Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[Ab Ovo]

The Hotel de Cluny,
Paris; Kingdom of France

On the balance of things, the Marquis was rather fond of his fugitive. As long as the subject of politics was left firmly to the side the two aristocrats got along famously -- a shared love of literature sparking something of a friendship. Still he remained concerned for his own safety as well as that of the Duc. Piombino may not be an outlaw de jure but that hardly mattered to the Ultraroyalist mobs who still roamed the countryside and occasionally formed in Paris itself. If the Duc's new hiding place became known -- especially in light of his very public involvement with Napoleonic veterans -- both he and the Marquis could easily find themselves swinging from streetlamps...

The Duc was hardly de Bezonvaux's only thought however. The Marquis remained an avid follower of current events and kept abreast of publications of all political stripes, even those that were of a dubious legality, and there was certainly no shortage of things to read in such an electric time. New polemics and essays came out almost daily and de Bezonvaux duly devoured each and every one. Occasionally he gave thought towards penning a work of his own, but what would he say? It seemed that every conceivable viewpoint on the French political spectrum was already in print. What more could he have to add? Not to mention that, while as well-educated as the best of them, the Marquis was generally much older than the more prominent authors of the day. With age came moderation and a dimming of that savage flame which seemed to perpetually illuminate young minds, and the Marquis was well aware of it.

No, for now he would simply read. Perhaps after the conclusion of the elections he would have something to say, but as the adage went: it is better that they wonder why you aren't speaking instead of why you are.

 

[99KingHigh]

CHAPTER 2: Election of 1815 (Results)

Typically, as in ABE, I do recommended listening. ​

In the inaugural months of the returned monarchy, it soon became a matter of certainty that the second restoration would be afforded none of the luxuries of the first. Whatever confidences the continental sovereigns had invested in the popularity of the Bourbons was broken almost as soon as it had been manufactured. The Parisian masses, the military officers, and the civil administration had proved to the entire nation the pliability of their loyalties and their discontent with the incumbent administration. Bonaparte’s ultimate deposition may have suppressed the sentiments of open sedition, but privileged acquiescence to the new self-proclaimed sovereigns of France was never a guarantee. In the absence of a ministry that could sustain itself autonomously — given that the legislature’s disloyalty was beyond consideration — the necessity for justice (or retribution) floated down to the most rudimentary of levels. Marseille was the first to embrace the mantle of vigilante justice; the imperial troops had withdrawn on the twenty-fifth of June, at the loss of over a hundred men. Delirious over their victory, the "tough boys" ("nervis") massacred all the Jacobins and Federates they could lay hands on as well as some Egyptians whom Napoleon had set up in Marseilles after his expedition of 1798. Marshal Brune, in command at Toulon, had at first refused to recognize the king's authority and had said something about going to punish the Marseille. On his way back to Paris after having surrendered his command, he was imprudent enough to stop over in Avignon, which had come completely under the control of a gang of royalist volunteers. Here he was recognized and his hotel, to which he had fled, was besieged by a howling mob. The prefect and the military commander risked their lives in vain to try to rescue him. Brune was killed by a bullet through the back of his neck, and his body was dragged through the streets before it was dumped in the Rhone river.

An episode in Marseille (1815).
​

Both the city and the region endured many murders to avenge the deaths of royalist revolts in the preceding April. But nowhere was the violence more severe the in Toulouse, where there was indeed a great number of aroused royalists. There were no murders in Toulouse at first as the officials had the good sense to throw into prison any who might have been the object of reprisals. The only casualty was General Ramel, the king’s military commander in the department; he was a sincere and moderate royalist, be he had the misfortune of wanting to bring the verdet gang-militia to heel. These "verdets" received their name from their white and green cockade, the colors of Artois and the symbols of "pure" royalism. Rather than subdue their efforts, the post-Ramel officials turned a blind-eye to the institutionalization of the verdets as a local force, and found happy patronage with the irregular organization. As the violence spread throughout southern France, the central government in Paris, just barely reinstated and hesitant about taking rigorous action against those who claimed to be its warmest supporters, found itself for a time to be completely powerless to control the situation. Even Parisian clashes instigated by anti-Piombino royalists from the influential Seine department were beyond the control of Talleyrand and the “remnant” of his cabinet; Prussian occupants dispersed the crowds and maintained order.

The "verdets" kill the Marshal Brune.
​

In the West, where royalism consumed the social fabric and the most devoted monarchists resided, the popular mood was less explosive, and the leaders kept better control of their subjects. In fact, in Vannes, there was a parade and reconciliation banquet between the two groups who had begun by challenging each other to armed combat. The rest of the country was spared from the excesses of the reactionary violence by the Allied presence in sixty-one departments; but the inhabitants were no more thankful by their presence. Eager for booty and vengeance, 310,000 Prussians, 320,000 Austrians, 126,000 Bavarians, Bardeners, Wurtembergers, and the other German states pored over into France. By the end of August there were over 1,200,000 foreign soldiers drinking, pillaging, ransacking, and raping the occupant populace. George Canning told Madame de Stael, “We have conquered France. She is our prey, and we want to so weaken her that she will not be able to move for another ten years.” Allied leaders requisitioned property everywhere, seized funds, and interfered in the governance of the north. Several officials were maltreated and shipped off to Prussia and Austria for condemnation. While England was restrained by the discipline of Wellington, and the Russians held back by the sympathetic Tsar, the Austrians and the Prussians showed no restraint whatsoever. When someone complained to Blücher about certain endured abuses, he replied: "What? Is that all they did? They should have done a lot more!" But the degradation of France by her foreign foes shed far less bloodshed than the animated sentiments of her own citizenry.

The occupiers looking far too noble.
​

In mid-July, Captain Lothaire Lécuyer — a seasoned soldier and popular veterans of the Grand Armee — formed an informal league known as the “Veterans of the Grande Armée” after witnessing first-hand the sorry condition of the returning soldiers. Lécuyer’s image for the league was somewhat contradictory; the captain foresaw a charitable organization to provide pecuniary assistance and remain wholly ambivalent to contemporary politics. But in his extreme impartiality towards politics, Lécuyer also failed to observe its boundaries, and charged himself with a mission to Toulouse as the popularity of the league grew ever wider. For some, Lécuyer’s visit to Toulouse was nothing more than an act of conceited political provocation, while for others, the good Captain meant only to spread his works. Whatever his motivation, Lécuyer and his organization came under the informal influence of the baron de Briançon, who was known for sympathies of a questionable variety and radical disposition. Briançon retained the outward impartiality of the group, but called for a “march” on Toulouse, and fomented a situation which no “guideline” pamphlet could resolve; not least to a mass of illiterates. The royalists of Toulouse, led informally but not exclusively by the verdets and Monsieur Emile-Charles Pêche-lame de Couteau, refused to follow the example led by other royalist cities pacified by the duc de d'Angoulême’s présence, and resisted the sizeable crowd of veterans. The imminent approach of violence was no surprise; brawls and shootouts claimed nearly two-dozen lives, including Briançon. The “battle” of Toulouse was only suppressed when d'Angoulême arrived a second time, and placed the department under martial law and granted temporary command of the departmental legion to Marshal Laurent de Gouvion Saint-Cyr.

Wellington is received in Toulouse (1814).
​

These affairs of violence across southern France hardened the convictions of the King and shifted the attitudes of the blue-blooded electorate. The King, for his own part, was determined to strip justice from the hands of the mob, and appropriate what had been a purge of illegality with a terror draped in the purple robes of authority and power. Anticipating such a position from the next government, every elector was determined to prove his loyalism; consequently, the ultraroyalist faction became the primary benefactor of the elite apprehension. Nonetheless, Prince Talleyrand and the King were confident that the legislature would reflect the sentiments of the incumbent ministry and mitigate the warranted concerns of Wellington and Alexander. At most, Louis XVIII planned to depose Fouché and relegate the regicide to some diplomatic post of little consequence, and finally introduce his loyal émigrés to a royal cabinet stuffed with former revolutionaries and habitual flip-floppers. Louis became particularly attached to a certain marquis de Valence, who Talleyrand favoured for his former experience with Prince Metternich and the Russian court; the king’s detractors, however, argued the matter was one of “sensual adoration.” The Prime Minister convinced the King that after the election, he would resign from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and allow Valence to become the inaugural émigré in the cabinet, while simultaneously keeping Valence under his wing and (de facto) directing foreign relations as the powers of Europe assembled to negotiate a second treatise. Talleyrand also introduced le comte de Dhuizon, another venerable and experienced émigré, to the royal court as a possible replacement to Fouché as Minister of Police. The Prime Minister believed that Dhuizon, who had written an acclaimed treatise on political philosophy, would complement the responsibilities of the “legal terror” with his sharp acumen of matters both nomothetic and idiographic. Furthermore, Dhuzion conducted himself with a respectful austerity — always reverential of the providential hierarchy. Talleyrand misinterpreted his estimation of order as political docility, which greatly improved his chances for high office. Ever the infamous intrigant, Talleyrand envisaged a loyal mixture of experienced émigrés and domestiques (those who had served under the Bonapartes and the Bourbons) with himself comfortably at the apex of the political pyramid. But the Prince’s illustrious premonition of egotism was not to become reality.

​

Rather than triumph with ease over domestic opponents, Talleyrand watched as the ultraroyalists glided into power, procuring a maintainable majority in the Chamber of Deputies. Certainly there were not many who were devoted to the duc de Otrano. The first deputies who arrived in Paris declared with the utmost conviction that they would not stand for a regicide on the ministerial bench. The issue was solved easily enough and Talleyrand dumped Fouche down as diplomatic minister to Dresden. But Talleyrand was not long for power either. His machinations at Vienna had ruined his status as the persona grata with the tsar, and made matters of peace far more difficult. The Chamber of Deputies — nicknamed the Chambre Introuvable for being “plus royalistes que le roi” — had little more patience for Talleyrand as it had afforded to Otrano. Talleyrand’s lack of clout over the balance of power had prolonged negotiations for months as the allies deliberately stalled talks in order to plunder the nation. The Prussians, supported by the German princes, demanded a drastic revision of the 1814 territorial concessions; the French, they said, would never be resigned to the loss of the Rhine frontier and thus there was no reason to be considerate of their sentiments. Prudence would dictate, in the German opinion, that France should be weakened as much as possible, and her northern and eastern provinces conceded to some buffer state. The tsar was agreeable to hefty indemnities and occupation, but opposed territorial revisions, while England and Austria mediated the disagreement. The side came to an agreement on September 20, drafted by the victors, and submitted to the royal government. It was time to show Talleyrand and his government the door. But Louis wanted to give Talleyrand the honourable way out. On the night of the submission, Louis hinted to Talleyrand that he intended to replace him, and on the next day, Talleyrand realized the signal, and gave a haughty rejection of the treaty — earning himself patriotic martyrdom. On the following day, September 21st 1815, Talleyrand tendered the resignation of his office and his cabinet.

-
For those of you who haven't played my games before, and for those of you who have, please read.

All players deputies have been elected. I give this as a gift in the first round. Ain't always the case.

Certain individuals will be called forth to visit His Majesty throughout tonight and tomorrow. You will IC your arrival, of any length or description, and come before the royal presence. There was historically five days between the resignation and the appointment after Talleyrand.

This phase of the game will include legislation, debates on policies, foreign policy affairs, and any other business. This will continue until we vote on legislation and such. Remember, proposals can really only be brought forward by the government or petitioning parties (campaigning) as IT IS THE KING WHO PROPOSES THE LAW.

I will be working on a way to make foreign affairs interesting and workable. Military stuff will be posted soon.

Also @m.equitum didn't vote. Shame. Shame. Shame.

 

[etranger01]

A letter to the Prince of Condé. ((Sneakyflaps - Private))

Dearest Grandfather,

Regret to inform you that I have been elected deputy for the department of Seine. Shall do my best to uphold the family name in the brawling tumult of the democratic process. Shan't pick up any further untoward habits whilst descending into the muck, I assure you.

Have resumed communication with Father, whose pleasure at my standing for public office was as dubious as your own. Nevertheless, he offered his (verbal) support. Am pleased to report that your gift was very useful in several last minute discussions. Many thanks for your kind generosity.

As to the matter of a commission, would be pleased to resume military service in an inactive reserve capacity at former militia rank of captain, if such would please you. Regret to say that active service beyond present capability given responsibilities as deputy, but shall naturally take up the sword should la Patrie require.

Have taken up apartments within the city proper in order to best serve constituency, be among the people, reduce daily commute, et cetera. Shall endeavor to visit whenever possible. Can't imagine when our paths might cross at the Palais, after all. Perhaps lunch sometime soon?

With love,
Henri

 

[99KingHigh]

First Calls


Delivered to le comte de Dhuizon by courtier
@MastahCheef117

​

Haut et puissant seigneu,

On command of His Most Christian Majesty, make yourself known to the Palais des Tuileries, ten o'clock, tomorrow morning.
​

Salutations distinguées,

Grand Chambellan de France
​

--

Delivered to le duc de Richelieu by courtier

​

Haut et puissant seigneu,

On command of His Most Christian Majesty, make yourself known to the Palais des Tuileries, twelve o'clock, tomorrow afternoon. ​

Salutations distinguées,

Grand Chambellan de France​

--

Delivered to marquis de Valence by courtier
@Syriana

​

Haut et puissant seigneu,

On command of His Most Christian Majesty, make yourself known to the Palais des Tuileries, one o'clock, tomorrow afternoon.
​

Salutations distinguées,

Grand Chambellan de France​

 

[oxfordroyale]

- Private -

A letter from Lieutenant Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, baron de Roybon, to Lyra Lafontaine née Desrosiers, dated 25 August 1815.​

Dearest Lyra,

I write with exciting news: in response to the chaos and unrest in Toulouse, our division has been ordered to join Marshal Saint-Cyr’s in his march south. By the time this letter arrives we will have likely reached the outskirts of the city already. While I am overjoyed at the prospect of seeing my beloved sister after so long apart, I cannot help but think that the circumstances of our reunion are most bleak indeed. Regardless, now that the Royal Army is on its way to restore peace and order to the country, you need not live in fear any longer. Provided you do not venture onto the streets past curfew, the establishment of martial law throughout the region shall surely protect you from those violent criminals whose activities we seek to curb.

Unfortunately I cannot say exactly when we might arrange a meeting, for my official duties seem to change almost daily, but I suspect it will be within the month. No matter how long it takes, fret not -- I will see you again!

Please pass along my best wishes to Jean. I am praying for you both in these troubled times.​

Your loving brother,
Alexandre​

 

[99KingHigh]

Military Organization of France
As of the Ordonnance du Roi relative a' l'organisation d'une nouvelle armee, 16 Aug. 1815
((Thanks to @Eid3r for the translations of the original royal ordinances!))
​

The contemporary (August 1815) military organization was formalized just days before the second-round of the elections by Louis XVIII. According to the King's ordinance of the 16th of August, 1815, military recruitment and organization was hereafter organized and formalized by departments. The composition of the army and constituent army ranks are hereafter outlined. Please refer to L’Armée Française by Edouard Detaille, The Bourbon Army, 1815-1830 by Richard Holroyd, and the Bourbon Restoration by Guillaume de Bertier of Sauvigny for further information.

Composition of the Royal Army

• Eighty-six legions of infantry composed of three battalions each;
• Eight regiments of foot-artillery;
• Four regiments of horse-drawn artillery;
• One regiment of Royal Carabineers;
• Six regiments of cuirassiers; Ten regiments of dragoons;
• Twenty-Four regiments of Chasseurs;
• And six regiments of Hussars.

Composition of Departmental Legions

• A legion of Infantry will be formed in each department.
• Each legion will be named after its department.
• Current members of our military forces will be allowed admittance into the legion of their department.
• Each legion will be composed of:
  • One État-Major
  • Two Battalions of line infantry
  • One battalion of chasseurs
  • It will be possible to add:
    • One company of scouts
    • One company of artillery.
• Each battalion of line infantry will be composed of
  • eight companies, one being made of grenadiers, six of fusiliers and one of voltigeurs
  • The battalion of chasseurs will be composed of eight companies of chasseurs.
  • Each legion is commanded by a Colonel.

Composition of État-Major:

• 18 officers
  • 1 Colonel
  • 1 Lieutenant-Colonel
  • 3 Chiefs of Battalion
  • 1 Major
  • 4 adjuntant-majors
  • 1 Treasurer
  • 1 Captain of uniforms
  • 1 Quartermaster
  • 1 Flagbearer
  • 1 Surgeon-Major
  • 3 Assistant surgeons
• 25 troopers
  • 4 adjutant sous-officiers
  • 1 Major-Drummer
  • 4 Corporal-Drummer
  • 12 Musicians
  • 1 being a chef
  • 4 masters (tailor, shoemaker, armourer, leggings)

Composition of a Line Infantry Company (71 men)

• 3 Officers
  • 1 Captain
  • 1 Lieutenant
  • 1 Sous-Lieutenant
• 68 troopers
  • 1 Sergeant-major
  • 4 Sergeants
  • 1 Corporal-Quartemaster
  • 8 corporals
  • 52 Soldiers 2 Drummers

Composition of a Chasseur Company: (47 men)

• 3 Officers
  • 1 Captain
  • 1 Lieutenant
  • 1 Sous-Lieutenant
• 44 Troopers
  • 1 Sergeant-major
  • 4 Sergeants
  • 1 Corporal-Quartemaster
  • 8 corporals
  • 28 Soldiers
  • 2 Drummers

Composition of a Scout Company (48 men)

• 2 officers
  • 1 Lieutenant
  • 1 Sous-lieutenant
• 46 Troopers
  • 1 Chief Marshall-of-lodgings
  • 2 Marshalls-of-lodgings
  • 1 Brigadier quartermaster
  • 4 Brigadiers
  • 36 Scouts
  • 2 Trumpets

Composition of an Artillery Company:​

• 2 officers
  • 1 Captain-in-second
  • 1 Lieutenant-in-second
• 46 troopers
  • 1 Sergeant-major
  • 4 Sergeants
  • 1 Corporal-Quartermaster
  • 4 Corporals
  • 4 Artificiers
  • 2 Workers (Wood, Iron)
  • 8 First-class Cannonneers
  • 20 Second-Class Canonneers
  • 2 drummers

Therefore, the strength of each legion will be 1687 men:

103 officers
1584 troopers

In reality, some departments are unable to fill their ranks whilst others are. Aristocratic favouritism to officer positions is standard practice. I'll try and get more on the high command.

 

[Syriana]

((@99KingHigh ))

Paris, la plus grande ville du monde...​

Or so it especially seemed that glorious afternoon. Although his appointment was not until 1 o’clock, Séverin Maxmilien de Valence had risen early for a long bath, followed by a stroll along the river. He had stared into the murky filth of the Seine, as he considered his looming royal appointment. He knew that the river was the graveyard of countless aristocrats, rabble-rousers and other would-be statesmen. The worst excesses of the Revolution may have past, but politics was scarcely less cutthroat now than it was then.

Giving himself plenty of time, knowing that progress in Paris was slow, he returned to his residence at the Ministry and made his preparations. He made the tactical decision to forebear military dress; he was presenting his credentials for diplomacy, not warfare. As such, he opted for a brilliant blue surtout upon black trousers (his one concession to military fashion) and tied at the neck with a black silk kerchief, along with Hessian boots which his valet had spent a feverish night polishing to perfection. He prayed that his simplicity of dress would be taken as a signal of deference, and not dowdiness. Just in case, he had adorned his surtout with his medals from Russia, small and button-like, but shining. Perhaps evidence of past service would aid procurement in the present.

Finally, he had departed for the Palais des Tuileries. His carriage was rented for the occasion, for truth was that Valence was near destitution. His office in the Ministry, although flattering, was not well-remunerated. His estates had been left in disarray by the Revolution. Commerce was still stagnant, especially in the South, due to the turbulence of the White Terror. And what scant savings he had acquired from his time abroad had been poured into the panoplies of respectability: servants, indulgent banquets for friends, and petty change for whoring. As such, it was as much his economy as his political career that was at stake in this royal rendezvous.

As the carriage thundered across the Place du Carrousel, Valence briefly considered how his friend the Comte de Duizhon. He idly wondered if he, too, had received a post-election invitation. There would be many such letters flying around Paris. The Revolution was over, but the Government remained no less unstable.

After being waved through to the Palace, Valence found himself conducted through the halls of power to the antechamber, where a court attendant lectured him on the proper etiquette with all the pomposity and condescension traditionally associated with that office. He somewhat struggled to keep pace with the man, for an astray shot - from whose side, he did not know - had wounded him beneath the knee during his time in Condé's army. Valence sought to conceal the limp by deployment of a black walking stick, topped with silver, upon which he steadied himself as he prepared to be announced.

“Le marquis de Valence, votre majesté!”

The doors gave way, and Valence was finally in the Presence. He gave a deep courtesy, followed up by a second as he drew closer to the King. He kept his head tilted low and deferential, as he stated plainly,“Your Majesty.”​

 

[TJDS]

Préfet et Deputé Victor Durand du Nord:​

«Monsieur Président de la Chambre,»

«I rise to address my colleagues in this Chamber on a matter of great importance to myself and I trust many other Deputies, something which has transpired at a time of great upheaval and might therefore very well have been forgotten in the bloodier but not any less destructive struggles that subsequently engulfed this nation. I am talking of course of the Revolutionary acts of destruction towards the respected institutions of learning at the very start of that most unfortunate series of events.»

«Not only did they abolish the prestigious universities of France, they, through the seizure of school property, destroyed the infrastructure of education across this Kingdom for what is now more than three decades. I see it then as my solemn duty as a Deputy of France to advise His Majesty’s Government to address this most important issue and with it return to France its ability to recruit its brightest for service in the French Government or the clergy. »

«With the passage of this petition, this Chamber does suggest to His Majesty and His Government that the University of France, which has shown its inability to serve the needs of both French society and the fields of study they offer, is be overhauled and replaced by a Board of Education, which shall allow more freedom to the respective Institutions of Learning t0 organize their schools and curriculum within the bounds of rationality and the standards of the Board. This is adviced to be done, since the centralization under the University of France has shown itself to be ineffective on all levels of education, while, to truly encourage good education, the Government may allow competition between schools. This laissez faire attitude towards the education system shall finally combine the standards we have set for the best and brightest and the reality of France.»

«Furthermore, this petition envisions a new and expanded education that offers comprehensive education in the basic skills of reading, writing and arithmetic and societal cornerstones of morals, duty, discipline and obedience and thereby enlightening the foundations of French society and deliver unto France new generations of loyal subjects. This petition also advises the return of the ability of the institutions of learning to sustain themselves and thereby the education of France through the restoration of direct land ownership by said institutions, which efficiently defeats the most glaring problem of the Revolutionary education system, a constant lack of capital for the schools across France.»

«It is therefore that I submit to the Members of this Chamber for consideration the Grand Education Petition, 1815 as it addresses the failings of our current system and advises His Majesty’s Government on the needed guarantees for good education of future members of our government and our clergy. If Deputies see themselves as supporting this act, they can afix their signature in the Hallway.»
​

The Grand Education Petition, 1815
A Petition advising His Majesty and His Majesty’s Government to implement the following suggestions providing for the Restoration of Educative Practices, Institutions of Learning, after mal-governance, and the Better Education of those within the Kingdom of France​

WHEREAS a need exists for the expedient address of the mal-governance by illegitimate governments of the respected and prestigious institutions of learning and of abuses suffered by the people of the Kingdom owing to a lack of education, this Petition, seeking to encourage far-reaching reform of the existing system and thereby restore educative practices at both new and old institutions of learning, is hereby put to the Chamber for Consideration to advise the following measures to His Majesty and His Majesty’s Government:

§ I. Administration
​

I. The University of France is hereby abolished.
II. The responsibility for the upkeep of standards and morals within institutions of learning shall lay with the Board of Education. The Members of the Board of Education are suggested on the basis of merit by the President of the Board of Education to His Majesty, who shall appoint them - these members shall be representatives of the Institutes of Learning and Religous Education.
III. The President of the Board of Education shall report to His Majesty and His Government on the state of standards and morals within institutions of learning and shall set general governmental standards of and logistical support for education in France. The President of the Board of Education shall be appointed by His Majesty.
IV. Education for Service in the Armed Forces shall fall within the combined the purview of the Board of Education and the Ministry of War.
V. All Institutions of Learning shall be legal entities.
VI. All Academies and legal equivalents renamed Universités or Grandes Écoles.
VII. All Lycées and legal equivalents shall be renamed Collèges Royaux.
VIII. All legal equivalents of the Écoles Populaires shall be renamed Écoles Populaires.
​

§ II. Universités et Grandes Écoles

I. The Government shall be obliged to fund the construction and upkeep of a number of Universités and Grandes Écoles (henceforth collectively referred to as Tertiary Institutions of Learning) within the Kingdom, which shall act as the highest institutions of learning of the Kingdom and educate persons preparing for service within the French Government, the Roman Catholic clergy or for service to the French society at large.
II. Any Tertiary Institution of Learning disbanded or disturbed by Revolutionary Governments shall be fully reconstructed and their property fully restored by the Government.
III. Universités established under this Bill shall maintain powers over their curricula, although they are required and supported to establish respectable faculties of law, medicine, humanities and theology. They are further required to teach in accordance with the Roman Catholic tradition, especially with a view to the satisfactory training of clergymen.
IV. Grandes Écoles established under this Bill shall maintain powers over their curricula, although they are required and supported to establish respectable faculties in various fields of science, chemistry, engineering and mathematics.
V. Special Grandes Écoles shall be established or maintained under this Bill in the fields of military education, agriculture, practical skills, service for the French Government and business and they shall maintain the required autonomy to educate their students.
VI. The adequate funding and regulation of the Tertiary Institutions of Learning shall fall under the direct responsibility of the Board of Education.
VII. Tertiary Institutions of Learning may offer education to those not seeking placements within the clergy upon the resolution of their studies at their own discretion.
VIII. Should Tertiary Institutions of Learning see fit to offer education to those as outlined in Paragraph II.; Article VII., they may do so at a cost equal to that of the expense caused by such a pupil; namely, reimbursement of the cost of food and lodging, as well as the cost of providing all necessary materials for study.
IX. The Tertiary Institutions of Learning may offer scholarships to students falling under Paragraph II.; Article VII., to exempt them of such reimbursements if these students are of exceptional character and ability or otherwise deemed able to greatly assist the French Government, Clergy or French society at large by Tertiary Institutions of Learning or Collèges Royaux.
X. The cost of educating those pupils intent upon a career in the clergy shall be paid for by the Government.
XI. Universités shall be responsible for providing pupils as outlined in Paragraph II.; Article VI. with a position in the clergy of the Kingdom upon the completion of their course if education at the establishment is to be deemed within the standards of the Board of Education.
XII. Should a pupil intent upon a career in the clergy see fit to terminate his studies at the Université prior to the completion of his course of study, or should such a pupil not assume a position within the clergy within the six [6] month period after the completion of his course of study, he shall be liable to reimburse his Université costs as detailed in Paragraph II.; Article VII.. The exact terms of such financial arrangements shall be set at the discretion of the individual Université and case.​

§ III. Collèges Royaux

I. The Government shall be obliged to fund the construction of a number of Collèges Royaux (henceforth referred to as Royal Colleges) within the Kingdom, which shall act as the second highest institution of learning within Kingdom and educate persons in ancient Greek and Latin, history, rhetoric, logic and elements of mathematical and physical sciences for further education at Tertiary Institutions of Learning, service at Royal Colleges or Écoles Populaires, or for service to the French society at large.
II. Any Royal College disbanded or disturbed by Revolutionary Governments shall be fully reconstructed and their property fully restored by the Government.
III. The Royal Colleges shall provide education a six year education for citizens from the age of 12 and those having completed this education shall be awarded a baccalauréat.
IV. Royal Colleges established under this Bill shall maintain powers over their curricula, within the standards of the Board of Education and in coordination with the Department wherein the Royal College is located, but are required to instill morals, discipline and loyalty in its students.
V. Special Royal Colleges shall be established or maintained under this Bill in the fields of military education, agriculture, practical skills, service for the French Government and business and shall maintain the required autonomy to educate their students.
VI. The adequate funding and upkeep of the Royal Colleges shall fall under the responsibility of the Department wherein the Royal College is located.
VII. Royal Colleges may offer education to those seeking a baccalauréat upon the resolution of their studies at their own discretion.
VIII. Should Royal Colleges see fit to offer education to those as outlined in Paragraph III.; Article VII., they may do so at a cost equal to that of the expense caused by such a pupil; namely, reimbursement of the cost of food and lodging, as well as the cost of providing all necessary materials for study.
IX. The Royal Colleges may offer scholarships to students falling under Paragraph III.; Article VII., to exempt them of such reimbursements if these students are of exceptional character and ability or otherwise deemed able to greatly assist the French Government, Clergy or French society at large by Royal Colleges or Écoles Populaires.
X. Special Royal Colleges shall be established to educate girls preparatory to their lives as women and mothers in French society and shall maintain the required autonomy to educate their students.
​

§ IV. Écoles Populaires

I. The Government shall be obliged to fund the construction of a number of Écoles Populaires (henceforth referred to as People’s Schools) within the Kingdom, which shall act as the primary institution of learning of the Kingdom and educate persons in the basic skills of reading, writing and arithmetic and societal cornerstones of morals, duty, discipline and obedience.
II. Any People’s School disbanded or disturbed by Revolutionary Governments shall be fully reconstructed and their property fully restored by the Government.
III. The People’s Schools shall provide a four year education, through the successful completion of which, attendees can enter Royal Colleges.
IV. People’s Schools established under this Bill shall maintain powers over their curricula, within the standards of the Board of Education and in coordination with the Commune wherein the People’s Schools is located, but are required to instill morals, discipline and loyalty in its students.
V. The adequate funding and upkeep of the People’s Schools shall fall under the responsibility of the Commune wherein the People’s Schools is located.
VI. People’s Schools must offer education to those French male citizens from the age of 7 to 12 seeking to fully enjoy and complete the education provided by the People’s schools.
VII. The fees of educating those pupils described under Paragraph IV.; Article VI. shall be paid for by the Government.
VIII. Should those pupils described under Paragraph IV.; Article VII. see fit to terminate his studies at a People’s School prior to the completion of his course of study, he shall be liable to reimburse his education costs as previously payed for by the Government detailed in Paragraph IV.; Article VII.. The exact terms of such financial arrangements shall be set at the discretion of the individual People’s School and case.
IX. The Teachers at People's Schools must at least have a baccalauréat or finished religious education. The areas of Morality and Religious Education can only be taught by those who have finished religious education. Every People's School shall at least have an adequate representation of religious educators present and employed.​

§ V. Fiscal Appropriations

I. Any contributions towards the maintenance of an Institution of Learning through profits from property owned or ventures by said Institution shall be exempted from taxes.
II. If a Commune is unable to maintain People’s Schools, the Department wherein the Commune lies can be called to support the People’s School, until the Commune and/or the People’s School has completed the necessary reforms to resume its duties. This duty expires if the Commune and/or the People’s School is unwilling to complete these necessary reforms.
III. If a Department is unable to maintain Royal Colleges and possibly People’s Schools, the Government can be called to support the Institutions of Learning, until the Department and/or the Institutions of Learning has completed the necessary reforms to resume its duties. This duty expires if the Department and/or the Institutions of Learning is unwilling to complete these necessary reforms.​

§ VI. National Division of Institutions of Learning

I. The exact number of pupils and general population per Institution of Learning is to be determined by committee appointed by His Majesty's Government, based on the findings of the commissions into the feasibility, efficiency and costs of such institutions.
II. The Board of Education shall be awarded the ability to establish Tertiary Institutions of Learning in line with the demand of the population, determined by the size of said population as of the 1811 census and on the determinations of the committee, mentioned in Paragraph VI.; Article I., on the number of pupils and general population.
III. Each department shall be awarded the ability to establish Royal Colleges in line with the demand of the population, determined by the size of said population as of the 1811 census and on the determinations of the committee, mentioned in Paragraph VI.; Article I., on the number of pupils and general population.
IV. Each commune shall be awarded the ability to establish People’s Schools in line with the demand of the population, determined by the size of said population as of the 1811 census and on the determinations of the committee, mentioned in Paragraph VI.; Article I., on the number of pupils and general population.​

List of Deputies and Men of High Standing, who have affixed their signatures to the Petition:
[x] Victor Henri Louis Marie Durand, Préfet et Député du Nord
[x] Mathieu Moreau, Député de Yonne
[x] Alain Augustin Tremblay, Député de Seine
[x] Lothaire Lécuyer, Député de Seine

 

[Syriana]

((@m.equitum , @oxfordroyale ))

Addressed to Guillaume Armand Marie Emmanuel de Chalacon et de Polignac, Prince de Polignac et al.; and Lieutenant Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, baron de Roybon, of His Majesty’s Army;​

Dear Monsieurs,

This letter is addressed to yourselves because I have marked your names in the public record. I must state that I am highly impressed by your contributions to various journals on past historical episodes, particularly pertaining to the militarism of the Bonapartist period.

As such, I thought I would gauge your interest in establishing an Institute of Military History. One of the many functions of the Ministry is to maintain the archive of ministerial papers, correspondence and so forth for future posterity. I believe that this mission could be extended towards the maintenance of the historical record in general. As you are both lucid writers fluent in military affairs, I believe such an Institute would be ably served by your assistance.

Were the gentlemen so amenable to this proposal, we could convene forthwith to discuss further details pertaining to the structure and purpose of the Institute.​

Please receive, Monsieurs, this expression of my distinguished sentiments,

Marquis de Valence​

 

[Flying mint bunny]

Mathieu Moreau's perspective on Toulouse

While loosing human life is a shame it was a necessary shame. As we must present a strong united front against the coalition. We can not do that when napoleonic veterans constantly try to oppose the will of his majesty. I offer my condolences to the families of the dead soldiers they fought for France under napoleon so even though I despise your leader you napoleonic soldiers fought for france. So I'll leave you to your thoughts but remember one thing we must present a united front do what you like just remember
Vive la France.

 

[Flying mint bunny]

​

List of Deputies to ascertain their signatures to the Petition:
[x] Victor Henri Louis Marie Durand, Préfet et Député du Nord
[x] Mathieu Moreau deputy of Yonne
---------------------------------------------------
I support monsiuer Victor Henri Louis Marie Durand's bill

 

[TJDS]

An Essay
on
The Need to Restructure French Education

By Victor Durand, Préfet et Député du Nord
​

A disservice of the foulest kind was brought upon France by the Revolutionaries in their legislative flurry to destroy all that was associated with the Ancien Regime. Through their ignorance they decreed the nominal destruction of the respected French universities, the expulsion of all reference to the Roman Catholic Church, and the seizure of all lands supporting the schools of France, instead choosing to centralize education in the horrible Universite de France. This not only destroyed the infrastructure of education in France for decades to come, it destroyed the ability of the French State to recruit from among its ranks the best and brightest to serve in the French Government, the Clergy or in any other way the French society.

Unlike other commentators on the subject, I present to you the beginnings of a grand design proposed by my compatriots and myself in this essay. Namely, the Grand Education Petition I have delivered in the Chambre des Députés. This Petition allows for the introduction of an Education System serving the Kingdom of France through the deliverance of skills and morality to the French people, while also allowing for the further education of the best and brightest of students in serving in the government, clergy or to otherwise serve French society.

In this essay I shall also address the principal criticisms of this petition, as unfounded as they are, in the interest of the truth and a fair discussion of the future of French Education.

Firstly, the proposed education system adequately includes the participation of the clergy, as teachers in the subjects including but not limited to religious education and morality, but also prominent positions in the local boards of education and the national board of education, to advise on the future and standards of French education in general and on matters concerning the theology departments in the Collèges Royaux and the Universités across France.

Secondly, this education system as outlined in the petition is modelled after the workings of the pre-Revolutionary schooling system in a way that secures its financial independence. Through the ownership of worked lands, Institutions of Learning can sustain themselves without burdening beyond acceptable limits the Treasury of State, which currently should be focused primarily on the reparation of infrastructure across France and the restoration of faith in French credit and banks. The yields from this land and other ventures used by the Institutions of Learning shall be exempted from royal taxes, as the yields from such taxes would counterproductively have to be returned to said Institutions for its pupils and the educations they provide. This system would mean that the Institutions of Learning shall not be negatively influenced by malign investors and shall remain an independence and loyalty towards France and the King, without incurring great burdens on the Royal Treasury.

Thirdly, this education system shall not be rushed into existence as the proposals of Condorcet in 1792 for universal schooling, for the petition suggest the establishment of Commissions tasked with finding and describing the feasibility, efficiency and costs of all Institutions of Learning and a Committee to designate the division of Institutions of Learning across Departments and Communes. These highly needed investigations shall repair the infrastructure needed for the ambitious, enlightening and effective education system as proposed in the petition within the means of the State and the French People.

Lastly, this education system, which includes, represents and encourages the clergy, has accepted the flaws of the parochial system of education and sought to improve such a system to solve the glaring flaws of the aforementioned system. Namely, the dependence and great burden brought upon the Royal Treasury by the parochial system, as few parochies have the capital to sustain for long periods of time even the basics of education in this system, unless great unpopularity is incurred through harsh actions by the Government on the matter of land formerly owned by the Church, which might very well destabilize the status quo to unacceptable levels.

It is therefore that I ask you, Readers of Le Dioclétien, to sign the Grand Education Petition, 1815 as it addresses the failings of our current system and advises His Majesty’s Government on the needed guarantees for good education of future members of our government and our clergy.​

​

Private - @Flying mint bunny ​

​

To Monsieur Moreau, Député de Yonne,

Dear M. Moreau,

I wish to thank you for your support of the Education Petition, as it is the first step to righting many wrongs and restoring the intellectucal infrastructure of France from the destruction left by the Coalition Wars.

Your Obedient Servant,​

​

Victor Henri Marie Louis Durand,
Préfet et Député du Nord
​

 

[Marschalk]

Some time before the end of the elections...
​

Looking his son directly in the eyes, the Duc de Saint-Aignan has once again raised his sword. Its hilt was old and covered by scratches, and the gliding, one time fancy, has peeled off. However, the Duke has carried it since the day he graduated from the Ecole Militaire in 1786. And, as a true conservative, he was not going to change his habits. - Once again, Charles! Defend yourself! - the Duc de Saint-Aignan nodded to his son and started to move towards him. putting his hand in an attacking position. The boy, gangly, freckled, of rather delicate physique, raised his own weapon and frantically attempted to block the blows - however his father easily corned him into a dead end near several hyacinth flowerbeds, and then disarmed. The youth lost his balance and got on his knees, while his sword flew through the air and fallen into the neatly cut grass of the lawn.​

​

- Bad, very bad! You lasted even less than before! - Duke Claude exclaimed with an intonation of contempt, while wiping sweat off his high pale forehead. He flicked his own sword aside - and then roughly pulled his son to his legs. His dark eyes, always shiny when he was overwhelmed with emotion, now gazed at Charles with worry. - It is not good. This way, if you ever cross swords with somebody, you would be killed in five minutes time. When I was six years older than you, I have already bloodied my sword.

Charles immediately looked at his parent with utmost curiosity. He liked the gory stories about war, hunts and so on - much more than the actual martial training. Sadly to Claude, his eldest son was frail and weak in body - however, the Duc de Saint-Aignan hoped that there was still time to toughen him up, so that he would be able to wear the uniform, spurs and sabre, as many from the Beauvilliers line did. - Who was it, Papa? The first man you have raised arms againt? A sans-culotte? A goddam... I mean, a dirty Jacobin? - asked Charles.

When his heir nearly swore, the nobleman strictly furrowed his brows - if the Duchess would hear it, the boy would certainly be grounded. But in a moment Claude smiled and patted Charles over the head. - Not quite. Now lets go home, it is starting to rain. In truth the first man he wounded was a gendarmerie officer, with whom they brawled in a regimental club. Word after word - and it all led to an affair of honor. They have met at Champs Elysees early in the morning - and the Duc de Saint-Aignan pierced that poor bastard though with his third thrust. He had bled extensively and was ill for three weeks - officialy he only had cold, though. Then the man recovered.... only to be guillotined in 1791. Somehow Claude thought that fate had the darkest sense of humor - but he was not going to tell his son all that. It was not pedagogical.

As they walked back towards the house, the sky indeed got covered by greyish clouds and started effusing chilly drops of water. The boy shivered, even though he quickly put on a cloak decorared with the rich furs of sable, brought from his mothers Polish estates. His father, while only in his old general uniform, walked nonchalantly. He got used to cold while living in Russia. When the Horse Guards, in which he served, maneuvered near St.Petersburg, by the end of it they were usually covered by snow, from the plums on their polished helmets to the hoofs of their horses.

- You would become a good fencer, it would just take some time! - Claude told his son, as they walked first into the house and then into the large cabinet. decorated with marble bas-reliefs depicting Biblical scenes. Then he landed into a chair and started thinking of a better instructor he might have to hire for his son. Perhaps Labourdonait? He now trained the royal guardsmen. - If you have seen me and Moncey fenced in our yo... This was the moment when the Duc de Saint-Aignan uttered a name he thought he would never ever utter. again. He quickly nodded to his son. - Now go, visit your mother. When Charles left, Claude thought he could have some rest. Perhaps read Le Gazette and drink some red wine. However, suddenly one of his lackeys, Pierre walked in. Bowing to his master, he said. - Monsieur le Duc, a letter for you... From Marshal de Moncey.

An aristocrat to the core, the Duc de Saint-Aignan knew how not to lose face before his servant. Therefore he majestically waited for the lackey to leave - and only then with the shocked expression looked at the letter. He would not expect that. He did not care for Bonapartists and for most of their bigwigs he felt only contempt. However, this particular Bonapartist bigwig was somebody he once considered a friend, even an elder friend. The man was sixteen years older - but it did not stop them from communicating quite well... before all of it started.

As Claude read the letter, he only shook his head. Telling him of an erotic book at such a moment! - Has the Egyptian heat made him mad or something? Wait, the Corsican did not send him to Egypt. Well, the Spanish heat or whatever... - he grumbled, scratching his neatly shaven chin. Trying to understand, he read it again. In a moment his lips curled in an angry scowl... but then, involuntarily, they formed into a grin. How typical of Moncey, he thought. For about ten minutes the former emigre sat silently. Then he laughed, remembering that he had once found this... "Lusty Maid" book in a bedchamber of an actual lusty maid, a baroness he slept with in Coblenz. He still remembered the quotes. "Oh, sir, but would all this paperwork make me REEALLY tired7 - Dont worry, Délia, I have a VERY long quill!". Quite horrific. Sighing and shaking his head, the Duke started to write a response.​

To Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey, Duc de Conegliano, Marechal of France (RR - Private))​

Monsieur le Marechal (or can I call you simply Bon-Adrien, as before?),

It is indeed a pity that such great tragedies as the revolution separate people - in our case it was twenty-five years of my exile. This occurrence, of course, greatly displeases me - and I most note that if all officers stayed loyal to their King at these dark years, we may have during these two decades still enjoyed each other company.

I have indeed heard of your successes - a baton of a Marshal, a ducal title and a peerage - and since you were always a good soldier. I dont doubt that you have served vigorously to earn them. However, my own title is of a more grim nature - as you probably know, I have become the next Duc de Saint-Aignan in 1791. while being in exile, when my poor father was executed by the vile jacobins for simply writing a letter of sympathy to the imprisoned Monarch.

Regarding the wine - I find it peculiar that after all these years your tastes stayed the same. You never was quite a connoisseur of rosé and champagne, but you always liked your red. So do I, strangely enough.

If you would like to meet me, sure. I am currently in Paris, so you visit me at convenient time.

I most faithfully remain,

SAINT-AIGNAN

P.S. If you still have the book, burn it immediately. It is more disgusing than amuzing.

 

[Eid3r]

The Bishop of Montauban, freshly elected deputy of the Gers, rose in the Chamber of Deputies to partake in the ongoing debate on the very serious matter of National education. Having penned a public essay about it, he was certainly most interested in the matter:

"My esteemed colleagues. It is quite an honor for me to rise in this august assembly to represent my fellow citizens of the Gers, but also to carry a royalist sentiment that is widespread through the Kingdom. I would certainly seize the opportunity, on my first speech in this Chamber, to express my deepest sentiments of gratitude toward the fair electors of the Gers, which vested in me the active promotion of their hopes for our Kingdom."

"I would first like to congratulate the Deputy for the Nord, which has done commendable work on the subject of National Education. His proposals, of which we are for the most part in agreement, namely about his vision for our institutions of higher learning, are bold and worthy of the greatness of France."

"However, deep differences remain between the esteemed colleague for Nord and I, on the form that the primary education of our youth should take."

"The proposals made by the Deputy for Nord, while commendable, would incur extreme expenses from the Public Purse, at a time where the Kingdom is beset on all fronts by important challenges. The restoration of our borders, the provisioning of our armed forces, the reconstruction of our national economy, the fostering of our commerce, the maintenance of law and order. These are but a few of the very expensive challenges facing our Kingdom."

"For centuries, the Church of France has provided the educational services to our population, especially our youth. It' educational expertise is unrivaled. It has instilled in the faithful subjects of our King the fundamental values of obedience, industry and faith. Values which are the very underpinning of our monarchy."

"I therefore seek only what is in the natural and best interest of France's children. That their education be once more trusted to the dedicated men and women of the clergy, who are known for their kindness, abnegation and expertise. They will take charge of this important mission at a fraction of the cost of the system proposed by the Deputy of the Nord, thus enabling meaningful educational reform right now, while preserving the scarce and vital resources of the State for the many challenges we are currently facing."

"It is with humble heart, that I submit this petition to the Chamber of Deputies, and that it shall also be made public to the various man of important opinions across the Realm, for their adhesion to it. It shall then be presented, in all humility, to his Majesty the King for his august consideration. In a spirit of collaboration, we will also listen to all proposals for bonification which coud lead to a wider approval of the said measures."

A Petition to his Majesty the King on the need for reform in the matters of National Education of our youth​

Considering that all laws flows from the Rightful prerogatives of His Majesty the King.

Considering the grievous injury made to an entire generation of our citizen by the wanton destruction of our educational system in the wake of the Revolution.

Considering that prior to the Revolution, the Kingdom of France could boast on having the finest education system in Europe.

Considering that the Church of France has for centuries, ensured the education of our youth, and therefore, developed critical experience in the said matter.

Considering all the pressing matters currently laid in front of his Majesty's and requiring the limited resources of the Kingdom, such as the re-establishment of our frontiers, the provision for our national army, the restoration of commerce and industry.

Considering that the Church of France has adequately, and to a minimal cost to the State's finances, provided educational services in the past.

Considering that the clergy, by the Charter of 1814, is currently receiving a stipend from the State.

We, humble subjects of France, proposes the following petition to his Majesty, for his Royal consideration and submit the following legislation as a suggestion.

[X] Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget, Bishop of Montauban and Deputy of the Gers

Of the administration of our National Education

1. The administration of efficient educational services in the Kingdom of France shall be vested in a National Board of Education, to be responsible for fostering and up keeping the highest standards of moral within our establishments of learning.
   
   
2. The National Board of Education shall be composed of administrators appointed by his Majesty, selected amongst the clergy and the administrators of our establishments of learning in equal parts.
   
   
3. A Provost of the National Board of Education, named by the King under the same conditions as the nominations for the said board, shall report to the King on all matters under his jurisdiction.
   
   
4. The Educational services aimed for Service in the Armed Forces shall fall within the purview of the Ministry of War.

Of the primary education of our youth

1. The primary education services for our youth are to be delivered by the Church of France, an institution already present on the entire territory of the Kingdom and doted of the sufficient manpower, expertise and knowledge to deliver these services.
   
   
2. The Church of France shall establish schools within every parishes of the Kingdom and educate the children of France in the much needed skills of reading, writing, and arithmetic.
   
   
3. The parish schools shall also teach the fundamental values of our society, namely, morals, religious education, discipline, hard-work and obedience.
   
   
4. The Government shall rebuild, over the next decade, all the schools which were disbanded, looted and destroyed by the Revolutionary Governments. These schools shall be put in trust of the Church of France.
   
   
5. The parish schools shall provide a curriculum of 4 years of education, paving the way for the admittance into establishment of higher studies. The curriculum shall be established within flexible guidelines provided by the Board of National Education, in order to respond to regional aspirations and well as maintaining a commonality with the whole Kingdom.
   
   
6. The parish schools shall offer education to all French male citizens from the age of 6 to 11 who seeks admission.
   
   
7. There shall be no fees for the admission of a student into a parish school.
   
   
8. All teachers in the parish schools must comply with qualifications standards to be established by the National Board of Education, and with the following requirement:
   1. An official recommendation by the Church of France, to be granted at the diocesan level by relevant authorities.

Of the necessary fiscal resources

1. Any contribution towards the maintenance of a parish school shall be exempted from taxes.
   
   
2. If a Parish is unable to maintain a parish school, the relevant diocese shall be liable to ensure the education of the pupils in other establishments.
   
   
3. The Church of France shall assume the costs of maintaining the said parish-schools, and shall receive appropriations to be determined by the Minister of Finances in pursuit of this objective. [\quote]

 

[TJDS]

Préfet et Deputé Victor Durand du Nord:
​

«Monsieur Président de la Chambre,»

«I rise in this Chamber most disturbed by the statements of the Député de Gers, as he seems to forget himself whilst claiming that the Grand Education Petition would incur great expenses from the Government, when I have made it abundantly clear in my essays on the subject of National Education that the Institutions of Learning are largely self-reliant thanks to their tax-exempt status on their fields and the production from them.»

«It is the case, unbeknownst it seems, to the Député de Gers, that the Institutions of Learning shall be a small if existent burden upon the Royal Treasury compared to the institution he claims to be self-reliant, indeed, able to sustain the Institutions of Learning completely, without the lands of those Institutions and the support of the Royal Treasury, the Church of France, which, as the Minister of Finance, relies heavily on the Royal Treasury to sustain the wages of the Parish Priests.»

«Although I am in no way unwilling to recognize the great virtues of these men of the Church of France or the well-meaning deeds they do, most certainly the respected Député de Gers, as he is one of them; we must not live in the ignorance that such an institution shall be able, as the system proposed in the Grand Education Petition is, to sustain an education system without considerable and indeed near harmful support from the Royal Treasury at a time when, as the Député de Gers finely put it, the restoration of our borders, the provisioning of our armed forces, the reconstruction of our national economy, the fostering of our commerce, the maintenance of law and order are of the utmost importance of the Minister of Finance.»

«It is therefore that I encourage the Members of this August Body to withhold their signature from the proposal of the Député de Gers, until the Député releases a proposal that shall be within the bounds of the economic reality the Kingdom of France finds itself in.»

****************​

Private - Doctrinaire MPs

To the Honoured Députés and Peers of the Moderate Royalist ideological persuasion

Honoured Peers, Députés de France,

I have addressed this letter to you on the matter of the Grand Education Petition put forward by fellow Moderate Royalist Députés and myself with an interest in the subject. I would like to invite those supportive in principle of an education reform to join my compatriots and myself in the Moderate Royalist Meeting Room to discuss the proposal on August 23rd 12:00 and, if I am so able, to convince them to affix their signature to this most important Petition.

As I have repeatedly touched upon in my speeches to the Chamber, I believe this education reform to be the most acceptable option to His Majesty and His Majesty's Government while returning to France an Education System that is both financially sustainable and able to provide the Children of France the education in both basic skills and morality, discipline and religion to live a fruitful live as subject of the French crown.

The acceptance of this Petition shall be a great victory of Moderate Royalist, as it will disband the Napoleonic failures in this field of policy while withhold the extreme Ultraroyalistes in their attempt to extend this line of failures with a proposal of their own.

Your Obedient Servant,

Victor Durand,
Préfet et Député du Nord

​

****************​

Private - Moderate Ultraroyaliste MPs

To the Honoured Députés and Peers of the Royaliste ideological persuasion

Honoured Peers, Députés de France,​

I have addressed this letter to you on the matter of the Grand Education Petition put forward by fellow Députés and myself with an interest in the subject. I would like to invite those supportive in principle of an education reform to join my compatriots and myself in the Salon de Paris to discuss the proposal on August 24rd 12:00 and, if I am so able, to convince them to affix their signature to this most important Petition.

As I have repeatedly touched upon in my speeches to the Chamber, I believe this education reform to be the most acceptable option to His Majesty and His Majesty's Government while returning to France an Education System that is both financially sustainable and able to provide the Children of France the education in both basic skills and morality, discipline and religion to live a fruitful live as subject of the French crown.
​

Your Obedient Servant,

Victor Durand,
Préfet et Député du Nord​

 

[Mikkel Glahder]

On Unrest and the Need for National Reconciliation
~ Written by Maréchel de Moncey ~​

I write this text in a time were my thoughts and prayers go to the families who have lost members due to violence from the Germans or even their own countrymen, who have taken the law into their own hands in the belief that they create peace internally.

The matter of unrest, whether this be in favour or in opposition to the monarchy and his Majesty, King Louis XVIII, is wholly unacceptable in these desperate times. The Verdet's seem to have forgotten the terror and chaos of the 1790's or have decided to retaliate in the most brutal of ways. And this is against their own brothers and sisters of France. To the Verdet's I will say: Protect your King and your Country, not by attacking your fellow citizens, but engage them in debates instead of acts of brutal violence.

To my former comrades in arms, now soldiers of the Royal Army who are discontent and wish for another Bonarparte usuprtion, remember that further violence and even civil war is not the answer to the problems France face and most citizens are tired of war and misery. To the soldiers of France I will say: Serve the King of France loyally, and if not with the same zeal as doing Napoleon's reign, then at least with the decency that befalls a soldier of France.

The real problem is not the men and women of France, who simply are trying to live their lives, but rather the occupying forces of Germanic origin, who rape and pillage the French lands that they unrightfully occupy. If someone is to be resisted, it is them and not your brothers and sisters. But remember, trying to remove the foreign forces with violence will only lead to more violence. More rape, and more pillaging of France. Nonviolence would be the best way to combat their ruthless ways.

Even though it may seem hard to do, after the many years of revolution and counterrevolution, I urge the population of France to think of their country before their own squabbles. Create a France worth living, because if we do not manage that, France can be no more.

Vive le roi et vive la France​

 

[Eid3r]

(( Private ))​

A letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Marshall de Moncey​

Your excellency,

Having been appraised of your most recent publication, I must commend you for the courage displayed in attempting the difficult but highly necessary task of affecting a national reconciliation.

Wholeheartedly supporting you in this endeavor, please receive my highest regards and compliments, and sincere offer of help.

Avec vous dans la foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban
Deputy of the Gers

 

[ThaHoward]

Le Censeur
ou
Examen
des Actes et ouvrages
qui tendent à détruire ou à consolider
la constitution de l'État

On recent events,
And how to move forward
In the name of France and Unity.
​

The date was the 21st of August. This monday woul not be blue, but red. The sorrow was great, the pain too much to endure. But we must not look in a mirror who reflects the past. We must look forward. As said: En Marche! Let us not be stuck in the past, let us come together as our nation once more forms. Let us reform, not revolt. Let us mature as one people, one people of under the Graceful King Louis le Désiré of France and Navarre instead of going back to terror - whatever color it is.

Before you condemn the Veterans or me as Bonapartists or revolutionaries, consider this: we love France and its people and always will. We served loyally to France, and took the fight to protect our motherland and her children and would do so again if required of us. Most of us only want peace and stability like the vast majority seek - let that be Ultraroyalist or Doctrinaire. Are 300.000 men to be defined by a small majority? Are we to condemn all Lawyers for the actions of Robespierre? During the Battle of Tolouse the author personally gave his support to the current government and King, and have done so before in this paper! What we sought was justice, and to give an answer to the threats we face (the Verdets have made a public calling for death of the author) and the injustice.

Picture you, yourself serving faithfully for your country. But one day you return home, and you hope to finally find peace. Finally to come to an end with the torments of the barbaric period we were ushered into. To finally start your real life in earnest. But what are you met with? A people who do not want you. A people who only see the reflection of the past in the mirror. They judge you for a regime you served under. And they treat you as the leaders of the past treated their fathers. How would you feel if you came home only to be discriminated, only to be harassed, only to be murdered? The Veterans who came home sought to start a new life. Sought a glorious future, in our glorious Nation under our glorious King! But they are met by violent thugs who live in the past. Men of violence who want nothing more than hurt their fellow French citizen for things they can't be blamed! What would you do? Would you sit by and watch as you and your friends got killed and harassed?

The events of Toulouse are a sad chapter in our story. But like a perfect omelette du fromage, eggs are broken to create something better. Let this be a reminder! A reminder of a bygone era, an era we as a NATION put behind us! For we are French! We are ruled by one just and Graceful King under God! We are the home of civilization and not barbary. If we follow the hatred of Verdets or Republicans we will lose our ways. We will lose our identity. Let us once more unite. Lawyer, Officer, workingman, aristoricrat or veteranm Ultraroyalist or Doctrinarie! Let us unite under His most Christian King Louis le Désiré of France!

Let us not wage violence against one group of people because we percieve them as enemies because of the past. Let us not judge all aristocrats, Ultras and Generals because of the Verdets of past and now. Let us not judge all Borgouise because of the Republican terror. And let us not judge all Veterans because of the actions of Napoleon! Show the veterans in deeds that they too are part of society. Give them recognition, work and protection by the law which they are entitled to! Let them show that they too are French and they are to be loyal to our King. For a man look after his most basic needs, he want safety and protection.

Let us come together as one nation. One people uner God led by our King under his grace. Let us move forward through this time of peril under the King's guidance. We are all brothers, and we will overcome the challenges God have given us and we will prevail! Vive le roi, vive la France!

-Capitaine Lothaire Lécuyer.

 

[Mikkel Glahder]

To the Bishop of Mantauban - Private @Eid3r

Spoiler

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Monseigneur,

I am happy to recieve the support from one from the clergy of France, as you do represent not just a simple humam being such as myself, but talk with and recieve advice from God himself.
I accept your offer of help in my endevour and look forward to working together with a man of God. Been a long time since I have done that. God bless you and God bless the King and his realm.

God's Humble Sheep

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To the most honorable Duc of Saint-Aignan, Claude Louis Marie de Beauvilliers - Private @Marschalk

Spoiler

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My dear Claude,

Of course you may call be Bon-Adrian, actually I encourage to do so. For old times sake.
Concerning your father, I send my condolences even though it is over 10 years ago he met his death. I did not hear of this, the regime during the directorate truly was gruesome.

I would very much like to meet you once again on your estate, here in Paris. Maybe we can fence again, like when we both were officers.

Your's truly

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[LordTempest]

((Private letter to Alain Augustin Tremblay @TJDS )).

((My dear Rosa, I feel obliged to point out that *I* am Monsieur Tremblay.))

((Private - @LordTempest ))

Monsieur Tremblay,

I thank you for your quick reaction and your explained sentiments. If such a Comission du Agriculture is to be established, I believe I could use my influence in Paris to contact the Minister of Finance to suggest the matter for his Department's considerations. I have, however, a few questions regarding the exchange of goods between the Commission du Agriculture and the consumers, as how should said exchange be conducted without falling into traps of human character, such as corruption?

Regarding the restoration of confidence in the banking sector, I suggest the selling of stable government bonds to the banking sector, combined with an appeal to the mercantile classes to invest in and restore ventures across France to increase productivity.

Your Obedient Servant,

Victor Durand,
Préfet du Nord

((Private - @TJDS))

Dear Victor,

Firstly, allow me to congratulate you upon your sweeping victory in the recent Parliamentary elections. The fact that you were elected unopposed in such a populous region of the country is no doubt a testament to the public grace and goodwill you have accumulated over your years of dedicated service from your constituents on either side of politics. Long may their good graces continue.

I feel it imperative that, if a Commission du Agriculture were to be established, that it act as a cadet branch to the Minister of Finance with its own Minister responsible responsible, or indeed as a full branch of government in its own right; this way, the officials responsible would be forced to abide by the usual code of ethics and the risks of corruption would be no greater than that of any other government départment. Offences of this nature would thus be dealt with in the exact same manner as they would be if they occurred in the Départments of Finance or Interior Affairs, for instance.

I feel it unlikely, outside times of great hardship such as famine, that most consumers would purchase directly from the Commission. Most will purchase grains through their existing merchants, whom themselves would buy either from the Commission or from foreign markets, thus preserving some semblance of competition. If a cartel of grain merchants were to spring up and artificially raise demand through restricting supply, then consumers would flock to the Commission's cheaper, centrally-mandated price. If however a bumper harvest were to be had in Cologne or Kiev, for example, then a savvy merchant would still have the luxury of buying his product there and selling it in France below the Commission price, thus ensuring that crucial foodstuffs are always in abundance. The only loser, if there is one, is the public purse, whom will no doubt be compensated by the knowledge that order and stability shall also be maintained for the price.

Finally, allow me to endorse both your suggestions for improving economic investment and restoring confidence in French finance and your recent speech in favour of reforming the French education system. Rest assured that you will find a friendly voice in me for your initiative both inside the Chamber and out.

Your Friend and Colleague,
-- Alain