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«Monsieur Président de le Chambre,»

«Regarding the Comments of Uninformed Members in the Other Place, I shall address them with the fact that this Petition wishes to preemptively solve the legislative and executive hurdles French Education shall face when it is fully implemented, as the groundwork of the education system, formed by the investigations and reports by the Commissions and Committees of Education, shall take time to be fully completed, appreciated and reviewed. It is therefore that we wish to tackle the problem now. This is an example of good governance and long term vision the Kingdom of France needs to tackle the many issues it faces and shall face in the coming times.»

Victor Durand,
Préfet et Député du Nord
 
Last edited:

naxhi24

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October 4th
1815

Toulouse is a mad house. Everyday there are more and more arrests. Everyday there are more and more mobs. The army is swamped with the immense unrest this region has been thrown into following the clashes between vets and verdets. Everyday, we find more royalists fighting more veterans, or veterans fighting more verdets. Two soldiers were wounded when bricks hit them, the gashes on their faces leaving them scarred. Though throughout all of these encounters, the boys managed to stay strong. Their drive to serve has sent them to this place, much like how their drive to serve brought them to Vienna, to Berlin, and to Moscow.

For reasons unknown, I respect them for this. They have a calling, a reason to keep pushing. They serve the King as loyally as they served the Emperor. I do not know why they keep fighting, but whatever reason why is something to be respected. As of lately though, I have been sitting alongside some of the men around the fires at night. They tell stories of battles fought across the continent. One corporal was telling us about his experience at Waterloo:

"The Old Guard was one of the most experienced and mythological unit in the army. We held them up as borderline legends. Their commitment to fight and their determination to serve upheld the myths that they never lost a fight, nor ran from battle. We always respected them, we always believed they were invincible.

When the La Haye Sainte fell, the Emperor knew it was time for the finishing blow. He called up the Old Guard, and marched them forward. They moved with such elegance, and marched with such grace. They moved forward, ready to serve and die for their Emperor, the exemplification of the Empire's strength. We rallied behind them, these legends, and moved towards the enemy.

The British though were waiting for us. They were lying down, the tricky redcoats. They stood up, and unleashed a devastating volley upon our forces. That much firepower at that short a range decimated the Old Guard, which turned and ran. The legend was shattered. As they ran, we ran. The Old Guard's myth was made into a cruel reality. Our beliefs were broken, our hopes were dashed. We were not a strong Empire, but one on the run from the allies and from history"

Could the monarchy though end the same way? We hope and pray that the monarchy lasts. We believe it is the great restoration, the thing that will return France and Europe to normal. Is it all a myth though? Will it end up broken and running before we know it?

-Nathanael Barrande
 

Shynka

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Deciding to make the best out of his week long trip to the putrid hellhole of Paris, the comte de Saint-Germain rolls out onto the floor a new series of moderate, somewhat liberal and gap-bridging legislation.

1. Remove the legacy of the tyranny of the revolution by banning all images composed of three distinct colours arranged into three columns.
a) Applies to all works of art and all buildings. All those who paint tricolours, no matter the colour, will be investigated as potential revolutionaries.
b) Does not apply to national flags and pre-existing national symbols approved by the King.
c) If a landscape is consisting of three distinct colours, the owner of it is obligated to try and reshape it so that the colours are either less distinct or that the three-columns pattern is no longer distinguishable. If the pattern proves too hard to remove, a small fine is to be issued per acre of land resembling the tricolour flag.
2. Ban the worship of false rulers
a) The name 'Napoleon Bonaparte' is to hereby be forbidden from use by anyone in any context under any circumstance. He-who-must-not-be-reminisced is also to be erased from any history books. The uttering of said name is to carry a fine of two weeks imprisonment.
b) In order to tarnish the legacy of the revolution, every farmer is obliged to name at least one pig 'Robespierre', in order to reflect the public opinion of the revolution.
3) Correctly teach students about the revolution
a) Teach the future generations of Frenchmen about the despicable conduct of all revolutionaries only.
b) Do not under any circumstance claim that the revolution caused changes in French society; France can only be directed by God.
 

Mikkel Glahder

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Delivered to Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey, duc de Conegliano, Baron de Conegliano, Maréchal de France
@Mikkel Glahder




Haut et puissant seigneu,

On command of His Most Christian Majesty, make yourself known to the Palais des Tuileries, ten o'clock, tomorrow morning.
Salutations distinguées,

Grand Chambellan de France
De Moncey sat in his library as he did so often, reading a book by Descartes, about natural science. The matter of how science worked, he thought it greatly interesting. He took a sip of his red wine, a very good apperently. At this very moment, his servant, Clément, walked into the room, with him carrying a letter bearing the royal seal. Moncey recieved it, he broke the seal and opened the letter. When he had read it, he felt honoured to be summoned by the king to the royal palace. He had not been summoned by a monarch since the reign of Napoleon. Clément was ordered to make sure to wake de Moncey up ten minutes to nine precisely, be sure that his carriage was ready to leave at the latest twentyfive minutes to ten.

The next morning, de Moncey had choosen to wear his finest military uniform, wearing a white-feathered bicorne, as was common among the Marshal of the empire. After he had broken fast, he took his Marshal's baton and moved to his carriage at half past nine. He arrived at the Palais des Tuileries six minutes to ten. Here he was escorted by a swiss guard into the palace.

As he came in, he was told to wait in the antechamber by some, apperently important man, whom de Moncey told: "I wait whereever I wish. Good day to you." While he did choose for the antechamber, since doing anything else would displease his majesty or his staff at the Palace. He was still slightly dismayed at the Rosé wine he had been served some time ago. Not long after:

“Le Maréchel d' France, Bon-Adrien de Moncey, Le duc de Conegliano, Votre Majesté!”

De Moncey stood up, walked into the room and took three steps forward, bowed deeply while saying: "At your service, your Majesty."
 

99KingHigh

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LOUIS XVIII, By the Grace of God, Most Christian King of France and Navarre





The Prime Minister, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the Minister of Finance


Upon receiving the summons of His Majesty the King, Dhuizon dressed once again in his best attire and came up to the Tuileries. There, as before, he heard two large knocks on the chamber door of the King, and the same voice: "The comte de Dhuizon, Your Majesty!" Dhuizon referenced immediately, approached, and referenced again. He stood in silence, awaiting the King to speak first.
"Monsieur comte, I am sure you are most aware of the purposes that have directed you here this morning. No doubt Prince Talleyrand's resignation has made real the necessity for new governance. I have no need to waste your time, comte, so I should make it clear I am giving you commission and appointment to serve as the Président du Conseil des ministres, and lead the government in these most disagreeable times. I have received advice from other notable gentlemen as to the composition of the council, but I should insist that you remain in the Tuileries and make acquaintances with your colleagues as they proceed for appointment...

--

((@99KingHigh ))



Paris, la plus grande ville du monde...

Or so it especially seemed that glorious afternoon. Although his appointment was not until 1 o’clock, Séverin Maxmilien de Valence had risen early for a long bath, followed by a stroll along the river. He had stared into the murky filth of the Seine, as he considered his looming royal appointment. He knew that the river was the graveyard of countless aristocrats, rabble-rousers and other would-be statesmen. The worst excesses of the Revolution may have past, but politics was scarcely less cutthroat now than it was then.

Giving himself plenty of time, knowing that progress in Paris was slow, he returned to his residence at the Ministry and made his preparations. He made the tactical decision to forebear military dress; he was presenting his credentials for diplomacy, not warfare. As such, he opted for a brilliant blue surtout upon black trousers (his one concession to military fashion) and tied at the neck with a black silk kerchief, along with Hessian boots which his valet had spent a feverish night polishing to perfection. He prayed that his simplicity of dress would be taken as a signal of deference, and not dowdiness. Just in case, he had adorned his surtout with his medals from Russia, small and button-like, but shining. Perhaps evidence of past service would aid procurement in the present.

Finally, he had departed for the Palais des Tuileries. His carriage was rented for the occasion, for truth was that Valence was near destitution. His office in the Ministry, although flattering, was not well-remunerated. His estates had been left in disarray by the Revolution. Commerce was still stagnant, especially in the South, due to the turbulence of the White Terror. And what scant savings he had acquired from his time abroad had been poured into the panoplies of respectability: servants, indulgent banquets for friends, and petty change for whoring. As such, it was as much his economy as his political career that was at stake in this royal rendezvous.

As the carriage thundered across the Place du Carrousel, Valence briefly considered how his friend the Comte de Duizhon. He idly wondered if he, too, had received a post-election invitation. There would be many such letters flying around Paris. The Revolution was over, but the Government remained no less unstable.

After being waved through to the Palace, Valence found himself conducted through the halls of power to the antechamber, where a court attendant lectured him on the proper etiquette with all the pomposity and condescension traditionally associated with that office. He somewhat struggled to keep pace with the man, for an astray shot - from whose side, he did not know - had wounded him beneath the knee during his time in Condé's army. Valence sought to conceal the limp by deployment of a black walking stick, topped with silver, upon which he steadied himself as he prepared to be announced.

“Le marquis de Valence, votre majesté!”

The doors gave way, and Valence was finally in the Presence. He gave a deep courtesy, followed up by a second as he drew closer to the King. He kept his head tilted low and deferential, as he stated plainly,“Your Majesty.”
Upon the reception of the marquis de Valance, His Majesty was much aroused to good sentiments, and so too was the new Prime Minister, who was known as a fair friend of the marquis de Valence.

"Ah, my dearest marquis! Please come in and take a seat," the King exclaimed as Valence presented his reference. The marquis proceeded over to the chair and said nothing more.

"Now, dear marquis, I do very much intend to make you an officer of my government, and with the recent selection of the comte here as the chief magistrate of my government, I have equal mind to give you status of great import to match your good esteem in the ministry of Mr Talleyrand's liking. I should therefore be most pleased to give you the office of my Foreign Minister, and beg you accept it, and esteem your sovereign with executions of good prudence..."

--
The duc de Richelieu arrived not long after the appointment of Valence, and was made, after some considerable reluctance, the Minister of Finance; a position that had been salvaged only by the good prudence of his predecessor, the Baron Louis.


--
 

99KingHigh

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LOUIS XVIII, By the Grace of God, Most Christian King of France and Navarre




Minister of War, Minister of the Interior, Minister of Justice, Minister of Police, Minister of the Navy and Colonies


De Moncey sat in his library as he did so often, reading a book by Descartes, about natural science. The matter of how science worked, he thought it greatly interesting. He took a sip of his red wine, a very good apperently. At this very moment, his servant, Clément, walked into the room, with him carrying a letter bearing the royal seal. Moncey recieved it, he broke the seal and opened the letter. When he had read it, he felt honoured to be summoned by the king to the royal palace. He had not been summoned by a monarch since the reign of Napoleon. Clément was ordered to make sure to wake de Moncey up ten minutes to nine precisely, be sure that his carriage was ready to leave at the latest twentyfive minutes to ten.

The next morning, de Moncey had choosen to wear his finest military uniform, wearing a white-feathered bicorne, as was common among the Marshal of the empire. After he had broken fast, he took his Marshal's baton and moved to his carriage at half past nine. He arrived at the Palais des Tuileries six minutes to ten. Here he was escorted by a swiss guard into the palace.

As he came in, he was told to wait in the antechamber by some, apperently important man, whom de Moncey told: "I wait whereever I wish. Good day to you." While he did choose for the antechamber, since doing anything else would displease his majesty or his staff at the Palace. He was still slightly dismayed at the Rosé wine he had been served some time ago. Not long after:

“Le Maréchel d' France, Bon-Adrien de Moncey, Le duc de Conegliano, Votre Majesté!”

De Moncey stood up, walked into the room and took three steps forward, bowed deeply while saying: "At your service, your Majesty."
The following day, Marshal Moncey was appointed Minister of War and charged with the rather sorry duty of sorting the miserable affairs of military matters.


The arrival of a letter always brings strange tidings. Of all men, Alexandre felt that he knew this best - and particularly, that when such a letter is delivered on behalf of the King of France, it carries a weight far more heavy than most other varieties of letter. Indeed, never had he been summoned into the presence of the Holy Roman Emperor by letter, nor had he been enlisted into the service of the Palatine of Hungary in such a form. He dryly smirked to himself, perhaps the Germans lack a complete appreciation for the written word.

While, even in the Count's own perspective, after his immediate arrival in France, he discovered that he had lost some portion of his knowledge of French to German and Magyar, time had, it seems, mended at least some old wounds. Others, he thought, would not heal with as great an expediency. Perhaps, just by glancing out the window of his carriage, he could understand this to a greater degree than most days; that for every cloud, every wisp, every cry in the streets - for each of these, the divisions become increasingly sharpened.


This time of reflection was not meant to last, thanks to an interruption from his carriage driver.

"Monsieur le Comte, we have have very nearly arrived at the Palace of Tuileries."
The arrival produced a sense of nervousness in the gut of the Count which he had not felt since he first presented himself at the court of the Holy Roman Emperor, and most of the next near-hour was passed with a torturous speed - quick in hindsight, yet unceasing in the moment. Eventually, however, he was brought before the grand door to His Majesty's throne room, where he would stand for only the second time.

"Votre Majesté, le Comte de Berstett!"
In accordance with custom, the Count referenced three times, before briefly speaking.

"Je suis à votre service."


Later that afternoon, the comte de Berstett was appointed Minister of the Interior and charged with the rather sorry duty of sorting the miserable affairs of all domestic matters of stability and good sense.


As he sat in his carriage, looking at the noisy Parisian streets, Claude Louis Marie de Beauvilliers, Duc de Saint-Aignan, was feeling eagerness and anticipation. From the moment he received the letter from the Palace, he could not sit still, pacing though the vast rooms of his mansion and for hours smoking his pipe. He refused to answer the questions his wife bombarded him with, becoming rather cold and detached. And now, in his generals uniform and white trousers, with the moirée blue ribbon of the Order of the Holy Spirit on his neck, he was still thinking about the future audience. For a man of action and a devoted royalist, a call from his Monarch was most signficant.

As they crossed Rue de Rivoli with its fashionable shops, the Duc de Saint-Aignan adjusted his collar, making it even more tight and irreproachable. He was clothed in the uniform not to remind of his war services to the Bourbons, but because, wearing military attire for twenty-five years, he got used to it, feeling slightly silly when he had to put on a tailcoat and a top hat. However, he has chosen not to wear his Russian medals, even the Cross of St. George that he was truly proud of. The King of France has summoned him - and he was going to present himself solely as a Frenchman, ready to serve his King and Country in any way.

Short of one o'clock, the Duke has reached Tuileries Palace, left his carriage and was led inside by an officer of the Swiss Guard. As he walked through the rooms decorated with blue damask and patterns of interlaced oak and laurel branches, not so long ago bearing the monogram of the Corsican, he felt a strong pang of disgust, remembering that it was here that the poor King Louis XVI and his Queen Marie Antoinette were forced to move in 1789. Versailles was a symbol of the royal power, it was where the august friend of his ancestor, Louis XIV, resided - but Tuileries thanks to the revolution became a symbol of royal weakness.

As he waited in the antechamber, instructed by the fussy Grand Chamberlain, the Duc de Saint-Aignan silently pondered on what was happening. He last saw His Majesty in 1814, when he was invested with the Order of the Holy Spirit. Now he was going to see him again - and felt trepidation. For long years the King of France turned for him into a symbol, a vague dream. At some point, when Emperor Alexander and other sovereigns endorsed Bonaparte, he even stopped believing that the Restoration would ever happen, while never stopped supporting it. He felt that he would spend the rest of his life in Russia, serving in the army and administrative positions, getting money from the Polish manors of his spouse - and watching his grandsons, if not sons, becoming Russian. But now he was back to his motherland - headed by the rightful King.

“Le duc de Saint-Aignan, Votre Majesté!”

These words as if made him wake up. The Duke walked through the open doors and advanced the man whom he has once served as aide-de-campe - and who was now the embodiement of France. Three references. Head deeply bowed. And then Saint-Aignan spoke up: "Your Majesty, I am at your service".
That same evening, le duc de Saint-Aignan was appointed Minister of Justice and charged with the rather sorry duty of sorting the miserable affairs of guilt and retribution for those treacherous souls.

--

That next morning, the comte Decazes was appointed Minister of Police and charged with the rather sorry duty of sorting the miserable affairs of policing a country with more crooks than cooks.

--
That next morning, the vicomte du Bouchage was appointed Minister of the Navy and the Colonies and charged with the rather sorry duty of sorting the miserable affairs of administering countries beyond a country which did not administer itself and had barely a wooden ship to boast.
 

99KingHigh

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Lothaire Lécuyer, having been elected Deputy, is released post haste from confinement in Toulouse.
 

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Upon the reception of the marquis de Valance, His Majesty was much aroused to good sentiments, and so too was the new Prime Minister, who was known as a fair friend of the marquis de Valence.

"Ah, my dearest marquis! Please come in and take a seat," the King exclaimed as Valence presented his reference. The marquis proceeded over to the chair and said nothing more.

"Now, dear marquis, I do very much intend to make you an officer of my government, and with the recent selection of the comte here as the chief magistrate of my government, I have equal mind to give you status of great import to match your good esteem in the ministry of Mr Talleyrand's liking. I should therefore be most pleased to give you the office of my Foreign Minister, and beg you accept it, and esteem your sovereign with executions of good prudence..."
The Marquis de Valence just about managed to conceal his surprise at seeing the Comte de Duizhon at the King's side. Of course, he knew of their previous audience before the election, so his appointment to the Government was more or less a foregone conclusion. But the speculation of the time had been for the Ministry of Police. For Duizhon to be here, receiving a ministerial appointment alongside His Majesty, could only mean one thing, which the King swiftly confirmed.

Well well, he thought. New men for a new era.


As the King announced his appointment, Valence - who had been praying for this very outcome since his secondment to Talleyrand - received it with the proper humility.

"Your Majesty, I would accept such an appointment with all haste and gratitude. It would be the utmost honour to serve His Majesty, and the Government," he said, acknowledging Duizhon with a nod, "in whatsoever capacity He should command. Though I am inestimably flattered by His Majesty's appraisal, I pray that I shall be true to His expectations in my conduct and that of my ministry."
 

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The road was long. Lothaire had not changed clotches in days, an he would burst into a session of the deputies and would quickly signal that he were to speak next. With a ragged uniform he went up and held his speak.

ear Presient, Deputies and of course our King who we advise. I have come, I have come from voluntairly captivity and I thank my fellow Doctrinaire who demanded my release. Let it be known that my hands are clean, I have no blood on it. Let it be known that I have written an Essay where I ask us all to come together and move forward as one People as one Nation under one King! And unlike certain others who only look to the past to keep dividing us, to spread more hate and terror I will show to you in action that I am sincere!

Petition to Pardon the Verdéts.

1: Anyone who associate as a Verdet, are a member or have taken up arms on their behalf are to pardoned if they turn themself in.
2: When they turn themself in they are to be granted amnesty for their crimes.
3: They are to show remorse for the crimes they have done against France and confess them as sins to a priest.
4: Weapons, propaganda, uniforms and other treasonous material are to be turned in, and destroyed.
5: They are to swear an oath to distance themself from the movement and recognize it as a criminal organization.
6: There will be no political persecution of those who redeem themself.
7: The Verdets are hereby recognized by the state as a criminal organization, and those who continue to follow this doctrine and are members of this organization are to face the consequences for past crimes and future stability.'

Thank you, that will be all for now! Vive le France, vive la Roi!
 

etranger01

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Petition to Restore Order

RECOGNIZING that all other proposals are predicated on the existence of national stability and the rule of law,

I. The Minister of Police shall be tasked with establishing an armed force to maintain national stability, to be known as the royal gendarmerie. This force shall subsume and replace the present national gendarmerie. These royal gendarmes shall be equipped with military weapons and trained to the highest standards.

II. The royal gendarmes are to consist of 18,000 foot and mounted troops under the authority of His Majesty of the King, who may at his discretion delegate such authority to the Minister of Police. The gendarmes shall be organized into legions, with one legion for each department. Their mandate shall be to maintain order and the rule of law.

III. In addition, the Minister of Police shall coordinate with the governments of the cities and major towns to form legions of urban gendarmes, to be trained and organized under the same standards as the royal gendarmes. These urban gendarmes shall be under the daily authority of their local governments, but shall be liable to national service at the order of His Majesty the King.

IV. Should a state of emergency be declared, all gendarme troops are to come under the direct command of His Majesty the King and function according to military law.

V. In order to be eligible to serve in the royal or urban gendarmerie, former members of any similar force under the previous regimes must forswear their previous loyalties and swear their loyalty to His Majesty the King.
 
Last edited:

baboushreturns

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To the Honorable Sir, Lothaire Lécuyer (@ThaHoward ))

I wish to thank you for the efforts you've made on behalf of the men of the Grande Armee, the treatment they have received at the hands of the Verdets after so many decades defending this country is nothing less than shameful. It is good that those men have not been forgotten, for their service was truly extraordinary and without anyone watching for their interests I am sure many might fall off the path of reconciliation. I will do all I can to support your efforts on behalf of the veterans, however there is little I can do for now as I read the papers and watch the time pass in exile. My thoughts are with you Sir.

Best Wishes,

Jean Maximilien Lamarque former General de Division in La Grande Armee
 

99KingHigh

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A Few Game Notes
Or, recommendations on how to conduct policy
Petitions
  • If attempting to use a petition to get a non-ministerial piece of legislation, there are two techniques:
    • The first is to attract the attention of the king. If the King is withdrawn from politics, as Louis XVIII was, this becomes much more difficult.
    • The second is to attract the attention of the government. The King is far more likely to propose legislation if the government has noticed it and presented it to him.
Military Affairs
  • The Minister of War should work with military players to sort out the military of the nation and present a list of armies, divsions, etc. If this is done well, bonuses will be provided.
  • Also, one should note that the previous post on military strength is ideal; the actual strength of the army right now is probably at most 50,000 and at least 10,000 soldiers. It is capped by law at around 240,000 but volunteering is rather thin at the moment. It may be best to copy the satire of Red and Black and find ways to make martial matters a way of acknowledged advancement.
Foreign Affairs
  • Assume that those figures who negotiated the Second Treaty of Paris are presently in Paris. Do some research and RP with them in backroom balls and such to further your cause. Presumably any minister can be judged of considerable status to interact with them. Other players may attempt to interfere at their own risk.
    • For the record, I am all foreign NPC ministers.
  • A system will be designed for the Congress of Europe, I've yet to finish the details.
Land Ownership
  • Research will again come in handy; I believe the only law applying to the requisition of properties applied to only some esteemed persons and not all emigres. This is a difficult issue and should be maneuvered with caution.
 

Sneakyflaps

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(Private message to Marschalk)​
Monsieur le duc de Saint-Aignan

Allow me to congratulate you on your appoint as minister of justice, no doubt a daunting task in this France of ours. In light of your recent appointment I would like to invite you to the Hôtel de Lassay, I have a great desire to meet you in person.

- Louis Joseph de Bourbon, Prince of Condé
 

99KingHigh

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((Date updated)).
 

Fingon888

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((Private message to @Mikkel Glahder ))
Monsiuer le Maréchal de Moncy,

I write firstly to congratulate you on your appointment to the Minister of War for our great nation. You truly deserve the honor for your victories in service of France with all of her past governments have been most impressive. The primary intention of my letter is to inform you that due to the rebellion during the Hundred Days the Departmental Legions of the Vendée, Loire-Inféreriure, and Maine-et-Loire, all of which I command for the moment at your pleasure, are all understrength according to the ordinance of His Majesty, the King. The fervor for our Most Christian Majesty is strong in these lands so I have been able to raise from the three Legions approximately equal strength to the theoretical strength of one Departmental Legion. I have raised one full État-Major and a full battalion of infantry in the Legion of the Vendée. For the Legion of Loire-Inféreriure I have raised part of an État-Major and four companies of fusiliers. For the Legion of Maine-et-Loire I have raised a full État-Major, two companies of fusiliers, and three companies of chasseurs. I hope this report finds you well as I have dedicated myself to serving the King’s will and providing France with a supply of soldiers ready to serve her. I ask that we meet soon in Paris or my headquarters south of Nantes to discuss military policy. I look forward to our discussions.

Your most humble servant,
Général de brigade, Jean-Marie Chagnon
 

Syriana

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((Private - Council of State))

MEMORANDUM

FROM THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

FOR PERUSAL OF HIS MAJESTY'S COUNCIL OF STATE

STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL


Having been appointed by His Majesty as Minister of Foreign Affairs, my immediate task is the negotiations of a final treaty with the Alliance to conclude the wars between us. I have no doubt that these negotiations shall be extremely arduous. Few are the cards with which we have to play, and great is the extent of the Allied craving for vengeance. Therefore, I thought it prudent to set my mind to this task, and to establish the guidelines of our negotiations.

First, I must stress that it is imperative that the negotiations only be conducted by authorised representatives of France, who have been fully briefed and instructed by the Ministry. These negotiations are extremely delicate. The very last thing we need is interference by external parties. At this stage, I believe that authorisation should be reserved to myself as Minister and to the Prime Minister, the comte de Dhuizon. In the coming days, I shall consider the authorisation of further individuals who might serve to aid our negotiations.

In order that France might prevail, the Alliance must be divided into its constituent parts, so that we may – to borrow a martial phrase – defeat them in detail. We shall be aided in this matter by the absence of a common treaty, for a series of bilateral arrangements can only to be our advantage, limited as it is. Moreover, the unity of the Alliance is little more than a fiction maintained for the consumption of public opinion and predicated on the universal dread of Bonapartism. The Alliance was already fracturing at Paris the year before; it has been stretched to maximum by the contortions of Vienna. Attack the sinews, and we shall find ourselves not alone against a union of four States, but as one State amongst equals, each vying for personal advantage.

Our objectives are three-fold. First, to retain Avignon and the Comtat Venaissin, which I believe shall be a mere practicality, our possession having already been vindicated at Vienna. Second, to displace or at least reduce the army of occupation, so as to lessen the injury to our sovereignty and the burden on our nation. Here we must appeal both to the weariness of the Alliance, to their strategic considerations and to their desire to shore up the Royal House against radical subversion.

Our first proposal shall be the total withdrawal of the army of occupation, in exchange for a zone of exclusion in the peripheral departments. Namely, this zone would encompass the departments of Nord, Pas-de-Calais, Ardennes, Meuse, Moselle, Bas-Rhin, Haut-Rhin, Doubs, Jura, Haute-Savoie, Savoie, Hautes-Alpes, Haute-Provence, Alpes-Maritimes, Pyrenees-Orientales, Ariege, Haute Garonne, Hautes Pyrenees and Pyrenees-Atlantiques. No army – whether French or foreign – would be permitted to reside or travel through this zone. This would preclude the threat of spontaneous French invasion, which is the chief pretext of the occupation, without imposing the financial burden of supporting the occupation. The gendarmerie would continue to operate within the zone in order to uphold the law.

For the Alliance, this proposal would permit them to either disband their armies surplus to requirements or transfer them to more important theatres. For the British in particular, the maintenance of an occupation force should prove highly unpopular with the public, who should not see the reason for Britain to maintain armies in France now that the war is over. As for Russia and Austria, they have their eyes fixated on Turkey and the Balkans, and might therefore welcome the opportunity to strengthen their hand there.

Moreover, we shall stress to the Allied representatives the perils which the occupation may pose to the Royal restoration. The presence of foreign troops on French fields shall be a considerable boon to radical propaganda for the years in which the occupation endures. The French people have sued for people, and demand its dividends. The Alliance must be made to realise that the Royal House is the only guarantor of stability in the Kingdom, and therefore the greatest obstacle to a return to Jacobinism and Bonapartism. The Alliance should be strengthening the Monarchy, not embarrassing it by their intransigence.

If we cannot appeal to their ideals, then we shall appeal to their base interests. So long as an army of occupation remains in being, then the war is not over. The Alliance is already preparing itself for a world without Bonaparte. They shall be eyeing each other warily now. Here, our chief appeal shall be to Britain, whose security is synonymous with that of the continent. It is said that the Corsican once referred to Antwerp as “a pistol pointed at the heart of London”. How, then, shall Britain receive the knowledge that foreign armies lie within marching distance of that port? We know of the tensions between Britain and the Russian Empire. When I was resident in that country, I heard tell that a former emperor had formed an army for the purposes of transcending Inner Asia and making a direct thrust into India. And it is not just in this sphere that the Anglo-Russian relationship verges on conflict. There is dispute over the late Polish State, there is dispute over Turkey and the Near-East, there is dispute even over the British usurpation of Malta from the Hospitaller Order. We must exploit these tensions to insinuate doubts amongst the British regarding the occupying force.

Moreover, there is much that Britain may fear of the presence of Prussian troops. Now, we know that Prussia is determined to maintain a military foothold in Luxemburg, that she recently acquired the Rhenish territory and was determined to extend it into the Netherlands. Any Prussian action against the Netherlands would likewise expose Antwerp to the domination of a Great Power. That is an outcome which Britain cannot tolerate. Moreover, such an army would be not so far away from Hanover, which is a British dependency. Similarly, we may appeal to Austria, who shall not idly regard the maintenance of a standing army by her inferior partner in Germany. Austria may not desire the Netherlands, but she shall not stand for them to fall under the influence of a rival. Our recent conflicts notwithstanding, Austria and Britain stand in alignment with France in regards to settlement of Europe. We must utilise this coalition of interest to bring them alongside our position.

Should the proposed zone of exclusion receive no hearing (and I am doubtful of its success), then we must ease the burden of occupation as best we can. Our subsequent proposal would be for an army of 150,000 men to remain in the first year, subject to an annual and staggered withdrawal. At the end of the first year, 50,000 men would be withdrawn, and by the end of the second, another 50,000, and so on until their total withdrawal by the third year. By this point, the Alliance should be assured that France poses no further threat to the balance of power, while the gradual reduction of troop numbers shall alleviate the financial burden of supporting their presence. Again, we shall employ the same arguments regarding the necessity of fortifying the Royal House against dissent. Furthermore, we shall propose that the expenses of the army shall be borne by both France and the Alliance, in a straight split. That France shall still bear the largest burden should satiate their spite against her, while reducing said burden shall facilitate the swift payment of reparations to the Alliance, as their own personal incentive.

On that matter, we must expect heavy financial indemnities. Here we shall have scant room to manoeuvre. Shameful as it is, we must plead poverty in the hope of reducing the penalties. I doubt that the Alliance shall be swayed by sympathy for the French people, but we can impress upon them that, so long as France remains mired in debt and depression, the resumption of European trade shall be delayed indefinitely. Britain has already lost much external revenue as a result of the wars. It must be in her financial interest to see the French economy revived, as France is her nearest and largest market on the continent. Moreover, the British manufacturers and financiers carry weight in London, and therefore might form the nucleus of a ‘peace party’ in favour of France. I believe that the reparation scheme, no matter how painful, must be arranged in the short-term. Better for France to suffer for five years than to suffer slightly less for fifty.

Again, here we must make personal appeals to the individual States. For Britain, we can appeal to both its commercial interest and its liberal faction in Parliament. We must remind the British that it was the harsh provisions of the first treaty which provoked Bonaparte’s final adventure; they must offer leniency, ‘lest they should wish for a third return. Moreover, should France be stricken with direct payments to the Alliance, she shall have little money left to process the claims made by British citizens for martial confiscations, et cetera. We may therefore tie the matter of civil claims with that of reparations, making cooperation on the former contingent on concessions on the latter. We may even hold out the prospect of a commercial treaty should Britain relax her position. Finally, we may appeal to politics as well as economics, and offer our cooperation on the matter of Wallonia. The British are aware of the restive French population thereof. They must realise that, should France succumb to Jacobinism (as consequence to a punitive treaty), then the secession and annexation of Wallonia would be inevitable. So goes Wallonia, so goes Antwerp.


As for Austria, our appeal shall be to its position in Italy. Now, the strongest bond between France and Austria is our shared devotion to the Catholic Church. Piety and politics can be combined into an agreement on the matter of the Papal States. I suggest that we broach the topic of a treaty concerning the States, in which both France and Austria shall jointly guarantee its independence. In addition, we shall offer to defer to Austrian leadership in Italian affairs, and settle such treaties with the Italian States as to preclude the possibility of further conflict between us. Thus we may establish a foundation of trust between ourselves and the Austrians, which may translate into a softening of their position on the final treaty.

For both Austria and Russia, we can at last convene under our common values. The Russian Emperor and the Prince de Metternich are both men of peace. So is His Majesty. Together, we should form an unshakeable axis against radicalism and extremism, wherever it dwells in the continent. Even Britain and Prussia may be enticed by the prospect of a Europe free from war. To this end, we must manoeuvre ourselves into the Alliance. Only by becoming a part of the new order may France end her isolation. There would be no greater proof of our intention to disavow the Bonapartist regime, respect the settlement of Vienna and renounce, once and for all, war as a means of policy, than by establishing ourselves in coalition with our former adversaries in the name of peace, order and stability.

Signed,

His Majesty's Minister of Foreign Affairs,

Marquis de Valence
 

ThaHoward

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((Joint IC between me and @Eid3r )).

Sometime during the house arrest of Lothaire Lécuyer, Tolouse 1815.

Upon learning about the unrest and the violent episode in Toulouse, the Bishop of the neighbouring see of Montauban had quickly taken the road to assist the fidèles, certainly looking for spiritual guidance in front of this impossible bloodshed. His good friend, the Archbishop of Toulouse being ill, he had immediately reached out to offer his services, knowing far too well that the clergy could be stretched very thin in such occasions.

While visiting families in Toulouse, the Bishop was appraised of the difficult situation of a certain Captain Lothaire Lécuyer, the initial founder of the veteran's league whose presence had led to the outburst of violence. Some were quick to point him as a naïve victim, while others saw in him the Bonapartist devil. Always a profound believer in natural justice and the need for audi alteram partem, the Bishop decided to visit the man, who was assigned to residence until further notice.

He arrived in front of the said house, which was guarded by two soldiers. Smiling softly, he said, with a firm voice full of authority :
"The Bishop of Montauban for Capitaine Lécuyer. Surely he is entitled to confession and religious guidance during this ordeal?"

The soldiers looked at first reluctant. They were under strict orders to not let anyone in, but surely a servant of God were allowed? After much deliberation they would let the Bishop in. Lothaire were surprised to see this old man enter. He had for days been in his most luxurious "cell" and had done nothing but drinking excessie amounts of wine of all types. He had so much sparetime he had started to develop all kind of theories and reforms he wished to implement.


"Bonjour!" Lothaire said and looked at the man. "I am Captain Lecuyér, but I am sure you know. Pardon me, but who are you? Would you like a seat and a glass of wine?" Lothaire gestured at a chair of his and poured a glass before the man got the chance to reply.


The old Bishop entered in the house, while maintaining a severe gaze toward the guards as a reproach for their hesitation. His first impression was to be overwhelmed by the smell of the place. Clearly, the despondant soldier was trying to take his life by drowning in wine, a situation more related to anguish and despair rather than to sin and gluttony.

"Capitaine Lécuyer, I am Henri-Charles du Bourget, Bishop of Montauban. I have been told by half the families of this city that you are the devil, and by the other half that you are a gentle soul. I came here to hear your plight, and should you required some religious assistance, I will be most obliged."

A Bishop wanting to see Lothaire? Lothaire knew had heard the name somewhere. But he was quite not sure. He sat down and pondered for a while and had a vague recollection that this Bishop might have written some rather.. conservative essays. Were this a trap?

"Ah, a pleasure to meet you your Excellency. Now please be seated. Now yes some may call me the Devil, but I can assure you I am not. Alltough this place may seem like a place of sin, it is to be honest a place of boredom. I have been waiting in vain for my interview on what transpired". Lothaire played with his moustache he had kept since he were a Grenadier and were in deep thoughts. "Now why do I owe the honor of having assistance with a Bishop! I am humbled, that is for sure, but I am just a mere man. Why should a man of great stature as yours seek me out? Yes I have sinned, but most I have confessed already. When it come to the day in Tolouse where the Lord must have spilled tears, my sin is that I took too great pride in myself. I believed that my presence were enough to calm the marginalised veterans, but it only antagonised the Verdets". Lothaire lowered his voice and became suddenly all the more serious: "Know that I had no part in the killing. Nor was that my intention. I simply want to do my christian duty to look after those who are not as unfortunate as us. To steer the wayward brother back to his home. I want to look after the men who were under my command and my fellow brothers". Lothaire looked at the Bishop and were eager for an reply.

The Bishop listened intently the tale of the Captain, his gaze fixed on the eyes of the men.


"The title of Bishop is but a mere responsibility to a greater number of parishionners. It does not, at least in my case, cut the most necessary ties between a pastor and his flock. To answer your question, I was must struck by your case and felt you might be in need of a friendly visit given the seriousness of your plight."

" I certainly believe your intentions, which emanates from a noble heart. Let us keep this episode as a reminder to proceed with the utmost care for these are the strangest of times."

"Meanwhile, I came with this counsel. As a Deputy of the Chamber, are you aware that the Charter of the King strictly forbid your imprisonnement? I can certainly petition the authorities on this matter."

Lothaire were put at ease by the Bishop, and would open up a bit more.

"Ah, thank you Bishop. I do appriciate you wanting me to be released. But fear not, I am not imprisoned. I was summoned and came here on my free will to clear up what have happened. It is my duty as a citizen and a Christian. But if you have the time once you return, I would be grateful if you make such a request. Also it is good to see an Ultra as you, pardon me if you are not, to help a Doctrinaire as me - who also support veterans. It is good to see that we can put our differences aside, and move forward".

"And thank you for your visit. It is interesting how being solitary like this affect one's mind. I have been in many battles, but the battle against lonelyness the sanity is often a casualty. I ask you, what do you think of this matter? What is your take on the plight of the Veterans and the slaughter at Tolouse? I am also to be questioned, got any advice for approach?"

The prelate smiled at the flurry of questions coming from the young captain.

"I am quite at ease to learn that you are here on your own volition, since the rumour in Paris was more to the effect of a dark dungeon. As for the difference you state between so called Ultraroyalist and Doctrinaires, I must say I am at a loss to their meaning, being not attuned to the usual political verbosity. I see only Christians, to be quite frank."

"I shall certainly petition the necessary autorities for your release, and might I also add that you had a strong advocate of your cause in the person of the mellifluous Deputy of the Nord, who sang your praises in the Chamber."

"With regards to the moments of loneliness you refer too, I must tell you, as a priest, that you are never trully alone. These moments are priviledge for meditating one's action and their conformity to the tenets of our Faith. Solace is also a prime opportunity to communicate with God in search for a glimpse of his divine wisdom"

He took a slight moment, pondering the question of the military.

"I believe great care must be found for those who flocked under the flags of their nation animated by duty and sacrifice. Likewise, I bear no sympathy for those who did so for evil reasons and who took part in atrocities against their countrymen. My belief is that the former are few, and the valiants are numerous."

"Finally, in regards to your interrogation to come, the truth is the best option, candour is to be avoided. Say enough, but do not trust blindly in the justice of those who seek your ruin."

"Thank you. It will be good to come out again, to feel the grass of our beautiful country on my hands again, and meet my wife again. Now, I have a question for you. Something I have wondered. Remember that I am a literal child of the revolution, I am a Christian, but religion were not central in France when I was a child. Is it true that you can't have a woman? How are you able to get through life if I am not rude? Also can you drink wine? I have seen you have not drinked, and I have heard others saying drinking is a sin. But is wine not the blood of our Lord?"

"And yes, for meditation" Lothaire started to laugh "I have had plenty of time! I have written many papers for my school tasks, essays and sent letters for law proposals. Some are more fleeting than others and are really just mirages, a mirage like when Napoleon tried to conquer Egypt. But yes, I will remember what you said and take it to my heart. Perhaps during hard times I should seek counsel with God and not wander too deeply into my own thoughts?"

"Yes that is good Bishop. But who did it for evil? Who did it for good? Some would say that just because they served during a certain time they are evil by default. I say they felt a great duty to their people and motherland, and would have followed our current King too".

Lothaire drank some more wine and hope he were not speaking a hole in the mind of the Bishop. "Now yes I will be true. And the truth is indeed that I did nothing wrong. Or I was wrong in believing that I a mere man could install hope to end the veterans's fear for life and future. But my conscious is clear, in my opinion it was the Verdets who did this. If you were to come home after serving loyally for your country or church, as you do now, an when you come home you only meet prejudices, violence and no hope for the future?"

The eyes of the prelate darkened for a moment.

"It is the gravest sin of the revolution to have sought to erase both God and the King from this country. Such a disservice to our country paved the way to the Calamity we now find ourselves in. As regards the celibacy of the clergy, it is true indeed that we renounced the pleasure of such intimacy and love with the fair sex. It allows us to devote all our time and energy to the parishionners put in our trust. We are, after all, fathers of very large families."

"As for your question about the wine, it is true that I rarely drink. I do not find it beneficial nor economical and its lure toward sin is well known. As for the blood of Christ our Saviour, only during mass does the Transubstantiation of the wine into blood occur."

"The counsel of God is universal and always accessible to every man. We clergymen are merely the interpreters of God's way and humble guides for our parishioners. Feel free to seek advice whenever something weighs heavily on your mind."

"Only the Lord has a window into the hearts of men and can aptly judge their sins. We mere mortal must do with the tools at our disposal. Deeds speaks volume. The soldiers who murdered their fellow brethren, those who looted monastries, burnt convent and raped nuns are not to be mistaken with the humble men defending his family and country."

"Finaly, as regards the Verdet, I am afraid we shall never know the whole story. Let us rather work to make your name as clean as your conscience, it is the best we can salvage from such tragedy."

Seeking the time on a little clock, the prelate concluded.

"Time flies when in good company. I am afraid it is now a rather unappropriate time for our visit and I shall, with you permission, retire to my prayers. I shall petition the authorities on your behalf in the morning, my dear young friend. Shall you find yourself in Paris, you can always call on me at the Hôtel de Neuilly, rue Vaugirard."

"I thank you for your time, counsel and visit Bishop. I will, if needed, seek your counsel again. And once more thank you for your visit and your petition. May God watch over your journey back to Paris and guide you there". Lothaire were surprised of the visit, yet he were pleased. It was nice to have someone to talk to, and to know that there were forces that wanted his release. As the Bishop left Lothaire looked to the untouched wineglass, drank it whole and went to bed thinking grandious and naiive thoughts of himself and the future.
 

ThaHoward

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To the Honorable Sir, Lothaire Lécuyer (@ThaHoward ))

I wish to thank you for the efforts you've made on behalf of the men of the Grande Armee, the treatment they have received at the hands of the Verdets after so many decades defending this country is nothing less than shameful. It is good that those men have not been forgotten, for their service was truly extraordinary and without anyone watching for their interests I am sure many might fall off the path of reconciliation. I will do all I can to support your efforts on behalf of the veterans, however there is little I can do for now as I read the papers and watch the time pass in exile. My thoughts are with you Sir.

Best Wishes,

Jean Maximilien Lamarque former General de Division in La Grande Armee
General!

I am honored that a man such as you write to me. Your name is a legend and I remember during my first campaigns men spoke of your deeds, and even if I were a mere private at the time I too served at Austerlitz. It is therefore with great humility that I recieve your letter and recognition. And it is a shame you are forced into exile, this only show the need for reconciliation and how the veterans of France are treated unfairly! I also thank you for your support and I hope you soon can come home to your beloved home country.

Kind regards,

Capitaine Lothaire Lécuyer.
 

Syriana

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((Private - @99KingHigh ))​

Addressed to His Serenity, Clement-Wenceslas-Népomucène-Lothaire, Prince de Metternich-Winneburg et Beilstein;

My dear Clement,

It feels almost improper of myself to address you in the familiar tone, as I find myself in the quizzical situation of writing to you in both a private and public capacity. When I last saw you, I expressed my consideration that just as my prospects had reached their nadir, yours were the very inverse. I have observed your career from afar, studded with well-deserved success, and with particular satisfaction at the handsome role you played in the dispatching of the Corsican tyrant. At last, I may begin to approach even the barest of your success, for as you must by now be aware, His Majesty has deigned to appoint me as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Naturally, we have much to discuss. It distresses myself that our reunion, after so many years apart, must be conducted under the aegis of official business. As such, I would be delighted to entertain the Prince in private, before we should meet in the more formal environs of the Palace. I am sure that, after your many months of deliberations, you should appreciate a respite from the prattle of ambassadors. Such a venue shall also facilitate the discussion of such matters that lie in our mutual interest. You may depend on my discretion, of course, as I know I may depend on yours.

I would be most grateful for your consideration.

Please deign to accept, Monsieur, this expression of my distinguished sentiments,

Séverin Maximilien
 

Dadarian

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(Private message to @Dadarian )

To the deputy of Toulouse

May I ask how exactly you will enforce the policies you have proposed?

There are a great number of veterans of France worried that the hard work and sacrifices they have done will be forgotten and they themselves will be ignored.

You surely must understand what it is like living with a grevious wound and very little pay, and in the future you may even realise what it is like to be responsible for a family, if a willing and worthy woman arrives.

To ease your troubles however, I will have my man create you a wooden arm, by the next anniversary of your birth. If you will inform me what exact date that is.

Your companion
Lieutenant colonel Jean-Luc Gottoliard
Dear whomever,

Why are you writing me? Please don't contact me again with your support for degenerate Bonapartistes.

lB.

~
"Dear whoever is in charge of this body,

I stand accused by a certain deputy whom has some petty agenda against me of various things that are obviously lies as I don't agree with what this individuals said. I will address what this individual has accused me of in order of accusation, to prove their baselessness. However, this inherently debases me as to have to lower myself to such a point where my honour is questioned by a Dutchman.

  1. I have proposed no laws, having submitted petitions and, having once erroneously submitted a law, resubmitted it as a petition. Therefore no harm done.
  2. I have not, nor ever, impersonated anyone. If I have, I would have signed my name, but I have not. Therefore nothing can be proven and this is all slander upon my person.
  3. I have been accused of refusing to meet in the field of honour with the Captaine of the Traitor's Guild, Deputy of Somewhere Not-Here. However I have no even addressed this individual, having not thought it serious or that this individual having any honour to speak of. Given that treason is the least honourable path in which to follow, I fail to see how winning a duel with them is anything less than murder. Therefore, I am in all the right in refusing to shoot some random individual in a field. As the Deputy of Nowhere knows, murder is wrong. Unless he wants murder to be committed, which shows how lacking he is in moral fiber.
  4. I have been accused of attacking Deputies in this chamber. Alas, I have not done so, as everyone is here and uninjured. Therefore nothing has happened and once again I am the subject of slander.
  5. I have been moved to be thrown out of this chamber, which is obviously treasonous because I am a Ultraroyaliste and therefore must be loyal to the King, the only true law of the land. All other discussion is subject to denying the King's rights and therefore treasonous.
I'm well within my rights to issue an actual challenge involving actual honour to the Deputy of Nowhere, however, given that the man has been nothing but a financier and educator all his life, I see no honour in killing a dilettante. It'll be the equivalent in shooting a silken blouse, and there is no reason that anyone should ruin a perfectly fine blouse.

Therefore, with great kindness and generosity, hallmarks of my person, I publicly forgive the Deputy of Nowhere for his sins against me. He is but a man, and a Dutchman at that."