite the gold used to pay Wellington's army in Spain. Following the Battle of Waterloo, Jacques' agents were able to carry the news to Nathan in London a day before Wellington's couriers arrived. Instead using this news for commercial advantage, Nathan immediately took it to the British Government and received the reward of their gratitude. The family also gained a more tangible reward later when they purchased British bonds at apparently above market prices on a falling market as traders assumed peace ended the need for government finances, only to reap a 40% profit 2 years later as the British government sought to rebuild the economy.

Jacques, and the Rothschild, prefer peace, which promotes international trade, but are not adverse to wars, provided there is a profit to be made. He is expanding the Paris branch of the family bank by looking for new investments to be made in the war ravaged economy. Jacques is particularly interested in turning France's traditional cottage industries into larger manufacturing works of the type promoted by Napoleon before the demands of war intervened in 1805, and as observed by Nathan in London in his frequent reports to the family. The Rothschilds promote innovation and their network is a major conduit for the transmission of new ideas across state borders.

Jacques also seeks to promote the arts and culture, through seeking out established masterpieces and encouraging new artistic endeavours. In particular, he wishes to ingratiate himself to his new French homeland by encouraging new talent which raises the French consciousness.

Jacques, as with his brothers, has no interest in playing a direct role in politics but is willing to encourage government support of his projects through appropriate financial support of the Government, and other means available to the family network. He currently is not enamoured of either political side, although the Doctrinaires appear to be slightly less regressive than the Ultraists. He is more interested in building the Paris branch of the family business and will be satisfied as long as the government, of whatever shade, is able to provide a business environment conducive to economic growth.

 

[BlackBishop]

Enzo Allaire
Born March 1st, 1776
Privateer
From Bouches du Rhône​

Enzo Allaire was born to a family of prominent farmers outside of Marseilles. From a young age, Enzo became enthralled with the beauty and majesty of the Mediterranean Sea, and at fourteen years of age, he defied his father's wishes and left his family's farm to join the navy. Enzo saw combat in the Caribbean Sea, fighting belligerent privateers and rebels around the coasts of Saint Domingue.

Enzo would remain with the navy until 1796, when he left to join with privateers. Labeled as a bit of a firebrand, Allaire would move from ship to ship over the years, until he gained long term employment under the notorious privateer Dominque You on Le Pandoure in 1802. After years of fighting revolutionaries, Enzo at last earned enough to buy his own ship, Le Glorieuse, and sailed home in 1810.

Enzo returned to Bouches du Rhône in time to witness his father's death, and be passed over for his inheritance. Unaffected by the slight, Enzo made regular trips across the Mediterranean buying and selling goods in the various ports that dot the coasts, earning himself a small fortune in the process. In this time he would fall in love with the fetching Marie Bechard. Marie, however, would marry Enzo's brother, unwilling to become the wife of a sailor. Crushed, Enzo prepares in ship in Marseilles for a voyage across the Atlantic, to return to the West Indies.

 

[Korona]

François Paul Bournier, comte de Pontécoulant
General de division ​

Born: August 12th, 1770 (44)
Party: Ultraroyalist
Profession: General de division (Brig. General), Peer of France
Department: Calvados

Biography: François Paul Bournier was born in Roullours to Jacques Auguste Bournier, the previous comte de Pontécoulant and something of a philosopher. Jacques Auguste Bournier owed his title, his wealth, and everything to the King, and as a result, he drilled his 4 sons insistently to be utterly and completely loyal to the King. Thus, royalism became one of the pillars upon wich François Bournier's life was built upon.

At age 5, he was travelling to Versailles with his father, where he would reside with his father until 1788. In Versailles, François became almost obsessed with the elite musketeers, the Royal Guard, and the French army in general. For François, the pomp and bravery that was so commonly associated with the military had an instant appeal, and in all accounts, his father encouraged him. Eager to get rid of his son and focus on his philosophy, François spent most of his time with the regiments in Versailles, playing games with the guards (much to their enjoyment). Versailles was where François grew to be fascinated with the army.

With instability creeping upon the regime of Louis XVI, François was given a commission as a Corporal in the 4th Hussar Regiment in 1788, mostly due to the paranoia of the court and what clout his father had with the regiment's royal patron, the then-Duke of Chatres, Louis Phillipe, Duke of Orleans. With the 4th Hussars, François began a long and distinguished career in the military. Fighting in the Wars of Revolution without much note, François was promoted to Sergeant in 1793.

François was soon introduced to the policies of what became the Ultraroyalists while fighting. Whilst nothing of a stark absolutist, he soon grew to detest the lower classes, after viewing the White Terror raging in Republican France, he began to take a much more conservative and almost reactionary stance on democracy and liberalism. Favoring a limited bill of rights, a weak legislature, and a strong monarch above all, François viewed the French revolution as degenerate and immoral. However, his grasp of politics remained weak, and after attempting to argue in favor of a strong monarch, he decided to not risk lynching by Jacobins, and shut his mouth. Although he was roughed up by some 'patriots' while on leave during the War of the Second Coalition, he scraped by. Barely managing to avoid a career-ending mishap, François resolved to keep his political opinions to himself from then on.

Following the 4th Hussars across Europe and beyond, François began to build himself a reputation as a reputable soldier. During the Napoleonic Wars, François and the 4th Hussars went on raids innumerable, serving with distinction in Egypt. A notable incident was the Battle of Salalieh where François, now a 2nd Lieutenant, and the soldiers under his comand proved themselves thrice over, reportedly "fighting like demons".

Upon return to France, François fought with French Empire for the remainder of the Napoleonic Wars, and upon the exile of Napoleon to Elba, François, now a Colonel, switched allegiances to the monarchy and Louis XVII. Although he grew to admire and respect Napoleon, twenty years of fighting had made François a pragmatist, and he knew that Napoleon's cause was lost. His father, who voluntarily left France during Napoleon's rule and spoke out against him in Vienna, vouched for his son during the brief Bourbon Restoration preceding the Hundred Days, saving him from completely losing his career. Maintaining his rank as Colonel, François was relegated to training irregulars in Brittany, a job that he resented with all of his heart. So when Napoleon returned, it was only the words of his then-ailing father to keep him in line with the King. It was advice that would save his career, for he was recalled to fight with a regiment of cavalry reservists against the Bonapartists. He would also become the comte de Pontécoulant in this time.

With his motley crew of reservists, François raided and harassed the Bonapartists, earning him the respect of the British and also the trust of the Bourbons. Being promoted to General de division, both partly due to a lack of viable officers and due to his competent commanding ability. François assumed command of a divison, where he proved to be a decently charismatic officer, thus far partially restoring the faltering morale of his division within the Royal Army.

Politically, François is intentionally ignorant, due to the vehement hatred and conflict he saw in the 4th Hussars during the Napoleonic Wars, he decided to keep his political beliefs to himself, something he advises all his officers and subordinates to do as well. Privately, he is a staunch royalist, a loyal supporter of the King and the monarchy. He believes in a limited bill of rights as to placate the people and weak legislature as to ease the burden of governing that rests upon the Monarch's shoulders. As comte de Pontécoulant, he has married a conservative wife, and he has three children, two sons and a daughter. He loves France, God, the Army, and His Majesty.

Spoiler: Positions Held

In the French Royal Army:
Corporal (1788-1792)

In the French Revolutionary Army:
Corporal (1792-1793)
Sergeant (1793-1795)
2nd Lieutenant (1795-1798)
Lieutenant (1798-1800)
Captain (1800-1805)

In the Grande Armée
Captain (1805-1807)
Major (1807-1809)
Lt. Colonel (1809-1812)
Colonel (1812-1814)

In the French Royal Army:
Major General (1814 - Present)

Spoiler: General Information

Name: François Paul Bourier
Date of Birth: August 12th, 1770 (45)
Place of Birth: Roullours, Frances
Current Residency: Paris, France.
Religion: Catholic
Profession: Military Officer
Political Affiliation: Ultraroyalist (Moderateish not really but kinda)
Social Class: Aristocrat
Alma Mater: French Royal Army
Fluent in: French

 

[Luftwafer]

Name: Jean Luc Gottoliard
Livelihood: Former Officer and absentee landlord
Age: 35 (15th August 1780)

Bio: Jean was born into a family of successful city dwellers, his father a respected lawyer, and his mother the daughter of an obscure noble from Brittany. He grew up as a well off youth, his father's wealth growing when in 1790 in response to the removal of noble privelledges, he purchased swathes of land in southern France and had them worked by sharecroppers. A young Jean enjoyed physical activity, and soon towered over others his age. He was nonetheless classically educated, as was the fashion at the time.

This stopped however when at the age of 15 he was accepted in the École militare, a prestigious academy in Paris. Here he studied for two years, before graduating 17th in the class of 1797, and being commissioned into the 111ie regiment de ligne, as a second lieutenant.

He performed admirably and was promoted to the rank of captain in 1802 and being promoted into the Grenadier Company in 1804.

In 1806 he distinguished himself by the leading the charge against a prominent Battery of cannon, successfully taking the Battery even after 6 salvos of canister fire decimated his men, being personally wounded in the action, after he was shot in the shoulder by a musket.

For these deeds he was inducted into the Legion of honour, as a legionnaire. He was also granted personal leave to return to his home in Paris.

After his personal leave of 6 months, he was reasssigned as captain of the first grenadier company in the 105th line regiment. Here he again showed himself as a leader, charging into an Austrian curassier attack, to drive them off, the Austrians quickly turned and ran, but not before Jean was slashed with a sabre on the back, leaving a scar.

He would prove himself for a third time at Raab in 1809, personally leading the charge against a battery of 12 austrian guns holding the field. He was the first into contact, and for this he was made an officer of the legion of honour. In the leave from campaigning and his stay at his home he married the daughter of a newly made Baron from Normandy, a son would later follow in 1813, after his return from Russia.

He was also inducted into the Imperial Guard, as a Lieutenant in the 1st foot grenadier guard regiment. Here he served in the illfated invasion of Russia in 1812, being forced to march through the pitiful conditions of the Russian winter, being among the few surviving groups that managed to escape the Cold and Cossacks.

He fought in the Battle of Dresden, the last great victory of Napoleon, the fighting at the battle of nations, and the fighting retreat at La rothiere.

His last commendation would come at the battle of Hanau, where a decisive counter-charge stopped the Colours being captured by the Bavarians, after the Eagle bearer was cut down.

For this feat, he was made the eagle bearer of the regiment. However he was unable to play any part in the rest of the campaign, being drawn away from the Battle of Paris, he was unable to defend the Capital of his nation, and was forced to witness the Emperor forced away and a king take his place.

He applied unsuccessfully to join his emperor in his exile, and only was able to see him again in 1815, during the restoration of the Emperor to the throne, where he carrying the eagle, took part in Ligny, and Waterloo.

At Waterloo, during the Great charge of the old Guard, he was shot in the calf,shattering it, and rendering him unable to walk, due to this he had to be dragged back behind the lines by the musicians of the guard.

He however joined the final rally of the old guard, which pushed back two seperate allied charges, while retreating in relatively good order, however the Napoleonic era, had been ended, and once more the emperor had to be waved off for the final time.

With the end of an era, Jean now awaits what is to follow, and how the new king will act towards his subjects.

 

[99KingHigh]

Chapter 1: The White Cockade (January 1814 - August 13th 1815)​

From the South came the Iron Duke. From Switzerland came the Prince of Schwarzenberg. From the Alsace came Blücher. From Italy came Bellegrade. Above them all came the Tsar and his viridescent waves of vengeance. Before the Caporal la Violette came half-a-million boots — emissaries of those abused by the excesses of imperial ambition and the zealous pursuit of dominion over mankind. But as the former master of Europe amassed his petty garrisons for a final defense against the regal alliance, discontent spread amongst the compatriots of the coalition. Each kingdom feuded over the particulars of the peace, assumed the conflict had reached an ordained conclusion, and demanded some concession as recompense for the abuses done to their nation. Division preceded blunder, and soon the former Master of Europe seemed poised to achieve the impossible, and save France from occupation. As the invaders watched with nervous apprehension, the great statesmen of Europe began to utter the words “compromise” and “conciliation.” It seemed the Bonapartes, unpopular everywhere within and without France, would paddle along and save their dynasty from certain deposition. It depended all on the military ingenuity of the Emperor and the resolve of his chief officers; the more fierce his resistance the more fractured the coalition would become. Napoleon might lose the war, the crown, or even his vast territorial expanse, but each minor victory pulled the allies apart and the succession of the King of Rome became conceivable.

Campagne de France, by Ernest Meissonier, 1864
​

In October 1813, after Leipzig, King Louis XVIII of the House of Bourbon, exiled in London, was convinced that any attempt to the throne of France would require internal conspiracy. Determined to rally some domestic momentum to the deposed regal family, Louis sent his nephew, the Duc de Berry, and his brother, the comte d'Artois to the continent in order to rally insurrection. With encouragement from the furtive underground royalist group, Chevaliers de la Foi, the royal scions departed England. The Duc de Berry, who landed in Normandy, was soon informed that the nearby counties were unprepared for insurrection; only old gendarmes received the Duke. Desperate for a victory, the Chevaliers de la Foi disseminated the rumor that the Allied armies had guaranteed the restoration of the monarchy — the scheme worked at first and Austrian and Russian leaders were greeted as liberators in Franche-Comte and Lorraine. Official instructions, however, from the allied command instructed forces to ignore the Bourbons. Undeterred by the setback, Alexis de Noailles, the Marqius de Windranges, and Chevalier de Doualt, who had succeeded in organizing a royalist demonstration, went to see the Tsar, who replied to their entreaties for support coldly: “How does it happen that after having occupied a third of France, we find that the people are not acclaiming the old dynasty?” The Tsar received no further Chevaliers de la Foi. The matter was worsened by Napoleon’s extraordinary military recovery in February 1814; the comte d'Artois arrived in Besoul only to have his passport demanded by a low-ranking Austrian officer. Monsieur (the title of the French heir) was further insulted when the Russian governor of Nancy refused to allow the posting of Bourbon proclamations. When the nervous and royalized Talleyrand sent Baron Vitrolles to Metternich about a possible restoration, Metternech bluntly declared: “Let France speak out. It is her business. Not ours.”

Monsieur Charles Philippe de Bourbon, comte d'Artois and Tsar Alexander the Blessed (II)
​

And that is exactly what happened. France spoke out. Ferdinand de Bertier de Sauvigny, the leader of the Chevaliers de la Foi, had planned to scheme a takeover of several southern towns, but the independence of the movement was compromised by the revelation of the plot. Sauvigny and his 200 regrouped, and now in conjunction with the Duke of Wellington, launched their conspiracy in Bordeaux, where the entire populace was consumed with hatred for the empire. On the morning of March 12, the Chevaliers de la Foi addressed the town council and soon thereafter, the English entered the city under good order. The mayor of Bordeaux, Jean-Baptise Lynch, grabbed a white cockade, shoved it on his hat, and shouted “Long live the king! Long live the Bourbons!” The crowd quickly erupted into a roar of “Vive Le Roi!” and an enormous white flag was unfurled atop the Saint-Michel tower. At about three o’clock the Duc de Angoulême arrived to electric acclaim, and began to establish royal governance in one of France’s largest cities. The news from the Bordeaux events caused sudden agitation throughout the entire region; imperial officials fled with haste as declarations of insurrection poured out of the Vendée. The sudden burst of royalism surprised the Allies — Lord Liverpool hurriedly called his cabinet together while a confounded Metternich suddenly became amenable to restoration. On March 28 1814, all the great diplomats gathered at Castlereagh’s residence — Hardenberg, Metternich, Razumovsky, and lesser lords — and drank for the first time to the success of the Bourbons. But if there was to be true success, the royalists would have to replicate their triumph in Paris, where royalist support depended upon the general council of the Seine department. Above all else, Napoleon would have to be the unwitting accomplice of his own deposition.

Charles-Maurice of Talleyrand-Périgord, Prince de Bénévent and his many loyalties
​

Luckily for the conspirators, Napoleon proved the most assured cooperator. In his haste to launch an offensive against the allies, Napoleon exposed Paris to occupation; complete with royalist assistance the allies were all too aware that Paris was in no mood to resist. On the 30th of March, one hundred thousand Allied troops attacked Paris, defended by King Joseph and Marshals Marmont and Mortier with 40,000 troops. Joseph was unable to defend Paris long enough for Napoleon to relieve the attack, and upon the Emperor’s discovery of Paris' fall, he shouted “What treachery! Surrendering! Joseph has lost the whole thing! Four hours sooner and all would have been saved.” The surrender was formalized at 6 AM on the 31st of March 1814. That same hour Tsar Alexander marched into the city and received the Paris city council; over the next four hours the Chevaliers de la Foi entered the city to cries of welcome and “Vive Le Roi!” The Tsar, however, was still uncertain of the Bourbon restoration. The same afternoon, Alexander took residence at Talleyrand’s home, and told Talleyrand that he foresaw three options: make peace with Napoleon after obtaining every possible guarantee, establish a regency with Empress Marie Louise, or re-establish the Bourbons. Talleyrand rejected the first two and resolutely asserted that no peace was possible with Napoleon; the regency was, as Nesselrode said, “the Empire with the emperor behind the scenes.” In order to quell Alexander’s fears, Talleyrand told the Tsar that he would call for a deliberation of the Senate, and soon thereafter procured the support of the King of Prussia and Schwartzenberg. Later that night, the royalists conducted another secret meeting, and formed a deputation with Ferrand, César de Choiseul, Chateaubriand, and Sosthènes de la Rochefoucauld, in order to convince the Tsar to favour the return of the Bourbons and to direct the Parisian newspapers to publish pro-Bourbon articles. Over the next two days, royalist sentiment spread across the patrician and plebeian classes as the imperial Senate formed a Provincial Council and announced the deposition of Napoleon. The only condition was from the Tsar, who said that Marie Louise could retain the throne if Napoleon accepted abdication without delay.

La Barrière de Clichy, by Horace Vernet (1819) and the Russian occupation of Paris.
​

The following days involved a confusing back-and-forth of possible claimants. The Tsar oscillated between the Queen Regent and the King of Rome as successors to Napoleon, and events took charge. Marshal Marmont defected his army to the Tsar, and Napoleon, stunned, moved his army to the Loire; the plenipotentiary marshals soon returned from Paris and tried to force the Napoleon’s hand to abdication and avoid civil war. In one last attempt, Napoleon tried to convince his marshals to continue the fight, but they stubbornly refused, and thus gave his unconditional abdication to Caulaincourt as the provisional government in Paris drafted a constitution for Louis XVIII. But the new constitution as drafted by the provincial government brewed new problems for the royal family. Louis XVIII could not be expected to “sleep in Napoleon’s bed,” or in other words, adopt purely and simply the style and methods of the imperial despotism. What monarchy would rule France: the absolute, divine-right monarchy or the contractual, constitutional monarchy based on popular sovereignty? These two concepts had already collided in personalist quarrels between “pure” royalists of the ancien regime and modern constitutionalists. Although the pure royalists constituted the backbone of the Chevaliers de la Foi and the lieutenant-governor was never known for his liberal proclivities, the momentum and power swung with the senatorial faction under Talleyrand. As the new President of the Council Talleyrand orchestrated the production of a constitution that would invite Louis to take the throne under certain conditions, which was manifested in a document that denied the legitimacy of Louis XVII and offered the throne to Louis Stanislas-Xavier, not Louis XVIII. The terms might have appeared negligible to an impartial observer but not to a descendant of Louis XIV. But the Senate blundered, and declared the incumbent senate hereditary and eternal, and included pecuniary matters in the Constitution. The pure royalists led the popular counter-attack, and declared in the next day's papers “A constitution? What do you mean? It’s a constitution dealing with dividends!” Without public support the Senate acted without true power as all eyes were fixed upon the returning royals.

Empress of the French, Queen of Italy, Marie Louise and her son, the King of Rome, Napoleon II
​

The comte d'Artois was the first to arrive in Paris on April 12th to a triumphal procession and jubilant population, which applauded a cavalcade of gaily bedecked uniforms marching in picturesque disorder. Overcome with emotions as Monsieur passed house fronts decked with flags and tapestries, the sobbing Charles-Phillipe was welcomed by the Parisian authorities and Talleyrand, while the rest of the Senate stayed away. The prince was so affected by the display of admiration that he nearly fainted as he climbed the steps of the Tuileries. The parade and arrival of Charles-Philippe, however, changed the political situation little; the Tsar remained behind the Senate and the comte d'Artois’ options were few. Nonetheless, Talleyrand was able to maneuver a compromise whereby the prerogatives of the provincial government passed to the lieutenant general, and Louis was called to France upon whence he “may have accepted the constitutional charter.” Each side gained a point: the senate by obliging the king’s representative to accept his power from its hand; and the Count of Artois in taking this point without compromising by a single word or by a specific commitment the principle of the pre-existing divine right of the monarchy. The conflict of substance, however, persisted, and they would have to wait before Louis returned to France. In the meantime, Charles-Phillipe and Talleyrand turned towards governance. Almost everywhere, with the exception of the south, the change in regime was quiet. Fifteen years of passive submission had accustomed to the entire nation to acquiescence; only one perfect resisted the change of the regimes. Meanwhile, the liberated press unleashed hell on the fallen emperor. Chateaubriand’s denunciations of the Emperor included the “son of the Ajaccio process server” and warned of Napoleon’s “semi-African family” whose regime was the representative of “crime, oppression, and slavery.” Only the military was reluctant, and Charles-Phillipe found it a delicate issue to have the forces replace their tricolored cockade with the white cockade. Rather than actually bother with the diplomacy, Talleyrand simply wrote false letters to Marshal Jourdan that Marshal Marmont had accepted the white cockade, and trusting the patriotism of Marmont, the French army thus submitted to the white-cockade. The final matter was the procurement of a controversial armistice with the allied troops, who had taken over provincial departments and were engaged in the taxation of the constituencies. The armistice reduced France to the boundaries of January 1792, and thus stained the reputation of Talleyrand and the ratifier, Charles-Philippe.

The Return of Charles-Phillipe, Pauline Azuzou, 1826
​

When the Marquis of La Maisonfort gave the news of the events of Paris, he cried out joyously: “Sire, you are King of France!” Louis XVIII replied coldly: “Have I ever ceased to be?” His unshakeable conviction of his rights, and his awareness of his dignity were second nature to him. After receiving word of the friendly reception to his brother, Louis left Hartwell House, and was given a grand sendoff by the Prince-Regent of England, who wished to make amends for all the slights that his ministry had issued to Louis. The departure was resplendent, and Louis was shipped off from Dover, where he sailed to the coast. Upon the sight of land, Louis raised his hat, extended his arms, and then placed on hand on his heart in the midst of sobs and shouts. He made landfall and gave happy welcome to “his children.” For the next few days, Louis was given a hero’s welcome throughout France, and even gave an inspiring speech to the Marshals, who were so impressed by the eloquence and warmness of his words that they restrained the ranting and railing of the emperor’s army-camp language. The next day, the King received Talleyrand after mass. King Louis XVIII inaugurated their conversation with a little quip to assert his dominance: “My dear Prince of Benevento. I am very happy to see you again. A lot has happened since the last time we met. You see we [the Bourbons] have come out on top. If you had, you would have said to me ‘Let’s sit down and talk,’ but instead I shall say ‘Sit down and let’s talk.’” Louis was thereafter the master and was unconvinced by the constitutional arguments. Nor was Louis moved from his convictions by the Tsar, who blundered his etiquette in the court of the descendants of Saint Louis. Proved obstinate and brilliant, Louis forced his foes to back down, and negotiated a settlement whereby the senate would not insist on his accepting the constitution before they recognized him, and, in exchange the sovereign would promise to give a constitution wout delay on the basis of the document acknowledged by his brother. By May 3rd the Charter of 1814 was posted across the walls of the capital. In other words, although the senate had succeeded in preventing the return of outright absolute monarchy, the principle of divine right remained intact; with his head held high, he entered the capital.

Allégorie du retour des Bourbons le 24 avril 1814: Louis XVIII relevant la France de ses ruines.
​

The onlookers watched with curiosity as a fat man, looking sick and weary, dressed in a blue overcoat with gold epaulettes and with a huge crooked hat on his head, passed by in a carriage drawn by eight-horses, apparently unimpressed by the joyous cries that filled the Parisian air. At his side was the Duchess of Angouleme, Old Conde, while Charles-Philippe and his two sons rode on horseback beside the carriage. Upon arrival at the Tuileries, the Duchess of Angouleme fainted; she had not seen the palace since that fatal day on August the 10th, 1792. It was sometimes said that as he passed through the masses with loud applause, the King replied under his breath: “You scoundrels, you Jacobins, you monsters!” Henceforth, the crown would be consumed with matters of state. And the problems were not miniscule. Guillaume de Bertier de Sauvigny related the tribulations: “to bind up the wounds of war; to rebuild the house of France from the ruins of the great European Empire; to fit the old monarchical, patriarchal, theocratic, and feudal institution into the new Napoleonic, national, secular, and administrative state; to balance the new society emerging from the Revolution with the old privileged classes who intended to reoccupy their places along with the king.” For the next year, Louis conducted the affairs of state with a degree of personal intervention, commanding a degree of respect but not a degree of love with his Olympian selfishness and facetiousness. The balance that Louis tried to maintain between crown and law was delicate; Charles never tried to conceal his disdain for anything connected with the Revolution. His son, the Duc de Angoulême, was far more temperate and humble in his affairs, while the Duc de Berry was instantly popularized as the last hope for familial reproduction and public popularity. Louis’ ministers were no more homogeneous; Talleyrand flaunted his foreign acumen as the Baron Louis made good work of restoring the financial confidence of the nation. Other ministers demonstrated only incompetence; the paucity of princes forced an unintentional insult to the army when the King was compelled to appoint the disgraced General Dupont as minister of war. Only Chancellor Dambray and the Count of Blacas were truley “the King’s men.” All other power was covertly accumulated by Talleyrand as he negotiated the First Peace of Paris, earned 700,000 more citizens in France, restored the French colonies from Great Britain, and avoided severe financial indemnities.

From left to right: Charles, Count of Artois, Louis XVIII, Marie Caroline, Duchesse of Berry, Marie Thérèse, Duchesse of Angoulême, Louis Antoine, Duke of Angoulême and Charles Ferdinand, Duke of Berry.
​

The Charter, meanwhile, was interpreted as a hastily thrown together compromise. Barante noted that he thought “nobody expected it to last very long.” For the moment, however, the King could be proud of his masterpiece; the principal demands of public opinion had been satisfied, yet the principle of his legitimacy survived. The king then proceeded to address the new legislature, formed from Napoleon’s old legislative party, and gave a speech that was greeted with great enthusiasm. The Charter was then read aloud, which gave great relief to liberals who had clamored for concession. Afterwards the Chancellor gave notice to the new peers of the Chamber, and made generous concession to former cooperators of Napoleon. It was clear that Louis was to play the role of a generous prince; was this not his day of triumph? No, it was not to be. A series of blunders weakened the momentum of the new state from the onset; General Dupont took the army off war-footing and relieved 300,000 men of their command, confusing pensions and general organization. Napoleon’s imperial guard, was divided and scattered across France, against even the wisdom of the former Emperor himself. The cause of modernism was further undermined by extravagant (and expensive) military and court titles in the traditional and anachronistic style. Furthermore, church affairs were swiftly elevated in priority and many opulent funerals were conducted to the dead of the Revolution, including King Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette, Mme Elizabeth, Louis XVII, and the Duc de Enghien. The only product of these processions of pomp was the reinvigoration of Revolutionary memories. Another point of difficulty was the matter of contested estates, which although theoretically resolved in the Charter, would only be resolved if a spirit of “heroic abnegation” overtook the former orders and subdued them to the spoliation in silence. Louis could not just content himself to the unhappy fate of the emigres. Laws were passed by the provisional Chamber of Deputies that provided all unsold land to the former proprietors. In Baron Louis’ budget, confiscated church land and forestry was sold, despite uproar from the royalists. Soon thereafter the five per cent bonds rose to seventy-eight francs, an indubitable indication that the state’s credit had been restored. But whatever the cause — church land auctions, opulent titles, general poverty, military defamation — the Restoration soon became unpopular and subject to the vitriol of the free press, and only by Fouche’s aggressiveness was a conspiratorial mutiny prevented. The internal situation in early 1815 was hostile enough to cause difficulty, but had it not been for the audaciousness of Napoleon, the opposition would have been unlikely to succeed.

Plump and desirable.
​

Meanwhile, in the Congress of Vienna, Talleyrand acted as Louis’ emissary in the grand diplomatic game. Talleyrand tried to split the Coalition over central European issues, but failed and helped it overcome internal difficulties in the resolution of Saxony, Poland, Austria, and Prussia. In the matter of Naples, however, Louis was far more determined to succeed and dethrone Murat. Metternich, no lover of Murat, was nonetheless tied by an early 1814 treaty with the Napoleon’s brother-in-law. Metternich indicated to Talleyrand that he would not permit French troops to invade Italy and depose Murat. Murat’s eventual downfall would only come from his invasion of the Papal States and the subsequent abrogation of Austria’s treaty relations with Naples. Murat’s incentive to invade was opportunistic and straightforward; the Emperor had returned.

The brig Inconstant, under Captain Taillade and ferrying Napoleon to France, crosses the path of the brig Zéphir, under Captain Andrieux. Inconstant flies the tricolour of the Empire, while Zéphir flies the white ensign of the Monarchy.
​

It was only Sunday, March 5, late in the afternoon, when news of Napoleon’s return reached Paris. Slow communications had delayed the word of his arrival by four days, and the next day Napoleon would enter Grenoble. The king received the bad news with composure; the ministers too were confident this episode was little more than a mad goose-chase through rural France. The comte d'Artois departed for Lyons to take command of the forces while Louis called together the legislative houses to march imperial glories with the prestige of constitutional institutions and the moral support of their constituents. Innumerable departments passed ordinances denouncing the “usurper” as crowds gathered near the Tuileries Palace, seeking the latest news, and loudly acclaiming the king whenever he appeared. Even liberal opposition deputies were seen to come over to support of the government; La Fayette himself appeared at the palace with the white cockade, while Benjamin Constant thundered “I will never, Oh Miserable Deserter, drag myself from one authority to another or justify infamy with sophistry.” He would offer his services to Napoleon for the preparation of a new constitution fifteen days later. The comte d'Artois soon became the alarmist voice, and reflected to the King in his correspondence how Napoleon distanced himself from militarism in his public appeals. Easily persuaded by Marshal Macdonald, Charles abandoned Lyons as the cries of “Long Live the Emperor! Down with the Priests! Death to Royalists! Hang the Bourbons!” rang out from the troops. The defection of Lyons and the fervor of the working class turned the confidence of the Bourbons into panic; only a speech from Louis XVIII electrified the Parisian people to his cause. Alas, Marshal Ney’s defection ended the matter, and in the dead of night, Louis withdrew to Ghent for his second exile. Eugène François Auguste d'Arnauld, baron de Vitrolles, upon Louis’ command, exerted himself to foment insurrection against the Napoleonic restoration. Alongside the Duchess of Angouleme, Vitrolles failed to convince royalist towns to revolt against the imperial monarchy, and the Duchess made quick escape. For her valiant efforts, she earned Napoleon’s respect, who declared “She’s the only man in the family.” The statement was not exactly true; the Duc de Angoulême was demonstrating an equal determination to rally a resistance — the Duc managed to rally an impressive force and advanced towards Gap and Grenoble, where he defeated a superior force, before reinforcements overwhelmed his insurrection and he was compelled to negotiate a conditional surrender.

Napoleon returns from exile in Elba
​

The Hundred Days of Napoleon proved no more successful than Louis’ initial attempt at power. The western provinces broke out into open rebellion and fifty-thousand insurgents sealed off everywhere between Northern Brittany to the Vendean marches. General Lamarque was dispatched to quell the uprising, and after the death of the leader, Lamarque procured an end to hostilities. But even the royalist insurrection, if it had succeeded, would not have been enough to earn Louis his throne without foreign assistance; Louis made no hesitation to join the coalition against Napoleon even though it did not impress upon them an unconditional obligation to restore the King. In fact, the Allies, especially the Prussians, were determined to make the allies suffer, and considered the Duc de Orleans as a “possible king in reserve.” Orleans had dissociated from King Louis XVIII and remained in London, publicly criticizing the supposed ineptitude of the royalists. Even if Napoleon was defeated, Louis’ restoration was no more certain then it had been in 1814 — the army and the Parisian common public were loud in their acclaim of Napoleon II and the liberals in the legislature were equally sympathetic to the Duc de Orleans over Napoleon II and the legitimate sovereign. Louis XVIII, nevertheless, carried the day, because he had in his favor the advantage of one year of possession, and his supporters were more zealous and numerous to create difficulties for any other government. In the end, the ultimate decider, the Duke of Wellington, came out firmly for re-establishing the king. Fouché became the internal actor charged with the emperor’s elimination after Napoleon returned from Paris following his defeat at Waterloo. Napoleon’s most faithful followers—Regnault, Caulaincourt, and Joseph—urged him to save the imperial crown for the King of Rome. Finally, on June 22, after midday, Napoleon signed his second abdication. Fouché carried the abdication to the Chamber, and by Machiavellian maneuvers of the most impressive quality, became executive authority of the regal nomination committee. The Chamber of Deputies, the Parisian people, and the army were not enthusiastic about prospective royalism, and were eager to see the throne passed to the next Bonaparte.

Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington and Joseph Fouché, Duc d'Otrante​

To keep the chambers occupied, Fouché had the members draw up a constitution to be imposed on the next leader. Meanwhile, he shrewdly removed La Fayette and the principle liberal leaders by sending them on a mission to negotiate with the Allies on an armistice and the recognition of Napoleon II. La Fayette naively believed he was going to play the role of grand mediator between England and France, whereas Fouché saw La Fayette bouncing from general to general. After La Fayette’s departure, Fouché began to negotiate with the imprisoned Virtolles and asked for assurances that the royalists would not start a premature revolt in the capital and proclaim the restoration before the allied arrival; if the revolt was achieved it would be done without him and against him; if it failed he would be forced to lead the repression and would thereby be disqualified for a role in the future government of the king. However, the Anglo-Prussian armies arrived outside of Paris, and the Napoleonic army was eager for a fight, despite a ceasefire agreement between Wellington and the provincial government. It required all the prestige of Davout, Carnot, and other leaders to persuade the army to march southwards. Simultaneously, Louis XVIII and Talleyrand were marching posthaste to France, but Talleyrand would not be reduced again, and forced the king to wait on his person. As revenge, the next morning, the King left at 3 AM and forced Talleyrand, furious and exhausted, with his deformed foot, to chase after the king. Talleyrand accosted the king for giving the appearance of returning to the capital under the protection of foreign bayonets and implored the sovereign to go to Lyons first to negotiate his freedoms. Louis XVIII heard him without a word until he said crisply: “My prince, you are leaving us? The waters of Carlsbad are excellent. They will do you a lot of good, and you can write us from here.” Without another word he got up and went back inside his carriage, leaving Talleyrand stupefied and foaming with rage.

Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette and Marshal Davout
​

Wellington would reconcile the two soon thereafter, and the prince rejoined the king at Cambrai, where the King was once again hailed by popular jubilance. The king made a series of proclamations, apologizing for the errors of the previous government, promising to add to the Charter any guarantees which could content the people, and pressed the people to forgive “those Frenchmen who had gone astray.” Nonetheless, Louis refused to pardon the executors of his deposition and prepared to charge them once he returned to Paris. Fouché, who was negotiating with Talleyrand and Wellington, gravely multiplied the forthcoming difficulties of governance and earned himself a position as Minister of Police. Chateaubriand recounted the episode; “the trusty regicide, on his knees, put his hands, which had pushed Louis XVI’s head under the knife, into the hands of the brother of the martyred kind; the apostate bishop was guarantor of the oath.” The next day Fouché returned to the committee of the provincial government and declared that the group should dissolve as the Allies had decided to restore the monarchy. Louis XVIII, ignoring the advice of his new minister, entered Paris on July 8th, where he was received (contrary to the premonitions of Fouché) by long pent-up royalists and enthusiastic crowds.

An incident in the terror, 1815 (1895)
​

Soon after the return of the king, Louis assembled a veritable government team through the direction of Prime Minister (President of the Council). Talleyrand was the natural choice to lead the team, which excluded all pure royalists (now adopting the name ultraroyalist) and included certain former Bonapartists and revolutionaries. The first order of business was to obtain the surrender of Davout’s army beyond the Loire. Davout at first conditioned his surrender and adoption of the white cockade on terms against future reprisal, but he was eventually persuaded to make an unconditional surrender. The regal ordinance of July 24th which forced Davout’s resignation not only was contrary to the promises made to the army but was also in violation of the King’s solemn promises. But the allies, now brimming with vindictive energy, demanded punitive action; it seemed wiser to lance the abscess of judicial process and make it known who was accused and who was not. Fouche was given the task of compiling a list, but seemed to give such a heterogeneous mix of names that it seemed to deliberately discredit the entire project, especially as the list contained names of his own personal friends. The final proscription list, after revision by ministers and deputies, contained fifty-seven names, among many of whom were court-martialed. The other members were put under house-arrest until the legislature could decide their fate. When Carnon, a member of this latter group, wrote to Fouché “Where do you want me to go, traitor?” Fouché responded with “Wherever you wish, idiot.” Nevertheless, Fouche helped many of his friends escape the country, and gave early warning to those accused. The first to die, despite Fouché's efforts, was a Colonel La Bedoyere, who Fouché had tried to smuggle to the United States. When the Colonel returned to bid his wife farewell, he was recognized and executed. So began the White Terror.

The Status of the Nation​

​

AN ELECTION has been called, and the kingdom is in turmoil!

ACROSS FRANCE, governments await the appointment of prefects from Paris; there is little government.

ACROSS THE SOUTH OF FRANCE, royalist "verdets" gangs and committees rule with their own arbitrary law! They don the cockade of the comte d'Artois; white and green! They clamor for ultraroyalism!

MARSHAL BRUNE has been murdered in Toulouse! Howling mobs parade through the city!

MARSHAL NEY has been arrested! His trial is imminent!

AT NIMES, former imperial troops are attacked by rioting crowds. Hundreds are assumed dead!

IN TOULOUSE, General Ramel has been assassinated! The “verdets” hold the streets hostage and exact vengeance for the injustices of the Empire.

IN THE NORTH, Anglo-Prussian armies occupy the countryside! There are over 1 MILLION foreign soldiers in France! Blucher cries for vengeance! ONLY HIS ROYAL MAJESTY saves Iena Bridge from destruction! A peace treaty must be procured!

THE ECONOMIC SITUATION is dire! National output is lower than before the Revolution of 1789. Industry is stagnant. Barter is common, if not dominant. Agriculture suffers from the burdens of warfare. Banking has ground to a standstill. Poverty is everywhere!

THE NOBILITY demand their privileges! THE BOURGEOIS demand their rights! WHISPERS of conspiracy are always close!

VIVE LE ROI!
​

--
The election begins. And so does the terror. A few days of IC to earn PP and then the ballots will open. Go forth and conquer.

 

[ManuelD'Garkia]

Alexandre Maximilian Reynard.
Born: 1st of January 1790; Age 25.
Political Affiliation: Republicanism.
Department: Seine-et-Oise.
Occupations: Political writer, owner of a pub in Paris, revolutionary.

Bio:

- Alexandre was the son of Jean Alec Reynard, a petty merchant that, in the year 1789, decided to join the Revolution, leaving his merchant life behind to become a revolutionary. His wife, Marie Danielle Fontaine, the sole daughter of another petty merchant, got pregnant little time before the Revolution, and by the time the dust started to settle, Alec found himself with a family that he needed to take care off.

He bought a pub in Paris with the money he had left and from the inheritance his wife's father left when he died, and moved his wife and son there. As Alexandre growed, his father tought him the ideas of the Enlightenment, and educated him in politics, always criticizing Robespierre and his Reign of Terror claiming that they had betrayed the republican traditions.

His father died in 1805 when Alexandre was 15 after a time of illness, and her mother dies three years later from syphilis as she had an affair with a wealthy parisian man, leaving Alexandre alone to attend the pub and survive by himself.

During the Napoleonic Era he mantained a low profile, but he was a writer in an underground newspapper that critiziced Napoleon, the Empire and claimed for the return of the Republic, and he even hosted secret meetings at his pub with fellow revolutionaries to discuss about politics, the future of France and if the Republic would even return.

After the first fall of Napoleon, Alexandre began the labour of searching for support for the formation of a new Republic and to do a new Revolution, and he was shocked when the Emperor returned to found cheering crowds in the streets of Paris.

But now, as the Empire felt again and the situation became unstable, Alexandre knew this was the time to work again, and to start to spread the ideas of Liberté, Égalité and Fraternité, so he reunited with some old friends and started, at the basement of his pub, to host meetings and to print
Le Républicain Révolutionnaire, and to ignite the flames of the Revolution again.

 

[Eid3r]

Pourquoi les nations s’agitent-elles en tumulte et les peuples méditent-ils de vains projets?

Psaume 2, verset 1

The carriage was slowly making its way on the muddy roads made barely practicable by the torrential rain which had befell on the Ile-de-France for the better part of a week. The trip from the southern region of the Gers toward the kingdom’s capital had been both long and exhausting for the old and worn body of the Bishop of Montauban. While years before he would have abhorred the luxury of the carriage, which was quite modest in itself, he simply did not enjoy the vigor of the youth for travelling by foot, from village to village, stopping in every hamlet like he used to do.

“The Almighty challenge us all in various fashion”, he muttered for himself when he was awoken from his slumber by yet another bump in the road, which made him bang the top of his head against the roof of the carriage.

“Vous-dites, Monseigneur?” quickly japed the driver, upon hearing noise coming from the cabin.

“All is fine, my dear Monsieur LeBlanc. Pace e bene”.

“We are approaching Orléans, Monseigneur. We should reach the capital by sunset.”

“Alas, my dear Leblanc, there is barely any sun to set in this miserable weather. If it is true, like Montesquieu postulated, that weather breeds the character and heart of men, this country’s constitution and fortitude will be of ill luck.” Answered the prelate.

“Haut les coeurs, Monseigneur. Not all of France can be as beautiful and radiant as our beloved Gers.” Argued the driver.

“Well said, well said. Truer words were not uttered since Moses was granted God’s commandments on the Sinai.” Laughed the old man.

The carriage continued on its path, until it stopped in a desolate inn bordering the route de Vauroux, just outside the small town of Étampes. The driver quickly opened the door for the prelate, who stepped outside, stretching is aching limbs. The priest quickly signed himself before entering the building, which had clearly seen better days.

“We are out of mutton!” said the old innkeeper. She was a woman well past her prime, a prime on could guess was never synonym of endowment. She looked at the old priest and quickly brushed her hands against her apron, ashamed of her worn out look. “Monseigneur, mais pardonnez-moi cette inconvenance!”

The southerner smiled softly, waving his hand in the sign of the cross. “Broth will be fine, my dear, and if we could be so bold as to inquire about the luxury of a little piece of burnt bread, we shall feast like kings tonight.” He then proceeded to inquire about the innkeeper’s family, bringing up the tale sadly too common in these difficult years.

“Had two wee boys, you see. De petits anges. Both taken away from me, in Prussia and in Russia. Since my husband René died two years ago, I have been running the inn alone, with some little help here and there.” She explained.

“A plight sadly too common in these dark years. Unbridled liberty burnt the very core of our fair people and deprived us of our sons and daughters, throwing the veil of mourning and uncertainty over too many heads. But we must have a resolute fate in the future, for while the Almighty is testing our resolve, he knows well enough that we shall meet his challenge head on. After all, isn’t France the eldest daughter of the Church?”

“Lofty words, Monseigneur, but alas, prayer does not garnish my pantry.” Complained the old woman.

“Touché! But the King and the sound administration of the Realm will.” Answered the priest.

The rest of the meal was spent in silence, the old man muttering prayers between long sips of a poor broth who had more in common with stale water than with anything approaching the allure of a vegetable. He left some coin at the table, enough to cover his pittance, then engulfed himself back into the carriage, in which he slept the rest of the way to the capital.

Long before he saw Paris, he smelled it. The odour of licentiousness, a thick fumet of vice and sin, a modern-day Gomorrah selling itself at the lowest bidder with the basest of instinct. He softly smiled, looking through the window of the carriage, his mind racing. Time to bring some order to chaos.

 

[Eid3r]

((secret))

Late at night, a rider was sent toward the Rhine, with a letter for the recently returned Count of Berstett.

 

[Dadarian]

The Death of Brune
​

"Mort au traître"* cried de Couteau, dagger in hand.

"Mort au traître" responded the mob, tearing into Marshal Brune.

"Perdre du sang pour la France"** cried de Couteau as he plunged his dagger into the breast of the Marshal.

"Perdre du sang pour la France" brayed the mob, as they cheered the Marshal's head aloft.

"Noyer les païens, couler pour vos péchés"*** shouted de Couteau, kicking the body into the river.

"Noyer les païens, couler pour vos péchés" screeched the crowd, it's appetite for blood whetted by Bonapartist murder.

-
​

*Death to traitors.
**Bleed for France.
***Drown heathen, sink for your sins.

 

[Dadarian]

The Death of Ramel
​

"Voilà!"* pointed de Couteau, bringing his bloodied blade from his looted shirt. "A trouvé le traître!**"

General Ramel, who was calmly walking with a pair of guards, gave a gasp of surprise as the mob laid upon them. A pair of strikes broke open the skulls of the Bonapartist goons, before they could raise their sabres in defense of the Napoleonic officer.

"Accrochez l'homme, pendez-le!***" the mob, whipped into a frenzy, all but growled. Ramel, shocked at the incident around him, did little but hang his mouth open in shock and horror as he was hauled up a lamp post by the neck until he stopped kicking.

All the while to the cheers of the Verdets.

-
​

*A Ha!
**Found the traitor.
***Hang the man, hang him!

 

[Nax24]

*While on route to Paris, Nathanaël Barrande begins writing in a journal*

August 6th
1815

Thus begins my long journey to Paris...

The home that I was birthed in remains distant and foggy. I have yet to have a day where I lose myself in the manor, yet to have a day where the servants guide me through the interior. Mother always told me this place housed lords and ladies for generations, but it did not house me. They say that my father had peasants and servants attend to his every need in that house, and the needs of my mother. Yet, the home that I was birthed in is one that memory eludes me of. For years, I have only dreamed of what it would be like, to be nobility, to matter in a country, to have the same life my father had, the life my mother told me in her stories. Now that I am here, I feel out of place, distant from my fellow Frenchmen, like one of the foreigners who invaded and remain inside the country.

It will be a long journey indeed...

Why me? Why someone who lost so much be chosen to sit in this "Chamber of Peers", someone young and not known with this world that is being shaped. Do they want a fresh face? Do they want to cater to men of my age? Have the politics of this nation become so desperate that they need someone like me? Doubt besets me as to the reasons why I was selected. My father would be perplexed by this situation, he did not sit in some Chamber or some legislature dictating what the King wants to dictate. His chamber was his house, his people were those of L'Isle Jourdain, and the only people he had to answer to was the King and God. Now though, with these Charters and reforms, would it be enough to keep the peace?

Rumors from the south, mobs butcher men in the streets, men who simply fought on the wrong side of the past wars. Do they deserve such a fate, to be murdered like animals?

My mind is swirling with optimism and pessimism, with hope and despair. I do not belong in this place, yet in this place I reside. I need guidance, for I feel lost in this cyclone of cynicism and faith. What will become of me in Paris?

Perhaps I should write more, write about what is to come. Perhaps one-day, it will all dawn on me like a ray of light dawns on the fields of Le Gers every morning.

It will be a very long journey indeed...

-Nathanaël Barrande

 

[Rolman99]

Medárd François, Baron of Briançon (Born Medárd François Charron)
Born: June 6, 1774 (d. August 21, 1815 during the Toulouse Riots which he partly started)
Birthplace: Briançon, Hautes-Alpes
Religion: Roman Catholic
Profession: Baron and Landlord, formerly subsistence farmer and soldier turned officer
Department: Alpes (Hautes)
Social Class: Peasant turned lesser noble
Political Beliefs: Nominally a Pro-Bourbon Doctrinaire, rumors swirling about of Bonapartism and other nasty things​

Biography: Born as Medárd François Charron as the eleventh child to a farming family in the countryside outside of Briançon, Medárd should have lived the mundane life of a dirt poor peasant, working until death. What actually happened was quite different. Medárd was swept up as a conscript into the War of the First Coalition under the newly-introduced policy of levée en masse. He joined up with the Republicans during the strife in the Vendée, where he became known for a reckless disregard for his own life in near-suicidal acts of courage. He stormed a farmhouse filled with insurgents alone with a bayonet and two flintlock pistols. Five were killed and he rounded up and captured the rest, around one dozen. This saw him become a sergent effectively overnight, and he continued to impress his higher ups through very foolish acts of bravery, peppered with admittedly impressive feats of leadership. Later, Medárd was part of Napoleon’s campaigns in Italy, where he claims to have crossed the bridge of Arcole, but it can never really be known for sure, and his account is far from the generally accepted one’s. Regardless of that, Medárd became rather infatuated with the new Emperor Napoleon with the birth of his Empire after his coronation in 1804. He continued to fight with distinction on both a personal level and for the troops under him, and Medárd would claim that he killed a dozen Russians at Austerlitz. Once again, he gained renown when a few hundred French soldiers broke and ran in the face of a devastating Russian cavalry charge, Medárd stood atop a fallen French officer’s horse and yelled the praises of the Emperor and urged for the fleeing troops to “strike down these Habsburg Tartars’ consorts”. It was only after he shot a fleeing Frenchman that they turned back around, and a less reliable source claims that Medárd used a musket with an affixed bayonet as a lance on horseback. Most others say that he fell off the horse soon after his impassioned bout of insult-yelling. This, combined with other actions during the War of the Third Coalition saw Medárd become a sous-lieutenant. He went on to fight in the War of the Fourth Coalition and then in the Peninsular War, where his brutal executions of Spanish guerrillas became well-known locally. By the time Medárd participated in the Invasion of Russia, he was a capitaine, with quite the track record of acts of valor and a fervent devotion. He fought his way into Moscow, and was one of the 35,000 survivors of the Russian campaign. He lost 3 of his fingers to frostbite, and received two arrow wounds from Russian bashkirs, as well as a severe concussion from a militiaman’s cudgel. In 1813, Emperor Napoleon, in recognition of Medárd’s service, was given a peerage as a reward for his services, becoming the baron of his hometown of Briançon. He became the major landlord of the town and the surrounding countryside. He is amongst a small group of new nobles from the Imperial days who was raised up from lowbirth. During the Hundred Days of Napoleon’s return, he served as a part of the Army of the Alps as a Major and returned home after his defeat. With lynchings and discrimination against ex-Bonapartists common, Baron Briançon quickly declared his support for the Bourbons as a Doctrinaire, but many whisper that he longs for the return of the Emperor or a descendant. At the moment, going against his foolishly brave nature, he has holed himself up in his mountain manor, keeping a wary eye out for Ultraroyalist mobs and vengeful occupation troops.​

 

[ManuelD'Garkia]

- After the last man entered, Manuel went to the door and locked it with some wodden planks and chains while his friends covered the windows. Once they where done, he lit a cigarette and jumped on a table, he saw maybe thirty men in there, but he knew that Rome wasn't build in a day, so he started to speak.

"Brothers, friends, the time has come, and we can't afford to loose a second, at last the Emperor has fallen! *The people in the room cheered as he said that words* But unfortunately for all of us, the Ancien Régime has come back support by all the tyrants across Europe, seeking to destroy what few rights Napoleon left us with, and wanting to reestablish that old tyranic and absolutist order that our fathers, mothers and ancestors worked so hard to abolish.

This is the time to strike, my fellow revolutionaries, this is the time to be strong and act swiftly and decisively, so if we all want to be free again we need strike now and show those dogs that the tricolour will fly again over Paris, and that La Marseillaise will be singed again at every corner of the streets of France.

So I want to ask all of you, Will you give all you can give to bring the Republic back, will you join this great cause to bring freedom, equality and fraternity to us all?! *The room exploded in cheering and consent towards the words of the young man*

Now, let's get to work, I want every good writer here with me, Le Républicain Révolutionnaire needs more people working on it, we need more printing machines and a way to distribute them, so if anyone can help with that say the word, and the rest of you, we need to start spreading the words of the Enlightenment and the Republic again, so go to the streets and start talking to the people, but be careful to who, as we all know what can happen if they caught us, now, let's start, there is no time to loose."

Once he finished, they started to unlock the pub and everyone started to leave, and as night finished to fell, Alexandre retired to his room, thinking of all the work they had to do if they wanted to make this work.

 

[etranger01]

Henri Jules de Bourbon d'Armentiéres
Prince de Armentiéres, duc de Bellegarde, marquis de Armentiéres, seigneur de Pisany
Chevalier de la Legion d'Honneur, récipiendaire de la Croix de Juin​

29 July 1787 - 16 May 1832

Deputy for the Seine (1815-1817, 1820-1821, 1827-1832)
Colonel, French Army (1817-1820, 1821-1824)
Minister of the Interior (1820-1821, 1831-1832)
General of Brigade, French Army (1824-1827)
Commander of the National Guard (1830)
Minister of Foreign Affairs (1830)
President of the Council of State (1831-1832)​

Born to Louis Henri, duc de Bourbon, and Marguerite Michelot, a famous opera singer, Henri Jules de Bourbon was a recognized but thoroughly illegitimate byblow of the House of Bourbon. Raised somewhat reluctantly in his father's household, Henri Jules largely owed his upbringing to a series of nannies and tutors rather than any kind of parental attention. Taken into exile in England just a few years after his birth, the young man spent the entire Revolutionary and Imperial period learning from English teachers, who infected him with a love of learning, a delight in the written word, and a penchant for constitutional liberalism.

Upon reaching his majority, the allowance given to him by his father and grandfather permitted him to enter into honorary membership in a local militia regiment. The Royal Buckinghamshire Militia had much to recommend itself to any young emigré, including a superb uniform for its hussar officers and a tradition of hard drinking and meticulous horsemanship. Young Henri purchased a lieutenancy for himself at first, later buying out a militia captain to settle comfortably into a loftier rank. Throughout his militia experience he learned the usefulness of military drill and martial qualities, even if he never actually fired a shot in on the battlefield.

When not involved in psuedo-military pursuits, Henri engaged in several rather successful merchant ventures, supplementing his allowance with a variety of investments. While most of these investments were trading ventures to the subcontinent and the East Indies, he also briefly indulged as proprietor of a print shop.

 

[oxfordroyale]

Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, 3rd baron de Roybon
Colonel​

Born: 11 July 1792
Political beliefs: Ultraroyalist
Profession: Colonel in the French Royal Army
Department: Isère

Character: Keen, capable, and of (albeit minor) noble birth to boot, Alexandre is a rising star in the French Royal Army. Still possesses that proud arrogance and ambitions which so often consumes young soldiers. While of middling noble pedigree himself, he holds a deep affection for the aristocracy and the monarchy and is a proponent of ultraroyalist beliefs, though he keeps these to himself as a supposedly impartial soldier.

Background: The third child and only son of minor French nobility, Alexandre Louis Desrosiers was born on the third anniversary of the Storming of the Bastille in Roybon, a small town near Grenoble. His ancestors had been politically active members of the bourgeoisie with lengthy track records in the magistrature and local administration, distinctions which had landed them on the lowest rung of the landed aristocracy by the early 18th century - his grandfather had been created Baron of Roybon for services rendered to the realm, allowing them exemption from taxation and the ability to charge dues to peasants. However, this would prove more a curse than a blessing; following the abolition of noble privileges in 1790 the Desrosiers family (already strapped for cash due to poor investments) became nearly destitute, a sad circumstance further compounded by the execution of Alexandre’s father in 1794 (his mother had died giving birth to his younger sister Madeline). Fortunately, Alexandre and his siblings were taken in by their uncle Jacques August Desrosiers, a moderately wealthy silk manufacturer in Lyon, and thus spared the horrors of abject poverty.

Coming of age in Napoleon’s France, Alexandre was enraptured by the militaristic fervor that seemed to grip the nation. He eagerly consumed tales of the martial exploits of the Emperor and Marshals Davout, Jourdan and Masséna, impatient for the day when he, too, could seek out conquest and glory through force of arms. While his uncle was initially opposed to this dream, after much persuasion he came to recognize the strength of his nephew’s resolve and allowed him pursue a career in the army. Entering the École Militaire in 1807, Alexandre distinguished himself as an excellent student and after two years was commissioned a sous lieutenant (second lieutenant) in the Grande Armée as a cavalry officer. He was assigned to the 13th Cuirassier Regiment; his fellow soldiers were mostly raw French or Polish recruits, hastily assembled under the overall command of Louis Gabriel Suchet and bound for Spain. He first saw action during the Siege of Lérida from 29 April to 13 May 1810 which ended in a victory for the French; the siege would prove the first in a string of successful military actions by the Army of Aragón, as evidenced by further victories against the British and Spanish at Tortosa, Tarragona, Saguntum, Valencia, Castalla, and Ordal over the next three years.

The Peninsular War became infamous for the heavy burden it placed on the Grande Armée, with every success in battle undermined by intense guerrilla warfare and strained lines of communication and supplies. While his idealistic preconceptions of war were shattered by the realities of conflict, Alexandre’s intelligence and calm, level-headed disposition garnered him recognition both on and off the battlefield, culminating in his promotion to lieutenant in 1811. When the tide of the war turned against France and Suchet was compelled to withdraw from Spain after much fighting, Alexandre took part in Marshal Soult’s ultimately unsuccessful defensive campaign of 1814 and earned commendations from his superior officers. However, he was wounded at the Battle of Toulouse in 1814 and remained on the sidelines for the rest of the war.

Following the Peace of Paris and Napoleon’s defeat and exile to Elba, Alexandre affirmed his loyalty to the royal House of Bourbon. He was given the rank of lieutenant in the 1st Cuirassier Regiment (known as the Cuirassiers du Roi), though he would serve for only a few brief months before chaos once again enveloped the country as Napoleon left his exile and sought to take control of France. Alexandre opposed the Emperor during the Hundred Days, his early views on Bonapartism having been soured by the disastrous impact years of fruitless fighting had had on the French nation and people. Furthermore, he was a staunch supporter of the Restoration for a variety of other reasons, the most important being that, since childhood, he had harbored a deep resentment towards many of the ideals propagated by the Revolution, knowing his family had been made to suffer. In a way, he saw the Bourbon Restoration as a means of long-awaited restitution for the deprivation of his noble heritage and appreciates the reestablishment of the aristocracy as France’s leading political class. Finding his new unit now defunct, he quickly joined deserters of Napoleon's army in the Bourbon Cavalry Corps under the Duke of Wellington, receiving an equivalent rank in the 3rd Volunteer Regiment - however, he would not take part in the Battle of Waterloo despite his desire to prove his loyalty with blood and steel.

Following the second abdication of Napoleon, Alexandre was readmitted into the Royal Army as a lieutenant under major general François Paul Bournier ((Korona)), the 1st Cuirassier Regiment (newly christened as the Cuirassiers de la Reine) having been attached to his division after the Hundred Days. During the initial occupation of Toulouse, Alexandre was incorporated into Marshal Saint-Cyr's hastly-assembled peace-keeping force and helped to institute martial law across the south of France. In late 1815 he earned a field promotion to Captain from the Marshal himself for services rendered in quashing violence and dissent, though he would later go one to write an (anonymous letter) decrying the general's public commentary on the national budget in contravention of his own orders decrying political partisanship among the ranks.

Upon the Marshal was named Minister of War (for the second time) in 1817, Alexandre's career received a massive boost when he was promoted to the rank of Colonel, skipping two ranks and affording him command of his very own departmental legion assigned to the Army of the Northeast.

Spoiler: Positions Held

In the Grande Armée:
Second Lieutenant, 13th Cuirassier Regiment (1st Provisional Heavy Cavalry): 1809-1811
Lieutenant, 13th Cuirassier Regiment (1st Provisional Heavy Cavalry): 1811-1814

In the French Royal Army:
Lieutenant, 1st Cuirassier Regiment (Cuirassiers du Roi): 1814-1815
Lieutenant, 3rd Volunteer Regiment of the Bourbon Cavalry Corps: 1815
Lieutenant, 1st Cuirassier Regiment (Cuirassiers de la Reine): 1815
Brevet Capitaine, 1st Cuirassier Regiment (Cuirassiers de la Reine): 1815-1817
Colonel, 1st Cuirassier Regiment (Cuirassiers de la Reine): 1817-present

Spoiler: General Information

Name: Alexandre Louis Desrosiers
Date of birth: 11 July 1792
Place of birth: Roybon, Isère, France
Current residence: Paris, France
Religion: Catholic
Profession: Military officer
Political affiliation: Ultraroyalist
Social Class: Minor nobility
Alma mater: École Militaire
Fluent in: French, Spanish

Spoiler: ICs

Letters, Reports and Articles
A letter from Lieutenant Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, baron de Roybon, to Celeste Chauvet née Desrosiers. 19 July 1815
A letter from Lieutenant Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, baron de Roybon, to Lyra Lafontaine née Desrosiers. 19 July 1815
A report from Lieutenant Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, baron de Roybon, to Captain Raymond Garneau, 2nd Battalion, 1st Cuirassier Regiment. 23 August 1815
A letter from Lieutenant Louis Desrosiers, baron de Roybon, to Lyra Lafontaine née Desrosiers. 25 August 1815
A letter from Captain Alexandre Louis Desorisers to Marshal Laurent de Gouvion Saint-Cyr, marrquis of Gouvion-Saint-Cyr. 17 September 1815
Considerations on the Most Recent and Public Hypocrisy of the Marshal Laurent de Gouvion Saint-Cyr. September 1815
A Comment on the Defense of the Marshal. September 1815
A letter from Colonel Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, baron de Roybon, to Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget, Bishop of Montauban. February 1818.

Narrative
The Arrogance of Youth. 1815
No One Laughs. 1815
The Initial Occupation of Toulouse. 1815
We Grieve for the Faceless Dead. 1815
A Call to Arms. 1823

Histories
The Military Career of Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, 3rd baron de Roybon
Part I: The Grand Armée (1809-1814)
Part II: The Bourbon Restoration (1814-1815)
Part III: The Occupation of Toulouse (1815)

 

[etranger01]

Dearest Grandfather,

Arrived in Paris today. Shocked by the incredible scale of the place. So many people. So many burning tricolors. Saved one from the bonfire as a souvenir.

Have settled in what appear to be fashionable quarters. Am sure that the area will be thoroughly bohemian once all the Prussians move out. Must imagine that their departure will devastate the local mustache-wax industry.

Have yet to hear from Father. Have you? Suspect that he's still off in London being delightfully distracted.

Regardless, am quite excited about impending elections. I've decided to stand as a deputy! Backers already lining up! Cannot wait to see French democracy in action!! Assume that I can count on the family's full and unconditional support? Will settle for studious disinterest in commoner muck as a substitute.

My love to you. Is Aunt Louise due to return from Germany soon?

Best wishes,
Henri Jules