Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

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    Real Strategy Requires Cunning

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Somberg

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((@etranger01))

To Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte

Monsieur,

I am glad you have returned to France in good health. Currently your services are not required from the Provisional Council of the French Republic but should a need arise in the future I will not make haste to contact you. However, I have no doubt there are other realms of services to the Republic outside of politics that would suit you quite well. I shall enclose a list of suggestions with this letter for you to review.

I wish you the best of luck in your future endeavors.

Sincerely,
Reynaud Gillet, Chairman of the Provisional Council
 

Fingon888

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"One wonders whether this committee of obscure men intend on actually organizing a legitimate government. Though who can say, perhaps the titles of a country count pertain more to the national defense than a constitution. After all, I'm only a small town lawyer and former President of the Council of Ministers." Clément Larousse is quoted by the local press in Grenoble and then in the national press.
 

jeeshadow

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Statement by the Ministry of the Interior on the Rights of the Citizens of France:

The previous regime was known for the suppression of many fundamental rights of true Frenchman. As such, the Provisional Council does hereby make the following UNANIMOUS announcement:

I. Freedom of speech, freedom of expression, freedom of the press shall be cornerstones of the French Republic.
The trampling on fundamental freedoms is now brought to an end. These are undeniable, and guaranteed, liberties. The Government of the France will no longer suppress these rights, it shall protect them.

Passed by the Provisional Council of the French Republic by the following vote:
7 For (Gillet, Deflandre, Arago, Saint-Georges, Clement, Nadeau, Disney)
0 Against
 
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Noco19

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M. Disney pens a letter to La Presse.

The Tallest Dwarf Speaks!

Monsieur,

Let me first commend you on the truthfulness of your accounts on my person; lo, it is true that I have stood on a boat, and so too on a canoe, barge, and a great many buoyant designs. Twas my chief qualification when I founded my Maritime enterprise and see how my fortunes have grown.

Indeed, it is true that I am an obscure man; when the People took to the streets, I am merely a man among Men. I cannot claim valor nor heroics as many others could. All that I did was to assist those in need - binding the wounds of the injured, attending to the frightened, and printing my inquiries as to the nature of our society.

I have always sought to serve this nation, and while the particular office which I inhabit has not been a position that I have sought as the deputies of old have - that being political machinations and ministerial maneuvers of the established sort - I feel in my heart a great patriotism to the national cause, and so I have committed to fulfulling my office to the best of my ability.

Let it be known then that I happily stand as the tallest dwarf, so long as my craft is the wellbeing of France and her People.

P.S. I invite you to write as an honored guest to my magazine, L'Atlantique. You possess a great wit and biting insight into matters of the nation and thus would be cherished as a contributor. Dwarves are such a funny creature; perhaps I shall write of them as well!

JzTJnSC.png
 

Fingon888

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"If this committee lifted all censorship I would assent to their authority. If this committee declared a loyalty to the principle of a free press I would nod along, having heard the same speeches for a decade. If this committee declared the free press a French value I would appreciate the symbolic platitudes. However, this committee sees fit to declare unilaterally a constitutional ban on censorship. From where do they derive this authority? Does this committee even plan on creating a constitution by a representative process? Or shall it be made in the style of Robespierre?" Larousse is quoted in the national press.
 

jeeshadow

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255px-Flag_of_France.svg.png


Statement by the Ministry of the Interior on Elections for a Constituent Assembly:
Recognizing that it is the right for the people of France to decide what laws and people will govern them, the Provisional Council is pleased to announce that elections will be held on September 8th, 1850 to the Constituent Assembly. This assembly shall be charged with the drafting and ratification of a Constitution for the French Republic.

On behalf of the French Republic,

Louis-Alexandre Clement
Minister of the Interior

((Attention @Fingon888 :p ))
 

Jackbollda

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Comte de Charlus

Pxz7hvB.jpg

Name: François Pierre Felix Christoper Victor de Levis, Comte de Charlus (héritier de le duc de Lévis-Ventadour)
Born: 16 July 1815 (aged 37)
Party: Légitimistes
Profession: Aristocrat, former diplomatic attaché in Vienna and Berlin.

The Comte de Charlus has known no other world but that of the
monarchie. He was seventeen when his father, the royalist Pierre-Marc-Gaston (Duc de Lévis-Ventadour), refused to swear the peerage allegiance to the June Monarchy. Charlus briefly considered an exile with his father—himself a former emigré from the revolutionary period—for the furtherance of aristocratic prestige of his family. But affected with sincere ambition, Charlus resisted the paternal entreaties, and joined the reluctant ranks of the ralliés légitimistes. His career profited from this accommodation, and in 1838, gaining from his association with certain distinguished ralliés, Charlus earned a diplomatic position in Vienna. He remained in Austria until 1843, when he became first secretary in Berlin under the Marquis de Chasseloup-Laubat. Excluding a brief respite for his nuptials at the Château d'Ennery, Charlus remained in Berlin.

When Chasseloup-Laubat resigned after the February Revolution, Charlus followed him back to France. His innate respect for the monarchy did not allow him to rejoice at the fall of the King; he regarded the anti-Orleanism of his fellow legitimists as puerile. He could see no reasonable grounds for a revolution: the monarchy had not been a tyranny, and there had been no provocation and there was no one who deserved punishment. In spite of this emphatic reception, Charlus attributed the events of February 1850 as the natural consequences of Philippe VII's failure to hail the
Duc de Bordeaux as Henri V in 1830. While he deplored the neglect of the poor during the monarchy, he did not make any connection between the social question and the regime's demise. Dynastic incompatibilities, and a failure to reform, brought down the June Monarchy; now there was a rare opportunity to reconcile France with her legitimate King.

 
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Cloud Strife

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Palacio Real de Aranjuez, Madrid

The exiles had settled into their new life in Spain and took up residence in apartments provided by their Borbón in-laws. Nemours had stressed to his brother Montpensier that the future of the dynasty now rested on how well he treated his wife, who was heir presumptive to Spain. While Montpensier was rather indifferent towards his marriage the needs of state demanded that the match be made a success. Between encouraging his brother and seeing to the education of Philippe VIII, Nemours spent his other time divided between his immediate family and reading the periodicals.

A knock on his door brought in Montpensier, "She has the mind of a teenager and the patience of a child. For the good of our nephew, I will endure but... what are you reading? More newspapers?"

"Yes brother," replied Nemours. "Care to hear the latest from the homeland? Of course you do. Titles of nobility go unrecognized, the September Laws have been repealed, Royal assets have been seized, a convention to draft a Constitution has called, and the banks seem safe for the moment. But that's not the exciting part, the listings of the Bolsa de Madrid reveal some interesting picks for investment..."

"Investment!" wondered Montpensier. "Did you not say we had to be careful with the civil list provided to my wife? Did not just say all Royal property in France had been seized by the Rebels?"

"Yes and you still should be careful with it," chuckled Nemours. "We had to keep a low profile. Father always had overseas accounts and it has taken time for them to be transferred to our nephew's name. Furthermore, the banks in France still contain much of our money. It will take time to shuffle the necessary paper around to British and Dutch banks. Give it a decade or so and we will have built quite a substantial annual revenue."

"You speak like a shopkeeper!" yelled Montpensier. "Should we not seize the moment? Raise forces. Restore our nephew! Appeal to the courts of Europe? If unchecked the Rebels will swallow up Europe!"

"I once mocked Father for acting like a grocer but now I understand his instincts," smiled Nemours. "So let us rebuild our influence bit by bit. Our moment will come. For now, only our Spanish cousins care about our plight and look at their Army. Let us not cause our hosts too much trouble. Support your wife, support your sister in law and let me work on making amends for losing the throne."

"Tis' only a bit of wood and gold, didn't Bonaparte say that," asked Montpensier. "We did the best we could. And of course, I shall redouble my efforts not to offend my teenage ward... for our nephew's sake and for the Restoration."
 
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Dadarian

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Nadeau poured himself a cup of wine roughly. Most of the wine got into the cup, which is a blessing in and of himself. Even the smallest blessings seemed great when an individual is defined by bitterness. Sitting in his ministry office, shoes off, feet up, Nadeau was a grumbling source of poor looks that could be felt through his closed door.

Disney was a gem, an individual of interest and purpose, who'd probably go much farther then Nadeau had gone. Been in the country for seven years and now in charge of all naval affairs. Clement was a good man, but no leader. The rest? Good for nothings. That northerner and his dwarf stole out the revolution from him and act like their ideals are so much better than his. So what if his only idea to be implemented would've collapsed the entire nation within a week.

The cup is empty again, refilling it again proved to be too much of a task. Embittered, Nadeau threw the cup through his office window. The shatter and following gasps of surprise did much to satisfy me for the moment. Pulling his hat over his eyes, the new Minister of War slept.
 

Firehound15

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DECREE OF THE PROVISIONAL COUNCIL OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC
(Regarding the September Elections)
1. The elections shall be conducted by universal male suffrage, so that each Frenchman possesses an equal right to elect a representative to the Constituent Assembly.

2. Delegates to the Constituent Assembly shall be solely responsible for the drafting and signing of the Constitution of the French Republic. During the period of their meeting, the Provisional Council will continue to manage daily affairs for the Republic.

3. All individuals shall be permitted to run for a position in the Constituent Assembly, barring specific exceptions:

a. Those who served as a cabinet official in any ministry under the Charter of 1830;
b. Those who have laid claim to any royal or imperial title.
4. No delegate shall be permitted to simultaneously hold office in either the civil service or the military.

5. Seats shall be apportioned by the Ministry of the Interior according to the population of each arrondissement. The boundaries of the arrondissements shall go unaltered, although the number of seats which they shall elect will be adjusted in order to ensure an equal and fair division of seats in the Constituent Assembly.

Passed.
For: 6 (Deflandre, Clement, Gillet, Disney, Saint-Georges, Arago)
Against: 0
Abstentions: 1 (Nadeau)
 

Scrapknight

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5ZxcOqC



Paul Marie Saint-Estephe
Age: 47
Place of Birth: Bordeaux
Profession: Deputy, winemaker, philosopher, rich layabout

Eldest son and heir of a notable winemaking dynasty in Bordeaux, Paul grew up living a life of luxury and initially cared little for the political world, preferring instead the comfort of his books. Insofar as he had any opinions, he styled himself as a Legitimiste as a young man, though sympathetic to the plight of the rural peasantry. He slowly began to change during his time at the Sorbonne, as he studied philosophy and acquainted himself with both the upper crust and working poor of Paris. He additionally fell in with the Romantic movement in its formative years, writing a great deal of poetry and discussing the need to return to nature in several tracts that were moderately notable in Parisian intellectual circles.

After he left university, his views continued to evolve. He contrasted the misery of the Parisian poor with what, to him, seemed to be the happiness and contentment of the Bordeaux peasantry. He came to the conclusion that the cause of the misery of the urban poor was their distance from the land and the aristocracy’s hoarding of that land, and his prescription was to transfer power away from the urban elites and reach a more equitable settlement with the nobility so that the farming poor would have better conditions to work under. At its extremes, this called for deindustrialization, federalism and powerful communities working together to farm the land. Despite these radical ideas, Paul saw no need to abolish the monarchy, as both he and the peasantry he idolized largely supported it and republicanism was seen as an urban, specifically Parisian, phenomenon. He did, however, wish for a better and kinder king, and got one in 1830. He enthusiastically supported that revolution and was so optimistic about King Philippe that he entered the Chamber as soon as he could. Over time, as Philippe and the ministry became more ossified and continued to serve bourgeois interests over the peasantry, he got increasingly bored and retreated into the backbenches, serving as a competent but mostly unremarkable member of the Idealistes while he refined his philosophy and his wines.

Then the King died, and with him his Kingdom.

Unlike much of the gauche dynastique, Paul had little difficulty adapting to the changing winds and settled in as a republican without much fuss. He was able to do that because he was visiting relatives in Tours when the revolution occurred, came back to Paris and found it rather changed, and declared for the republic without anyone being around to question his loyalties. With that out of the way, he prepared to run in the September elections. The time to make a new France, a France for the peasants, is here, he thought. Change is in the air. He has sensed that this may well be his moment, and is prepared to take it.
 
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Noco19

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The Reorganization of the Paris National Guard

WHEREAS there is a great need for the safety and security of Paris;
WHEREAS those existing organizations may be better reformed to fit these needs of the People;

THE following will be enacted forthwith:

I) The Paris National Guard shall be reconstituted into twenty-four battalions.

Ia) Colonel Courtais shall be raised to the rank of general and tasked with overseeing the implementations of appropriate reforms.
Ib) Oaths of loyalty to the King and the Royal Charter shall be abolished and replaced with oaths to the French People.

II) Enrollment into the Paris National Guard shall confer a pay of one franc fifty centimes.

IIa) Appropriate uniforms and equipment shall be issued at no cost to the Guardsmen.

III) Enrollment into the Paris National Guard shall be opened immediately within each Paris arrondissement.

IV) The Paris Municipal Guard shall be disarmed and dissolved.

IVa) The liquidated resources of the Paris Municipal Guard shall be afforded to the Paris National Guard.

Passed by the Provisional Council of the French Republic by the following vote:
6 For (Gillet, Deflandre, Arago, Saint-Georges, Clement, Disney)
0 Against
1 Abstention (Nadeau)

JzTJnSC.png
 

Somberg

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((All credit goes to @Bioiron for writing up this decree))
Decree on National Workshops

I. Establishing Institutions

a. Establishes a National Workshop Office in Paris
b. Establishes Department Workshop Offices in all Departments
c. Minimum pay for employees of National or Department Workshop Programs is subsistence food or equivalent monetary value depending on circumstance.
d. Workshop Plans are plans for the creation and maintance of public works, such as railways, post offices, bridges, roads and other works with tangible public benefit.
e. Power to appoint management of both the National Workshop office and the Department Worshop Offices ultimiately stems from the Ministry of Public Works
II. Responsibilities and Powers of the National Workshop Office.
a. Creates National Workshop Plans
b. Ranks National Workshop Plans and Department Workshop Plans in order of priority:

1. What project maximizes the number of citizens gainfully employed?
2. What project maximizes the likely benefit over costs of completion/maintenance?
Note: Ranking should calculate benefits by not only looking to potential income from fees, but tax revenue from improvements in economic activity.
c. Overrides redundant Department Workshop Plans with National Workshop Plans or Department Workshop Plans that serve the same purpose better (replacing a plan for one railway line with a more effective one)
d. Provides grants to Department Workshop Offices for Department Workshop Plans, proportional to their needs and in order of ranking.
e. Pays for and operates National Workshop Plans and Department Workshop Plan grants within the budget allocated to it by the Ministry of Public Works.
f. Publishes yearly report on National Workshop Plans and Department Workshop Plans, with security sensitive details excluded.
III. Responsibilities and Powers of the Department Workshop Offices
a. Creates Department Workshop Plans
b. Ranks its own Department Workshop Plans in order of priority:

1. What project maximizes the number of citizens gainfully employed?
2. What project maximizes the likely benefit over costs of completion/maintenance?
c. Must pay for and operate Department Workshop Plans within the budget that is provided it by commune councils in it's juristiction, plus grants from the National Workshop Office
d. Reports the number of citizens that attempt to register for a job and the number they were able to employ to the head office and local Departments
e. Informs citizens of job opportunities in other communes if permission granted by said Department or the National Workshop Office.
f. Can work directly with other Department Workshop Offices to create and implement plans
g. Aids in managing National Workshop Plans as directed by the National Workshop Office.
h. Must send Department Workshop Plans to the National Workshop Office for review.
Passed by the Provisional Council of the French Republic by the following vote:
6 For (Gillet, Deflandre, Arago, Saint-Georges, Clement, Disney)
0 Against
1 Abstention (Nadeau)
 

Cloud Strife

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La Granja de San Ildefonso, Segovia

"Are you enjoying our sojourn to Segovia, young master," asked Nemours of his ward. "I think the air here is much better for your mother. It reminds her of home. Indeed, it reminds me of home. This garden could be at Neuilly or one of grandfather's other estates."

"There is more to see, more to do here, Uncle," replied Philippe VIII with a smile. "Paris was stuffy. I wasn't allowed out."

"Danger was the path we trod back in the homeland. Do not get me wrong, it is still plenty dangerous here," said Nemours. "Spain has much in common with French of the 'June' Monarchy than I would like to think. The same ossified class system and tensions between radicals and reactionaries exist. Your Uncle Montpensier has it the worst out of us all. His wife would be Queen of this country if Her Most Catholic Majesty were to suffer any accident."

"Uncle Montpensier? A King?" Philippe did not stifle his boisterous laughter. "We spent all of last night telling jokes and tall tales. We even played this 'numbers game!' as we rated the Infanta's ladies-in-waiting. What fun, though it was a bit rude... Overall, Uncle does not seem much interested in running a country."

"It's a good survival instinct; to be seen as easy-going," replied Nemours. "One that I wish I had learned sooner..."

"Oh, we are having a good time Uncle, don't beat yourself up over the past," smiled Philippe. "The Monarchy was rotten to the core. Better for the people of France to decide for themselves. We can contribute to society with our hard work."

"You sound like your Grandmother," worried Nemours. "Who told you 'the Monarchy was rotten to the core?'"

"The shopkeepers of the Palais-Royal," replied Philippe. "Grandmother let me walk about when I visited. Interesting fellows. They had all sorts of strange ideas. But Uncle, the more I thought about it, the more they made sense. We highborn earned our status through acts of bravery on the battlefield; you told me this yourself. But do we fight? We let the professionals do that for us. We're no longer leaders. We just sit about and eat. Like Uncle Montpensier!"

"Ah," sighed Nemours. "The Orleans strain is quite strong about you. I suppose i'm more Sicilian in my biases, blame your other grandmother for that. Yet that is certainly something to say. You sound like a Republican, young Master; don't you wish to be King, like your dear grandpapa?"

"Grandpapa said he became King because the people wished it. If the people wish me to be King, sure, why not. I'll do it. If not, I want to travel like he did when he was young! I want to see America and Britain! We can learn much from them. I want to practice my English with real Englishman!"

"Father did not travel because he felt like it. He had to travel, he had no choice..." sighed Nemours. "But it is good that you want to expand your horizons. Just do not tell anyone else about your honest ambitions. Let us just say, some people want you to be King even if the people say no. I admit, I was one of them until just about now but my nephew, make the world as you want to make it. Do not feel pressured by your lineage and live in its shadow. I know what that feels like all too well."
 

etranger01

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An open letter — initially published in the Journal du Commerce.

Newly resident in this great and glorious city, having returned to find it much changed since the days of my boyhood, I have taken it upon myself to remain abreast of the news of the day. It is thus that I have taken note of the proclamation by which a Constituent Assembly is to be formed by the universal vote. I, like many, welcome this prudent step towards the restoration of order.

My attention was also drawn, inevitably, to the clause forbidding any claimant to a “royal or imperial title” from standing for election to this Assembly. I am forced to consider that, of the three Frenchmen who qualify under this statute, one is at present a happy resident of Vienna and another is still under the care of his tutors. That leaves only one possible candidate: myself.

Though I was initially dismayed by the indirect method and the apparent personal slight, I have come to realize the wisdom of the decision. This new Republic deserves a strong, unimpeachable Constitution, and my presence and the implications thereof would only distract from the forging of this vital compact. I fervently wish to avoid being the cause of any controversy or strife at this delicate moment.

Therefore, as a loyal citizen of the Republic, I shall restrict myself to the casting of my personal vote and the advocacy of my personal views. France and her people require a governing document that restores public tranquility, ensures the equal rights of all, and provides for the well-being of her citizens. I shall do my part to contribute to a healthy debate about that document, even if I must do so outside the Constituent Assembly.

Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte
 

DensleyBlair

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To M. Esmé Merivée, Ambassador to the court of St. James (@DensleyBlair)
Your Excellency,
I write to you today to ask for an extended period of leave. The situation in France, as you have no doubt also been informed to far greater extent than I, have become critical. As I have family, as well as extended property and my own financial security, I see the need for myself to return, and to perhaps even run for deputy. I do truly enjoy the time I have spent, serving under you, but my conscience is utterly plagued by recent events. I ask you for leave, as I at present time do not know if I am of a mind to permanently resign. Of course, I shall be more than happy to in any way accommodate my substitute, or should you wish, replacement.

I know that you, in your position as ambassador, are also in a predicament, and as such regardless if you grant me leave for the time being, or wish for my resignation. Then I shall happily carry any letters you may have, if you deem it needed, to your family and ensure they make their way. I am also more than happy to provide for your family at Chantilly, or de l'Arrouaise should you prefer them further away from Paris.

Signed,
Philippe Henri de Bourbon, Comte de la Marche​


Cher Philippe,


Your request is, in the circumstances, entirely reasonable. Go home to your family. Until such time that the new government see fit to appoint their own ambassadors, I shall manage handling affairs here on my own.


En amitié,​


Merivée
 

ThaHoward

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Exodus.

Joachim was beaten, he had lost. Only now as he approached the border of Spain with the Royal family, or what was left of it, he began to realize what was about to happen. Joachim wanted to shed a tear, but he couldn't. Not now, not in front of the true King and the Regent. He had did his best, he was prepared to burn all of Paris, but he lost. It was over. Joachim followed the orders of the Regent taking what was left from the countryside estates, loyal to the last. In the Chambers of Deputies he may have gotten the chance to surrender, but for what? Surrender to insurgents and traitors! Moreover rumors circulated of shootings and hangings within the Palaise Bourbon. The anger of the extremists and masses knew no boundaries.

Joachim spent time contemplating about his family. It was rather ironic, and romantic in a way. His Dukedom was forged in the fires of a revolution - and it burnt away in another. Just as the Kingdom enjoyed by the Orléans. The conspirators of the June Monarchy those who worked in the shadow for the fall of Charles X was all gone now. His father died during the creation of the June Monarchy, then Adélaïde and lastly the King Philippe of France. It was now up to the new generation to pass on the torch. Joachim and the Orléanists was beaten, but not broken.

Joachim reflected over the course of action that led down to all of this. Exactly what we warned against had happened, the lack of meaningful reforms led to the radicalization of certain elements. He blamed the Right and Center for failing to adress the issues of France. As Joachim once said "sometimes we need to change to preserve. Or our resistance to change will bring about the greatest of changes". He cursed the Mouvement for their lack of clarity, for failing to move into a meaningful opposition that resonated well with the public. He cursed the Idealists for their alignment with the Radicals that led to the fall of the June Monarchy. At the very least their leader fought to end with honor, perhaps to make up for his errors. He was disappointed with the Royal Army outside of Paris. By the onset of the insurgency he opened up communications with the forces in Normandy and Central France, ready for them to surround the city and pacify it. But they never came.

But most of all Joachim blamed himself. For sticking it up to the dying force of centrism, believing cooperation with the center - that was unwilling to cooperate with him - was the way to dam up the rise of Radicalism. Afterall Joachim wanted suffrage to include all the way to the lower middle class, and then come with meaningful parliamentary reforms and liberalization of society. But he needed to bid his time, to wait for their majority. But it never came. He played with the idea of joining the Radicals in their cry for universal suffrage, voting with them just to gain their support. But he did not, and he cursed himself for not making a meaningful opposition. He cursed himself that he advised the 14th to not go on the offensive early on, believing it would alienate the Parisians. In hindsight they needed to be ruthless. As he was prepared as he fixed positions outside of the Deputies. But perhaps in the end it was for the better, now Joachim had no blood on his hand. Perhaps they could have gone down in history as the saviors of France, but they would also go down in history as the men who massacred their own people.

He sent letters to his family asking them to leave. He didn't want the mobs to reach Marseille. To secure their riches and head toward Spain where they would meet in the estate in Catalonia taken by their father during the occupation of Spain. Joachim had now crossed the border, taking a long look on his homeland and the setting sun. "We meet again". When he met up with his family he hugged his mother and cried, saying "I'm sorry. I tried, but I failed". His mother wanted to say "You idiot, you ruined your legacy and fought against liberty" but all she could say was "It is going to be okay".
 

Eid3r

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La Presse

Elections : Lowering the playing field


By Auguste de La Pléiade

And so it has begun. Our valorous seven dwarves have started enioying the sublime taste of power and diluting their democratic ideals to the necessity of keeping the newfound power they forced upon the nation.

Elections are to be called. The suffrage is extended to all free men, such a show of confidence in the people, isn’t it? But, because there is always a but with this little would-be government, they reserve the right to pluck the playing field by restraining candidates.

Indeed, it would appear that confidence in the will of the people goes only so far. The good people should certainly not have the right to elect any members of previous government for the last 20 years, for fear they might elect someone with competency and credentials. You see, when you are a dwarf, it is important to avoid standing in the shadows of taller men.

Likewise, any pretender to royal of imperial titles are also non grata. One would assume it is the Bonaparte clause, for we have heard that the young Bonaparte is back on these shores. We humbly salute him and the fear he casts in the heart of our dwarven clique.

Now, one can only wonder how a large section of the electorate, of a more conservative leaning, will react to being denied the right to vote for his champion, and I mean those who have not yet been exiled or thrown in jail like the good Maréchal de Moncey. It appears that only certain people are wanted around the table to design the institutions ... of the people.
 

Sneakyflaps

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To M. Esmé Merivée, Ambassador to the court of St. James (@DensleyBlair)

Your Excellency,
I write to you on this day, hoping that this letter finds you in good health and spirits, and that you have received happy news from your family in regards to their safety. I further hope that the troubles of diplomacy in England have not been too cumbersome to overcome. Though I cannot but feel that our current foreign policy stance, until the election of a proper government, is that of a headless chicken, as our foreign ministers are men of little expertise.

I write to give my full and formal resignation of my position as your secretary and within the diplomatic service. It pains me to do so, as I believe that the diplomatic purpose, to be of the highest order. But with the present state of France, I cannot do anything but stand for election, in order to bring back purpose, legitimacy and order to our fair country. As my grandfather, father and brother before me, I can no longer simply stand by, as fair France is passed through the rough hands of revolutionaries once again.

With the purpose of my official resignation now passed, I would also like to ask you on a more personal nature. I would like to ask your permission, not as ambassador, but as father to your fair daughter, Marie-Joséphine, that I may be given permission to write to her. Our slight hasty departure from Vienna, ensured that we never quite got to say goodbye, in proper fashion. It plagues my mind as I hope that she does not carry a bad opinion of my person, or of you from my behavior.

It is also my hope, should your Excellency be willing of course, that our two persons may stay in contact as well.

Respectfully
Philippe Henri de Bourbon.​


To M. Alexander Descombes, (@naxhi24)

Monsieur,
I thank you for the delivery of the letter; I admit it caught me by more than just a little surprise. It is true I have such a brother, but it has been years since I last heard from him. I cannot tell his handwriting in any of this letter, but I also do not wish to question you. As such I would like to invite the both of you, to come to the Hotel de Lassay, where we may meet, and I once again see my dearest brother who may finally call France his home once more.

On another matter, I would also like to meet with you in person, M. Descombes, for what lay ahead for France. I think we may both have ample use in one another, and as such, can do business.

With regards,
Philippe Henri de Bourbon​


To Amélie Constance Félicité d’Armentières, Princesse d’Armentières (@Eid3r)

Dearest Amélie,
I write to you with both happy news of my good health, and my plights, along with my hopes that you have been spared the worst events which occurred in Paris. I have decided that I shall stand for election this coming term. I believe by now, that for too long I have disregarded my duty to France, and that in light of recent events, I cannot do anything but act like my grandfather, father and brother before me. With France in such a predicament, a predicament which we do not find ourselves in for the first time, I believe I must do all I can to see that France does not descend down into further chaos.

I would like to ask for your support, and your guidance in these matters, as you once guided my brother towards his finest moment. I hope that you do not disapprove of my choice, my politics or my reason. I even hope that you may be kind, that as I as of yet, do not have wife. To host on my behalf, both in Paris, Chantilly and whatever other occasions may arise.

I may not be my brother, but I believe that we can both, together, steer France towards a path of prosperity.

With affection,
Philippe​
 

Sneakyflaps

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An invitation is dispatched to the following individuals: Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte (@etranger01), M. Alexander Decombes (@naxhi24), François Pierre Felix Christoper Victor de Levis, Comte de Charlus (@Jackbollda), Louis de Rohan, Prince de Guémené (@Michaelangelo) and Clément Larousse (@Fingon888).


To the men of fine virtue and proper governance,
I would like to invite you, to come join my person, and that of my beloved sister-in-law Amélie Constance Félicité d’Armentières the Princesse d’Armentières, at the Hôtel de Lassay, where all of us, who desire public order, stability and the prosperity of our beloved country, may meet in friendship and confidence. We must bring about a legitimate body in the coming election, which has the support of the people to write a proper constitution, and for such an endeavor, a show of unity and strength, between our esteemed individuals, will be of paramount importance.

I invite you so that we may discuss freely, our vision and desire, for this French constitution and the future of our homeland. It is our duty now, to ensure that the radicals do not tear the foundations of our history, culture, society and prosperity away at their roots. We must take up the duty which God has passed onto us in this hour, and see that the French people are heard and protected against any potential abuse or machinations of people seek only power.

And of course, I shall ensure the very best of wine and feast aplenty, to such envy that the ‘government’ shall no doubt henceforth ban it, in their wretched misery and unhappiness.

With eager anticipation,
Phillipe Henri de Bourbon, Comte de la Marche



General Godefroy Raymond de la Rhone (@Otto of england)

General,
I know that the duty, and your honour, as a proper Frenchman may very well prevent you of any chance to meet me in person. But I am holding a meeting of esteemed individuals at the Hôtel de Lassay in the coming weeks prior to the forth coming election. I have invited men of conservative leaning, no matter what their opinion be on our rightful government, be that republican, monarchy or empire. I have also been told that you are a man of such leanings, and integrity. Equally important, I am told that you have the respect of our soldiers, and as such, I would like for you to come and speak on their behalf, and your own convictions to my person and friends about their plight, and your ideas for our prosperous future. If due to your duty, that you may be able to convene with my person, and that of likeminded individuals, we would never hold against you, but I hope you may send a representative in your stead should that be the case.
My family has always been close to the army, even if I have not had the honour of serving alongside our fine soldiers, and I have no desire to see such an ancient friendship and connection falter. I seek to lead a new movement, which benefits all in France, not just the Parisian public, and I hope that you will support me.

With the deepest respect and admiration,
Phillipe Henri de Bourbon, Comte de la Marche



To Louis Alphonse Edmond de Chalançon-Polignac, Prince of Polignac (@m.equitum)

Your Highness,
I hope that my letter finds you in good health and prosperity, even as France wakes up to either cries of joy, or tears of sorrow. I cannot for one, know which it is as of yet. But that is of little matter, for I believe that regardless, it is the duty of such individuals as us, to take up the task which God has now granted us and strive to seek a proper elected body, who may draft a prosperous constitution for our homeland.

While I may not be able to speak for the government of France, then I do speak as a friend and I wish to invite you to come home. To meet with me, as both of our fathers did back in the days of Louis XVIII, and to labour together, to bring forward the happiness, prosperity and greatness, which the French people so sorely desire and deserve.

I further wish to invite, to come to the Hôtel de Lassay, to meet not only me, but also my dear sister-in.law, Amélie Constance Félicité d’Armentières, Princesse d’Armentières. Here in the coming weeks, I will be holding a gather, of likeminded conservative leaning individuals, whether they be Republicans, Orleanists, Bonapartists or Legitimists. For I believe that we all desire a proper future for France, where old proper virtues and the position of France in the world, is recognized for what it truly should be.

I know this letter may find you late, but I hope that you will take the time, and rush if need be, to come meet me, my family and our friends. To end your long time exile, and work with me, for a prosperous future, that French people deserve, and that our ancestors so dreamed of. I wish to embrace you as a close, as our fathers once did, and I can only hope you feel the same, for you are held in such high regards by all that I spoke with, during my short time stay as Secretary to his Excellency, the Ambassador Merivée to the Court of St. James.

With the deepest respect,
Phillipe Henri de Bourbon, Comte de la Marche