Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[Thoctar]

He had not wanted a revolution. Solvay had always wanted more liberty in France, and had not been a supporter of the King, but revolutions were something he abhorred. The loss of life and destruction and the upheaval of society and the empowering of radical ideas, all of it harkened back to the pain and loss his father spoke of under the Committee and the Bonaparte. But, one had to make peace with the results of history, and so far this government had seemed to be amenable to the free market largely, even with the national workshop proposal marring that. It seemed as if the royal monopolies and artificial trade barriers would all be swept away. And the expansion of suffrage and rights meant a freer and stronger France, both for him and his workers. So, Solvay resolved to support this government, and try to steer it as much as he could into liberalization of the economy and freer markets.

 

[ThaHoward]

A letter is sent. ((@Sneakyflaps ))

Friend,

I hope this letter find you in good health. I wish to inform you my health is all well even if my heart is shattered in light of recent events.

I hope I'm not invasive, but I must ask what are your future plans? Will you return to Paris ran by the mob or stay in your post? Considering you are allowed to stay in your position.

My home in Spain remain open for letters or visit. I hope I can return to my motherland soon, even if the Spaniard host is most kind.

Yours,

Duke of Lécuyer.

 

[Firehound15]

PUBLIC STATEMENT BY THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
​

During times of change, it is often anticipated that the end of one country's status quo will be the end of the broader world's stability. The countries of the European continent should rest assured that it is not the intent of the French Republic to destabilize the current state of European affairs. For although France has changed the functions of its government, that endorsement does not ring across Europe. Our immediate interests lie in the pursuance of continued cordiality. The providential successes of our partners in the European endeavor ought not be overlooked, and it is not our intent to initiate war or violence in the furtherance of our nation's own self-evident beliefs.

However, it ought to also be understood that our pursuit of liberty and its accompanying ideals will manifest itself in our bearing. We are no longer a monarchy, and do not have the attachments or preconceptions of that form of government. But that is also not to say that we intend to withdraw ourselves from the remaining parts of Europe. It is our full and exclusive intent to see continued peace and justice on the continent. Without being dedicated to such a process, we would be executing a less-worthy endeavor than our counterparts abroad.

The boundaries of the French Republic are the same as those before our reorganization of this country's government, and it is our full intent to maintain them. It is not in our interest to expand France's territory on the continent. Indeed, our position in regard to our friends in Europe is clear -- peace and stability. If we allow Europe to fall into chaos and disorder, we would undoubtedly be doing the same to our own country. The stability of the continent and the maintenance of a balance of power is an immediate priority of this provisional government. The continued betterment of France hinges, in part, upon cordial relations with our neighbors, which we intend to fully pursue.

We, however, will not be silent if other peoples choose to peacefully and justly reform themselves, and will extend a hand to other peoples guided by the pursuit of liberty and a peaceable disposition. Our place in Europe is as a continued supporter of justice and peace on the continent, and we refuse to align ourselves with any countries which intend to cause war and division on the continent. Consequently, we intend to function as an economically and socially integrated element of Europe, to such an extent as that is favored by our neighbors.

On behalf of the French Republic,

DEFLANDRE.

 

[99KingHigh]

Let's try and get all the initial work of the provisional government done by this evening. It'll be followed by an update.

 

[DensleyBlair]

To M. Esmé Merivée, Ambassador to the court of St. James (@DensleyBlair)

Your Excellency,
I write to you on this day, hoping that this letter finds you in good health and spirits, and that you have received happy news from your family in regards to their safety. I further hope that the troubles of diplomacy in England have not been too cumbersome to overcome. Though I cannot but feel that our current foreign policy stance, until the election of a proper government, is that of a headless chicken, as our foreign ministers are men of little expertise.

I write to give my full and formal resignation of my position as your secretary and within the diplomatic service. It pains me to do so, as I believe that the diplomatic purpose, to be of the highest order. But with the present state of France, I cannot do anything but stand for election, in order to bring back purpose, legitimacy and order to our fair country. As my grandfather, father and brother before me, I can no longer simply stand by, as fair France is passed through the rough hands of revolutionaries once again.

With the purpose of my official resignation now passed, I would also like to ask you on a more personal nature. I would like to ask your permission, not as ambassador, but as father to your fair daughter, Marie-Joséphine, that I may be given permission to write to her. Our slight hasty departure from Vienna, ensured that we never quite got to say goodbye, in proper fashion. It plagues my mind as I hope that she does not carry a bad opinion of my person, or of you from my behavior.

It is also my hope, should your Excellency be willing of course, that our two persons may stay in contact as well.

Respectfully
Philippe Henri de Bourbon​

​

Monsieur,


I acknowledge receipt of your offer of resignation and write to inform you that I accept, albeit with reluctance. Let diplomatic work burden you no more, Philippe; you are young, and what's more well-placed to make some mark in this New France. I should not wish for our troublesome friend in Whitehall to hold you back, sympathetic though I feel he shall be to news of revolution. It is the inheritance of a Frenchman to know that there is no history, only chaos by different names; it is the job of Lord Palmerston to delight in this.

As to your more personal requests—my daughter enjoyed her Veinnese sojourn greatly, preoccupied though we may have ultimately been with our own re-assignment – which I might add is no mark to your discredit. You may write to my daughter at your own discretion, and I should be glad if you would remain a friend to my family more generally. While I hope to remain in England as long as I am able, in the event that my fate is not entirely my own I shall return to France and return no doubt to live the life of a lettriste. Aspiration to sit in the Deputies again is no doubt a less certain goal, though perhaps not impossible once fresh heads have convened to draft their new constitution. We shall see I am sure.

Be well, Philippe. I expect to hear of you again soon. In the meantime, I remain

Merivée ​

 

[Otto of england]

@Sneakyflaps

Philippe Henri de Bourbon,

Im honoured to be invited to this most presitigious meeting, but I will jot be able to go myself. My duty in Algeria hold me firm, and while I am not young tis not time to retire from the army. I have a few more good fights left in me still. So I will be taking you up most firmly on the offer to send a representative. For that I will send my son Baptiste Alexandré de la Rhone. Hes always been the most politically cognizant of my kids so he should be the best fit for this. I hope this meeting amounts to your desires.

Sincerely,
General Godefroy Raymond de la Rhone

 

[Korona]

Claude Desmarais
Born November 12th, 1813
Lawyer
Ille-et-Vilaine
Independent
​

Claude Desmarais was born in Rennes, to a family having made their wealth off of years of legal service, to crowns and Phyrgian caps alike. His father, Jacque Desmarais, was a legal advocate and briefly a peer under l'Emperuer, before the Bourbon restoration stripped his family of their meagre title. Soon afterwards, the family declared, like many others, for the Bourbon cause, if only to preserve their wealth. His father continued his advocacy and legal work in Rennes, where the family had become relatively influential within the Department due to both their wealth, and status as relatively skilled barristers. Growing up, the Desmarais name was always a source of pride for the young Claude, who always felt like he was the perennial victor of the "Well, my dad..." argument that is so common among children. Looking up to his father as his idol, Claude set himself on the same path of his father, with the young Desmarais boy shadowing his father at every opportunity.

When the June Monarchy was born out of 1830, Desmarais felt jubilation, to be witnessing history at such a young age. However, with his political philosophy and thought being still in it's early ages, when the Charter of 1830 was promulgated, Desmarais felt as if it was too weak in terms of the powers of the monarchy. Having grown up with his father, who for all intents and purposes, was a staunch supporter of Napoleon during his time in France, and thus tended to fall on the 'strong monarch' side of the aisle. Like almost all children, he inherited his political thought and theory from his parents, and thus thought the same way. However, unable to do anything, nor was he in a position to have a opinion either way, he pursued his dreams and began studying law at the law academy in Rennes. Upon his graduation, he would go on to assist his father in his office, where he remains working today. Mildly successful as an advocate, having had a number of moderately successful cases before the courts, it was the Revolution of 1850 that woke Claude up, politically.

Always something of a dormant conservative, who held executive power and the rule of law over the chaos of universal democracy, the victory of the Republicans disgusted the 37-year old. Although cognizant of the failures of the government, mainly an inability to expand the franchise to the middle class (a proposal he supported, through his extensive dealings with the middle class), he saw the fall of the monarchy as distasteful and an affront to traditional French institutions. Reluctantly supporting of the Republic, if only for pragmatic means, he intends to stand for election for the Constituent Assembly in order to facilitate a constitution that favors a strong executive. For without strong leadership, France shall be left impotent and without the proper leadership to see it defended.

Positions Held
None yet

 

[Cloud Strife]

The cry of the forces of disorder currently squatting in the halls of power is, to use a colloquial Americanism, "All we want is to be let alone." Yet the composition of their provisional "council"--formed by Jacobins, enemies of good economies, and fairy tale characters--points towards a volatile mixture of forces disagreeable with one another, only united by common hated of peace, order, and good governance, that in time will seek unity by the means which they only know; namely, making scapegoats of enemies, perceived or invented. Europe could very well face the grim spectre of the Red banner hearlding the Jacobin armies coming forth to distract the nation of its woes.

There is no glory in this.

But there is hope that persuasion and even temper can be brought to these radicals. They hesitated at slaying the Deputies, the argued amongst themselves but finally realized that dissolving our financial institutions would bring ruin even to their illegitimate experiment, and now they call for a Constitutional Convention to which we shall send the forces of remonstration to participate in to hold fast against evil practices they wish to force the body politique of France to partake in. It is now time to forget the old rivalries, for we sustained them during more civil times and these days call for unity in the face of forces that are unaccustomed or unwilling to accept civic convention. My father served the First Republic, Bonaparte and the Bourbons, I served the Orleans and count as their princes as my dear friends, but today it is time to serve France in the memory of the forces of peace, order, and good governance that came before so that such blessings may come again.

Let us give France the true Charter that it deserves and real protections to all Frenchmen.

Currently the franchise is only open to a scant seven men. Leagues less than the regimes of the Bourbons, Bonapartes, and the Orleans. Seven, unelected, unendorsed men vote on issues which concern all of France. The Sun King would be jealous of such power and the ability to make such pronouncements without consulting his ministers or the parliaments for precedents of law. These Seven wise men think their guidance is an improvement on the Monarchy but the Monarchy was restrained by the Legislature, who in turn was accountable to the Electorate; who are these Seven wise men accountable to? In fact, they are accountable to no one.

To this end, I say, let us make them accountable. Support the forces of peace, order, and good governance in the upcoming elections. Let us test the sentiments of the Seven wise men and prevent them from enforcing their will on the good people of the nation. A slate of candidates of like minds and morals is essential to preventing unaccountable tyranny. In due course we shall be putting forth names of men of good character all Frenchmen ought to support.

--M. de Saint-Cyr

 

[Fingon888]

The hypocrisy of the Provisional Government in excluding members of governments under the Charter artificially limits the choice of the people. I am formally putting myself forward to represent Isère in the Constituent Assembly. I hope the people of this great department will trust in me once more, as they have done since 1828 to fight for their best interests. Let these so called democrats refuse the choice of the people if they dare.

- Clément Larousse

 

[Somberg]

(( @Somberg ))

Letter from the Princesse of Armentières to the Minister of Finances, Monsieur Reynaud Gillet

Dear Monsieur Gillet,

It is with much delight that I have learned of your late reversal of fortune, which brought you from wanted fugitive to the exalted station of Minister of Finances, a true and gallant testimony to the many qualities of the newfound Republic.

Let me assure you that I followed your péripéties with much attention, even though such few information was available as to your fate. I can certainly confide in you that I always rooted for you, the reincarnation of the provincial Robin Hood defying the authorities.

However, I am now writing to you on some important matter, regarding your decree about the stabilization of the financial system of the Republic. I am reminded by my accountant that many extant loans to the Bank of France have fallen into arrears, and that it is therefore proper for me, as a creditor to the Republic, to inquire about the payments of these sums.

A proper patriot myself, I would most willingly forgo .5% of those interests in order to show my devotion to your new government.

I humbly thank you for the time you will apply to this request,

Amélie Constance Félicité d’Armentières
Princesse d’Armentières

To Amélie Constance Félicité d'Armentières

Dear Madame d'Armentières,

I apologize for taking so long to respond to your letter. The business of government takes much time out of one's day, especially at a time such as this one when considerable reforms are to be made to modernize the French government. I hope you forgive me for only being able to write back to you at this time.

I appreciate the compliments you have bestowed upon me, for the nine months before the birth of the Republique were a trying time for me. There were several times at which I feared capture but each time I was able to escape before there was serious danger to my person. All the better for it, for I am now able to be of service to France and its people as we establish a Republique du peuple.

I am also glad to hear of your continued patriotism to France and its people following the events of February the 15th. This new era of the French nation shall be served well should there be more women such as yourself around to urge their husbands in support of the Republique despite the personal trouble it has rendered especially for someone such as yourself with such a personal connection to the late-King.

I have taken note of your willingness to forgo some of the payments on your loans, truly a most patriotic act to express support and confidence in the French Republic and an aid in the stabilization of our financial situation. The Republic has your gratitude for the financial sacrifice you are making.

I thank you for sending this letter to me and wish you well in the future. Should you have any further issues to resolve or any inquiries to make to the Ministry of Finance or to the Provisional Council of the French Republic feel free to write to me again.

Warmest regards,
Reynaud Gillet
Chairman of the Provisional Council and Minister of Finance

 

[Cloud Strife]

The hypocrisy of the Provisional Government in excluding members of governments under the Charter artificially limits the choice of the people. I am formally putting myself forward to represent Isère in the Constituent Assembly. I hope the people of this great department will trust in me once more, as they have done since 1828 to fight for their best interests. Let these so called democrats refuse the choice of the people if they dare.

- Clément Larousse

A selection of Larousse's tracts are printed in the Revue des deux Mondes under the heading, "Commitment to service should trump commitment to Jacobinism."

 

[Nax24]

Alexandre does not put his name forward to run for a position, but he does offer support and patronage to pro Laissez-Faire candidates and conservative candidates in Doubs and neighboring constituents.

 

[MadMartigan]

The hypocrisy of the Provisional Government in excluding members of governments under the Charter artificially limits the choice of the people. I am formally putting myself forward to represent Isère in the Constituent Assembly. I hope the people of this great department will trust in me once more, as they have done since 1828 to fight for their best interests. Let these so called democrats refuse the choice of the people if they dare.

- Clément Larousse

Similarly free of any official position in the final Ministries as his old colleague and rival Larousse, The Baron Duval similarly puts himself forward in Marseilles as a representative for the Constituent Assembly. In the local press he is recorded as saying he hopes to take the matter to the courts.

"Free markets, free men!"

 

[Cloud Strife]

Similarly free of any official position in the final Ministries as his old colleague and rival Larousse, The Baron Duval similarly puts himself forward in Marseilles as a representative for the Constituent Assembly. In the local press he is recorded as saying he hopes to take the matter to the courts.

"Free markets, free men!"

Duval is lionized in the Journal des Debates as a "Sensible man. Of the people and for the people."

 

[Firehound15]

LIBERTÉ ET JUSTICE
Henri Deflandre
_____________________________________________________________
​

Liberty and justice. The fundamentals of society, the foundation upon which they rest. It is the duty of government to ensure both aspects, and it is by a commitment to one that the other may be fulfilled. A nation without laws would be a wasteland, devoid of our greater faculties, yet a nation without liberty would be no better. Why then, indeed, do those who have made clear they seek nothing more than the destruction of both institutions seek power? Their eternal quest for control of the political process spans governments, generations, and doubtless, political personas.

When the Charter of 1830 was destroyed by the Duke of Nemours, he was openly supported by certain accomplices. It has been the decision of the government to treat all men equitably and provide forgiveness for misdeeds committed. Indeed, that this act of charity was ignored is irrelevant -- it is the domain of politicians to desperately cling on to power and use whatever means necessary to achieve it. They will bribe, cajole, lie, and outright disobey law in order to preserve whatever small scrap of their power they can. Indeed, the decree of the Provisional Council was clear: the few surviving former Cabinet officials in France shall not be permitted to run for seats in the Constituent Assembly.

The decision to limit the candidates who can run for election was one which was discussed extensively by the Provisional Council. It was ultimately determined that, given the origin of the Republic, it would be best to preclude the election of the small number of living individuals who served as Cabinet officials under the Charter of 1830. The most obvious of these was the repeated violation of fundamental liberties under the governments of the Charter of 1830. Their participation in these Cabinets was plain -- it was the non-verbal endorsement of the policies of the June Monarchy. That a revolution has just been fought to undo the restriction of liberties which occurred during that period further provides the obvious truth that those who organized the June Monarchy are fundamentally opposed to the principles of the French Republic.

Those who register to run for election but are not allowed to by prior decision of the Provisional Council will not be permitted to do so. It would simply be unjust to permit the outright violation of a policy implemented by the temporary government of this Republic. Furthermore, the repeal of this policy would be a violation of the specific liberties of the French people, for it would permit individuals who have already proven themselves as opponents to free speech, free press, and a free assembly, as well as the issues of suffrage and the very structure of government.

We have directly acted to prevent abuse of our fledgling system, yet certain individuals would see it perverted and twisted from its infancy. Just as these men destroyed the Charter of 1830, violated common liberties, and eliminated democracy in both form and function, they would be liable to do so again. The Constituent Assembly will be responsible for the drafting of the new constitution of this Republic. France must rise to the occasion of challenges, and the government has done its best to face those tasks first-hand. Indeed, it was the fault of these few excluded figures that we must now stage a recovery. Let France take at least one step without them.


DEFLANDRE.

 

[Cloud Strife]

LIBERTÉ ET JUSTICE
Henri Deflandre
_____________________________________________________________
​

Liberty and justice. The fundamentals of society, the foundation upon which they rest. It is the duty of government to ensure both aspects, and it is by a commitment to one that the other may be fulfilled. A nation without laws would be a wasteland, devoid of our greater faculties, yet a nation without liberty would be no better. Why then, indeed, do those who have made clear they seek nothing more than the destruction of both institutions seek power? Their eternal quest for control of the political process spans governments, generations, and doubtless, political personas.

When the Charter of 1830 was destroyed by the Duke of Nemours, he was openly supported by certain accomplices. It has been the decision of the government to treat all men equitably and provide forgiveness for misdeeds committed. Indeed, that this act of charity was ignored is irrelevant -- it is the domain of politicians to desperately cling on to power and use whatever means necessary to achieve it. They will bribe, cajole, lie, and outright disobey law in order to preserve whatever small scrap of their power they can. Indeed, the decree of the Provisional Council was clear: the few surviving former Cabinet officials in France shall not be permitted to run for seats in the Constituent Assembly.

The decision to limit the candidates who can run for election was one which was discussed extensively by the Provisional Council. It was ultimately determined that, given the origin of the Republic, it would be best to preclude the election of the small number of living individuals who served as Cabinet officials under the Charter of 1830. The most obvious of these was the repeated violation of fundamental liberties under the governments of the Charter of 1830. Their participation in these Cabinets was plain -- it was the non-verbal endorsement of the policies of the June Monarchy. That a revolution has just been fought to undo the restriction of liberties which occurred during that period further provides the obvious truth that those who organized the June Monarchy are fundamentally opposed to the principles of the French Republic.

Those who register to run for election but are not allowed to by prior decision of the Provisional Council will not be permitted to do so. It would simply be unjust to permit the outright violation of a policy implemented by the temporary government of this Republic. Furthermore, the repeal of this policy would be a violation of the specific liberties of the French people, for it would permit individuals who have already proven themselves as opponents to free speech, free press, and a free assembly, as well as the issues of suffrage and the very structure of government.

We have directly acted to prevent abuse of our fledgling system, yet certain individuals would see it perverted and twisted from its infancy. Just as these men destroyed the Charter of 1830, violated common liberties, and eliminated democracy in both form and function, they would be liable to do so again. The Constituent Assembly will be responsible for the drafting of the new constitution of this Republic. France must rise to the occasion of challenges, and the government has done its best to face those tasks first-hand. Indeed, it was the fault of these few excluded figures that we must now stage a recovery. Let France take at least one step without them.


DEFLANDRE.

A reply quickly goes up;

​

The same vandals who refused compromise when the forces of order, in their wisdom, decided to seek common ground now have the gall to claim that their censorship and force of will is inherently superior to that of the regime they unjustly overthrew. In what they once decried, this electorate of Seven wise men have acted to undermine even the most obvious notions of the freedoms enjoyed by all Frenchmen under the Charter. Imagine, the discussions of a mere seven men have been raised to the wisdom of discussions among hundreds of elected legislators; ones that are accountable to an electorate, unlike the current emergency regime that wields power illegitimately by fiat.

What right did these seven men exercise to dominante France? By swordright, that of conquest? Then we shall call then the Seven conquerors now. What they claim as temporary in fact betrays a desire to continue to exercise their unelected, unaccountable dominion over men. They have taken it upon themselves to be jury, jury, and executioner regarding the rights of what they claim as "all Frenchmen." In their hubris they make it plain that not all Frenchmen are equal before their eyes. Only Jacobins need apply is the message to those who wish to stand for election to this supposed convention of all Frenchmen.

If this were the only form of mental gymanstics that the Seven conquers were guilty of perhaps we can stop here but alas, they are afraid of children and non-residents. Their decree prevents those who are heads of dynasties from running for this assembly. The Orleans' prince, Philippe d'Orléans, is a minor and the comte de Chambord resides in the Habsburg Monarchy. This leaves Louis-Napoleon as the only non-minor and resident of France among the three heads of houses and his commitment to democratic principles--indeed, radical ideas--has a longer history than the Republicanism of most of the Seven conquers; indeed, Deflandre was a royalist up until when it suited him and now advances his desires to enforce Dutch customs on us all as a faux-democrat.

If the Seven conquers are serious in their commitment to a government of all Frenchmen, then all adult male Frenchmen must be given leave to participate in this experiment of theirs. To do otherwise would by definition not be a government of all Frenchmen but a government of those the Jacobins believe they can influence, either by bribes or threat of force.

With each passing day it becomes clear the forces of peace, order, and good governance must emerge to combat these ills the are being cultivated by the Jacobins in the body politic of France.

--M. de Saint-Cyr

 

[Firehound15]

DECREE OF THE PROVISIONAL COUNCIL OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC
(Regarding Agricultural Tolls)​

I. In order to accommodate more efficient trade and dispersal of goods, internal tolls collected on agricultural products within France will be suspended permanently; or until later determined by the government of the French Republic.

Passed. 5-0-2
For - 5 (Deflandre, Clement, Gillet, Saint-Georges, Arago)
Against - 0
Abstentions - 2 (Nadeau, Disney)

 

[Eid3r]

La Presse

The good, the bad and the tiny

By Auguste de la Pléiade

One can only feel extremely blessed that the great and important Henri Desflandres, who until very recently was a modest and obscure deputy promoting ultramontane ideas, has taken the time to explain to the good people of France why after « extensive deliberations » they have sought to protect France from the learned and experience influence of a few by banishing them from civil life. While it is not surprising that a devout papist such as Monsieur Desflandres would seek to create some sort of political index in which he could at leisure confine those whose opinion he deems dangerous to the good masses, one cannot fail to see that his confidence in the good judgement of the people is extremely shallow.

It is true that, unable to prevail against many qualified ministers through the polls, and having ousted them through force of arms, the members of the provisional government must be legitimately – legitimacy being a notion foreign to them – scared of taking yet another beating in the upcoming elections. Why not rig the system altogether?

One can only wonder how the good petit Monsieur Clément, our minister of the Interior, must feel when, after announcing elections for a Constituent Assembly, he saw his order quickly amended by Monsieur Desflandres, the Foreign Minister. Not everyone seems to carry the same amount of power in the democratic realm of the Provisional Government.

Nevertheless, following the learnt explanations provided by the good Henri Desflandres, one can sleep quietly on both ears. Competency shall not creep its way back into the heart of our government under his watchful eye.

Citizens of Paris, Citizens of France, your saviour brings you the vote with one hand, but restrain your ability to follow your conscience on the other. Is that the great gift why so many bled?

 

[ThaHoward]

Joachim in a light hearted conversation with friends over a glass of fruity red wine "so my friends it all led to a Walloon leading the French! Instead of France rulling over the Walloon lands, Paris is now under the boot of a Walloon who have established absolute control over legislation, executive and judicial power. Never before have France been more humiliated. Salut!"

 

[Dadarian]

Nadeau was not a happy man. At one point he was the single most important republican politician in France. Over the course of two years, newcomers had overwhelmed him with new energy and ideals, politically marginalizing the once important figure. During the Revolution, the youth took to fighting and carousing with much more vigor while Nadeau played a fool, appropriate in his ineptness at fighting. Finally it was they who approached him with a system a government, one which it was rumoured he was lucky to be in at all.

So, when the kingdom fell and it was Nadeau’s time to shine, he was completely overshadowed. The young politicians secured the important posts, while Nadeau was thrust into the Ministry of Public Works, a blatent subsector of the Ministry of Finance meant to sit a seventh member of the council.

It was then that the new members, taken immediately with power, abandoned their ideals and shirked from their promises to the people. National seizure of the instruments of finance was abandoned in hopes that they could buy off the merchant classes and foreign princes.

Nadeau, seeing the writing on the wall, thought back to his predecessor in Les Hommes, whose contributions to 1830 likewise saw their defeat. It was then he took to drink, ironically abandoning his lifelong public abstention from alcohol.

Nadeau quickly stopped going to council meeting and ministerial meetings. He was often taken with melancholy and fits of pique, destroying roughly 100 francs of personal items during his stay in the Ministry of War. This was no doubt the wrong way to address the issue of his growing irrelevance, but Nadeau saw no proper way to affect change on France or the government while surrounded by snakes within and vultures without.