Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

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    Real Strategy Requires Cunning

ThaHoward

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An open letter was written and delivered to Constitutionnel, le Globe, le Courrier français, Diocletian and the National. It was signed by the young Duke of Lécuyer, but in truth it was mostly written by his mother.

The ideology of Général de Brigade Lothaire Duc de Lécuyer.

One too many have abused the death of ly father to their own needs. Abusing his death and his unrelentless pursuit for liberty to their own gains. Most infamous is the article named "Let us not soil the blood of the martyrs". Let it first be known my father is not a martyr. He only did his duty, and followed his convictions.

Then let it be known my father was an Orléanists and Liberal. Believing in liberty reforms, yet he was indeed opposed to a republic. During the Three Glorious Days my father spoke of the juste milieu. He extended his hands to moderate Ultras and Republicans alike to stand united with the Liberals, Doctrinaires, Chartists and Orléanists alike.

Let us look at what my father's dream end situation was. This was found among letters to the 30 Deputies and his closest associates. Note that I am not saying these are my personal beliefs, yet this was the dream of my father.

  • The King is not to rule by divine right, but by popular sovereignity i.e the will of the people.
  • The King is to rule, but he is not to govern. Still a monarchy is to be the desired form of government, but not an absolute one. His title is to be the King of the French.
  • All laws and rules repressing and surpressing the press, free will etc. are to be repealed.
  • The King have to swear an oath to the Charter.
  • The Charter is to be the contract between the government and the people and the government are not to be above the Charter.
  • The National Guard are to be reactivated and its members are to be the security force during these turbulent times. The Royal Army are to withdraw from the Seine in its entirety.
  • The suffrage are to be expanded.
  • Catholicism are no longer to be the State Religion, but are to be recognised as the religion professed by the majority of the French.
  • The King are no longer to instigate legislation nor Royal Ordinances of his own will.
  • The Ministry are to be elected by the Chamber of Deputies and approved by the King.
  • Hereditary Peerage are to be abolished, but the Chamber of Peers are to remain.
  • The Tricolor are to once more be the flag of the French Nation.
  • The current King are to abdicate. One who have the support of the people and who support the people are to suceed him.

He wanted a monarchy. A monarchy under a Citizen King such as our King Philippe. He wanted reformations within a liberal monarchy. Those who actually participated, all of them heroes of the nation, in those crucial days and followed Liberty know my father spoke against the republican-terrorists, wanted the Young Franks to come to the happy medium and wanted Lamarque to do as La Fayette and embrace a liberal monarchy rather than a chaotic republic. His dying words were afterall words of appraisal to our King and his last wish was that we all should follow Liberty as she led us to our King, his liberalism and the juste milieu.

In light of all of this I ask on behalf of my father and my house that the Young Franks don't abuse my father's name and his legacy - but let him rest in peace. All wrongs will be forgiven if you rally behind our King and the juste milieu.

To General Lamarque on behalf of my House, please put down your sword. The Revolution is won, and as my father said it is now time to reform. The cause of liberty, fraternity and equality is better off if all liberals are united under the juste mileu and our King. We all deserve peace, justice, liberty and stability. We owe it to all of those who fought and all who fell for Liberalism. We owe it to ourself. So let us all unite for all of France and the martyrs of the Three Glorious Days. Let us all accept King Philippe of France.

On behalf of the House of Lécuyer;

Joachim-Philippe Lothaire Duc de Lécuyer, and Christine de Lécuyer; widow of Général de Brigade Lothaire Duc de Lécuyer.

 
Last edited:

etranger01

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Armentiéres addresses a question put to him -- well, shouted from the back -- while at a meeting of electors in Paris.

"Why do I not call for death to the ministers? I see. I suppose I would have the right, wouldn't I? Saint-Aignan's secret police hunted me through the streets, after all. I fought and bled alongside the National Guard to oppose the ordinances that they counter-signed. I think I have the right to call for their deaths.

But it is easy, all too easy, to cry out for revolutionary justice as the first resort when it must always be the last. France must be a nation of laws, not when convenient, but at all times. We must protect against those who, having avoided the bloodshed and sacrifice of the Revolution, now bay for the heads of the ministers. Those men, men who appear to have slept through the Revolution only to lap at the blood from the gutters upon its conclusion, are as much enemies of France as those who sought to return her to absolutist tyranny. We must watch them carefully and guard our hearts against their self-serving arguments.

French justice, through the courts of law, will deal with the ministers. Their crimes are undeniable. But the courts must perform that justice, so that France may return to the proper course of justice and allow the extraordinary actions of the past to remain there. That is what I fought for, and that is my most ardent wish."
 

ThaHoward

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((Private letter to @Sneakyflaps ))
Hello,

I do not know if you remember me. But me and my family visited you in Vienna. I remember our fencing and hope we can do it again. Both of us now have something in common as my father is dead too.

But I want to ask you how the military academy in Vienna is. Are you going to serve for France or the Germans? And have you met the son of Napoleon, how is he?

Yours,
Joachim de Lécuyer.
 

naxhi24

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Chateau de Descombes
Doubs
1830

Alexandre walked in confident strides into the Chateau. He had a big grin on his face as he walked through the main lobby, and up the stairs. His father was well enough that he could now be lazy within his study, but doctors still wanted to keep an eye on him. Regardless, today was a good day for Alexandre, and that caught the eye of one particular family member.

"The only time I have seen you this happy is when you just got back from laying with a woman or when you are drunk." said Adeline. Alexandre turned behind him to see his sister leaning against the wall. "I assume your trip to Paris went very well, Alexandre?"

"Tisk tisk sister." said Alexandre wagging his finger. "You shall call me by my proper title now."

"Title? What do you mean "title"?"

"I am now Alexandre, Baron Descombes." said Alexandre in a prideful expression.

"A Baron?" said Adeline, rather shocked. "The new King made you a noble and you expect me to believe alcohol wasn't involved?"

"Funny..." said Alexandre.

"So you are now a noble, ascended to the upper echelons of French society." said Adeline.

"To be honest sister, it is just a title to me. I am a banker first, and nothing would change that."

"I always thought you were a womanizer first?"

"Again, funny..."

"I am sure father would be very proud of your achievement."

"Oh yes, and the medal too." said Alexandre, dangling the June Cross in front of his sister.

"A title and a medal, Father will be estatic!" said Adeline.
 

MadMartigan

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@Davout

Dear Jakob,

My heart aches at seeing you spurned for the honors you richly deserve. I will seek to remedy the situation and see justice done, but until then I would be proud to support your candidacy to lead the Chamber of Commerce. I am sure Descombes would agree that there is none better to lead the businessmen of Paris than you. I know it is little compensation for the insult done to you, but anything that can be done to repair your unfairly maligned reputation I shall support you in doing.

Your friend, I hope
Thibaut
 

Sneakyflaps

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Die Theresianische Militärakademie, Part V

Top, top, center, left, right, right, right, left, right, low, right, center, top. The sound of the metal from the swords clashing against one another was the sweetest sound which Philippe had heard in ages. Quick steps forward followed by quick steps backwards as one looked for a weakness in the enemy’s stance. Fencing had little to do with modern warfare, but at its core it was little different from a battle. You had to study the movement of the opponent, be able to read how he moved and how he planned to act, where he would strike and where one had to strike to catch him off in his defense. You had to become comfortable with making instantaneous decisions. It was a good practice, learning how to grow accustomed to reading an enemy, to make quick decisions and not having to second think the question. Either it worked, ones instinct was correct, or you were not, but one thing was for certain, if a fencer was too slow or doubted he would most certainly be defeated for he will lose his momentum. If one was unwilling to take the risk in fear of failure, failure would be certain.

In truth, Philippe had become more and more fond of failing, for at least when he failed he would learn where exactly he messed up. That is not to say that he did not do everything to win, but defeat no longer seemed as dark as it had earlier. Every time he had been defeated in the war game he had learned something. If it be his own recklessness, his failure to read his opponent or just plain failure to read the field of battle.

That was not to say that victory was not sweet, or that he learned nothing from victory, but it was a different sort of learning but equally important. He would learn when he should have had his troops push harder, when he should have used his artillery differently, when he should have attacked and when he should have held back, and where to position the cavalry and what flank to strike. And the victories as of late had been the sweetest, it seem that victory was plentiful all around.

Letters had arrived from France, his brother had written and he was alright, the revolution had at least not seemed to have affected him in the letter. He even seemed hopeful, something that rubbed off on Philippe that he may actually soon see his brother again, though that was also a thought he did not often entertain, or really need to as much as before. Philippe had settled more and more in this academy, the king had been overthrown. France was no longer the same as when Philippe had left, but at the same time, there still was a burning desire to go home, or so he thought. Otherwise how could he explain to himself the dreams of riding through the forests Ecouen. Philippe could not help to hope that with this new monarchy, his other cousin, Orléans, may actually restore the justice that Charles abandoned.

And with that moment of foreign thought, Philippe was hit by the dulled blade as he lost his focus before Philippe repositioned himself for another duel and they went at it again. This time trying to keep his focus clear and not lose his edge, he was better than that, or at least so he liked to think. And as he eventually found the weakness, Philippe struck, he struck quickly and harshly and this time he won, making them tied in score as the class ended and they were done, both promising each other a rematch when they returned.

There was a certain joy at the academy as one walked through the halls, it was finally time for a break, to return to the family and enjoy time with those they loved. Or for some of the older cadets, those they hoped to love. Philippe just looked forward to seeing his mother again, and to sleep in a bed more comfortable than that which was had at the academy. Though first he was to pack and see his friend once more before departure.
 

Jackbollda

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M. Barante in the Chamber of Deputies

0gKYO95.png


M. le Président,

Recent days have illuminated the actual nature of His Majesty’s ministers. Pardon my skepticism, Messieurs, but I am immoderately unimpressed by their consistent and destructive ill-advice to the sovereign. I am sure there are others who share my vexation.

They assumed government on a cushion of optimistic hope; compromise appeared to be their determined political course for the attainment of tranquility. They were to bestow grace on the populace for their commendable defense of certain liberties against the impositions of the former regime. This was to be their charge—moderation producing reconciliation.

Yet it has soon come into public view that compromise and popularity are not a mere fancy of current necessity, but a dogma to be observed religiously, and to the detriment of His Majesty and the kingdom. There was juvénile hope when M. le Ministre de l’intérieur charged certain insurrectionists with capital crimes, and showed some resolve to back the statutes of the kingdom with the force of exertion and deterrence, but this optimism has been thoroughly quashed by the submissive constitution of the Ministry.

Messieurs, what we have in the form of ministerial personnel is cowardice manifested and personified. It is not a government in the conventional sense; it is an ensign of revolution swaying from side to side, obliging whatever course the wind blows. No doubt I am not alone in the expression of irreverence towards this small-minded collective of ill-advice. The ministers are scornful to their allies and complimentary to their foes, and they are doomed not to last long.

The course of poor policies has begun with regard to the fallen hero, M. Lécuyer. If the ministers had acted with some semblance of prudence, and perhaps a moderate dosage of fine sense, His Majesty’s ministers would have restrained their veneration to the fallen soldier. He should righteously be mourned and glorified. His person is beyond contempt. He is worthy of the sincerest honor. But the ministers have surpassed this glorification of person and have adorned his action with a dangerous aperitif of grandeur. It has made revolution a point of distinction, nay, a point of idolatry. The kingdom will not bode so well when dukedoms are offered for rebellion.

I confess, I am not so opposed to the noble delegation. M. Lécuyer was a martyr, and deserves posthumously the gratitude of a national hero, like Charlemagne, or the good Maid of Orleans. If this had been the only concession to the revolution, I would be content, even boastful that such a distinguished person had graced our noble country. But Messieurs, this has not been the solitary concession. To the contrary, the ministers have surpassed in their ill-prudence even the most regressive of Charles’ ministers. Predictably, my protestation is concerned principally with the ministerial attitude towards General Lamarque.

Customarily, treason is not rewarded. Now I imagine this might be a radical principle to some, but typically it is thought common sense that crime does not prelude decoration. Allow there to be no hesitation in my accusatory stance. M. Lamarque, his associates, and the Republican Guard, which he unashamedly directs, have committed murders—yes, murders, Messieurs—on the Rue de Saint-Germain in blatant retaliatory attacks against the social class of the former regime. And what has been the reaction of the ministry? Nothing, M. le Président. Not a word spoken, not a direction ordered. They have presided over the offering of revolutionary license against the citizens of the realm, and give a gleeful carte blanche to these disturbers of the peace.

I could easily cite to you excerpts from the speeches of General Lamarque. The orations fulminate with reminisces of ninety-three. There is terror and treason in his tongue and he has showed no remorse or denial for it. In my estimation, M. Lamarque is nothing more than a demagogue who has repeatedly violated the laws of the realm, has committed and directed actions of violence against the citizenry, preaches revolt against His Majesty, and adorns himself in the trapping of treachery.

Therefore, Messieurs, imagine my surprise…!

…! Imagine my surprise when news arrives that M. Lamarque had conveniently given oath to the sovereign, and taken command of an entire division of troops. Surreal is not a sufficient word to comprehend my anger, M. le Président. Never before has poor advice of such a catastrophic variety been permitted without opposition, nor has malicious motive succeeded so effortlessly. It is a shambles of an administration that allows this act to proceed, and a taint on the reputation of the monarchy for it to continue to serve. Only one course remains, M. le Président, the ministry must resign!
 

Maxwell500

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Palais-Royal, 1830

Maréchal Soult, resplendent in his uniform and with baton firmly in hand, regarded the King's words carefully before speaking.

"Your Majesty,

I cannot agree more - the result of the Royal Army's inaction has delivered us a just government, one led by Your Majesty; but the circumstances of the Royal Army's inaction is entirely unacceptable, and cause for great concern. As a devoted servant, I gladly take the duties I am charged with: it is my solemn vow that these defects will be remedied, and that the Royal Army will stand proud - ready to serve its King, and France.

And of course, as per Your Majesty's wishes, I should be able to carry out the necessary reforms - in conjunction with the Ministry of War - with the funds on hand.

The immediate course that I would recommend is a thorough examination of the composition of the General Staff: after all these men, alongside the Ministry of War, are vital in the management and functioning of the Royal Army, and they are culpable for its failings as such. If I may be so bold: as Your Majesty has summoned me, and no doubt intends the renewal of my commission in the Royal Army for such a task, may I recommend my appointment to the General Staff? It is from this avenue that I can then work in conjunction with the Ministry of War and forward further recommendations once I have made my own assessment of the situation.

Otherwise, if Your Majesty imagined myself in another capacity, I am more than ready to serve in whatever capacity is required of me."

( @Cloud Strife )
 

MadMartigan

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"When the nation sees the legislation we have prepared the idle criticisms of the back benches will be silenced."

The Minister of Finance, Baron Duval, speaks to the Deputies.
 

Jackbollda

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"When the nation sees the legislation we have prepared the idle criticisms of the back benches will be silenced."

The Minister of Finance, Baron Duval, speaks to the Deputies.

0gKYO95.png

M. le Président,

If only M. le Ministre de Finances used such a reproachful tone to the masses that lead him!
 

99KingHigh

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"When the nation sees the legislation we have prepared the idle criticisms of the back benches will be silenced."

The Minister of Finance, Baron Duval, speaks to the Deputies.

0gKYO95.png

M. le Président,

If only M. le Ministre de Finances used such a reproachful tone to the masses that lead him!

M. le Président Royer-Collard

S3TVYu5.jpg


Messieurs will desist from this squabbling, immediately, and restrain themselves to the charges and questions raised by M. Barante.
 

Sneakyflaps

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Die Theresianische Militärakademie, Part VI
(And return homewards)

“You have room for everything?” Napoleon asked as he walked over to Philippe, looking at the younger one pack his luggage.

“I had room when I got here, but now there also need to be room for the books.” Philippe responded, folding his clothes together to make them fit better in the luggage as he tried to cram everything down there.

Napoleon just chuckled slightly as he looked at Philippe. “So where is your family staying? I heard that it’s not too far from here.”

“It’s not.” Philippe said. “It’s about half a day’s ride from here at a spa, my mother and her husband has rented rooms there for the past year which we are staying in.”

“A spa?” Napoleon asked, “Lucky you, going to get pampered here in the coming months?” He asked with a smirk as Philippe raised an eyebrow.

“Pampered?” The young one asked.

“You know, massages, dinner served at will, baths, spas. All the fun things.” Reichstadt chuckled again.

Philippe just shrugged with a smile, “I suppose so, though I never really bothered with the spa, or the massages. I know my mother’s husband was rather fond of the massages.”

“I don’t blame him.” Napoleon said as he helped Philippe close the lit on the luggage before sitting down the bed and handing him a box. “Here.” Reichstadt said as Philippe took the box. “I got another copy of the wargame for you. God knows you will need the practice.” He said with a cocky smile making Philippe laugh.

“Thank you.” Philippe said as he put the luggage down on the ground, looking at the box before opening it and examining it’s contend. “Thank you for going through the trouble of getting another copy.” Philippe said sincerely, “How did you manage?”

“I have my own contacts, it wasn’t that hard.” Napoleon responded as he stood up again, which Philippe mimicked a moment after, picking up his luggage as they made their way to the courtyard.

“So where will you go?” Philippe asked his elder.

“First to visit my mother, and then to stay in Vienna, see the court, countryside, opera. That sort of thing.” Reichstadt said, walking next to his friend as Philippe tried to look stronger than he was with the luggage, the younger nodding to the older.

“You should come visit.” Philippe said, “I am sure my mother would not mind, to host the son of Napoleon.” Making both of them chuckle.

“I shall try.” Napoleon managed to quickly say before they had to part ways, both having to stand at different locations in the courtyard.

Duke Johann Baptist Josef Fabian Sebastian von Österreich, the headmaster at the academy paced back and forth in front of all those gathered in the courtyard. He would give his speech, commenting on the season that had passed and the season that was to follow, inspecting the recruits and what they were to expect, and what would be expected of them all. It was not a long speech, it was not a great speech and it was not something which made Philippe feel anything. Well, nothing besides a longing to get it over with and get home. And then he dismissed them, and they could finally leave, for the first time, Philippe was to leave this place since his arrival.

As Philippe was dragging his luggage he eventually saw him, Adrien standing at a carriage not too far away, one that already seemed rather packed to the brim. “Sir.” Philippe uttered as he approached his stepfather who stood there, smiling at him as he went over and took the boy’s luggage, helping him with it. “I see mother is not here.”

“Your eyes do not betray you.” Adrien countered, going to the back of the carriage with the luggage, handing it over to the coachman who began strapping it to the carriage as Adrien returned and opened the door for Philippe to step inside. “How was the academy?” He asked as he stepped into the carriage after Philippe, closing the door and sitting down.

“It’s good, I like it.” Philippe just responded quietly, looking out the window of the carriage at the other students. “How is mother?” He asked.

“She is well.” Adrien responded as the carriage began to move and Philippe nodded, “Will she be there when we get home?”

Adrien chuckled and smiled at Philippe. “We are not going home, the two of us are taking a short vacation to France.” The comment making Philippe confused as he raised an eyebrow.

“We are going home?” a hint of hope in Philippe’s voice as he uttered the words, though he dared little to hope for it.

“For a short time only. The whole inheritance business has finally been sorted, it seems the testament your brother presented stands corrected. We are to return to France and accept it, you get to see Henri again.” Adrien said hoping to make Philippe smile, which diffidently worked.

Philippe was not to talk much that day, but before long he began to open up to Adrien, and Adrien opened up in turn. They began to talk more and more, leaning to know one another, and during the travel they even began to play the wargame that Napoleon had given him, it certainly made the time fly. And before long, they entered the borders of France. Philippe was home once more, if only for a short time.
 
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Sneakyflaps

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The Return to Paris

It had changed, that was certain. Paris that was. The revolution seemed to have left a mark, at least to Philippe. The buildings were the same, some were slightly damaged, no doubt some shops had been destroyed in the less fortunate parts of the world. But the people seemed different themselves, more joyous, more hopeful than Philippe remember. That was something he found quite amusing for it had seemed quite the opposite in the provinces.

The ride through Paris even reminded him of the rides he had with his father. Philippe sitting and staring out the window as his father’s gaze switching between him and the people outside. The same people who looked back at him from the streets. In truth it was in the same manner which Condé had acted that Adrien now sat.

The carriage ride by now felt like an eternity and Philippe could not have been happier as they finally came to halt. Adrien had been able to borrow a house from a friend that was out of the city and as they stopped, Philippe finally saw the house. It was not as grand as Lassay had been, or Ecouen, but it was not bad either and the boy wanted to explore. Rushing inside and past the servants that Adrien had hired for the duration of the stay. There were not too many. A butler, a cook, two footmen, three maids and a valet. Philippe had hoped for his own valet as he was used to back when living with his father, but that was not to be. Luckily and with much joy for Philippe, he would get his own room, something he had longed for ever since they had left. He liked his younger brother, maybe even loved him, he had never been quite sure, but sharing a room first with him and then dozens of other cadets was just subpar to having one’s own room.

As Philippe finally found his own room, he could not have been more overjoyed. There were books to read, it was a very comfortable bed, and plenty of room, even a fireplace. This would not be too bad after all. And with that room having been looked at, Philippe went on to the next. Adrien on the other hand cared little for the house, having the butler bring the paper as he went over and sat down. Adrien seemed a lot less at ease than Philippe, not that the latter would notice it as his stepfather ordered him to prepare himself for dinner and change clothes.

Philippe, before following Adrien’s command, would look out the window with a smile, he was happy to be back and he would finally get to see his older brother again.
 

Michaelangelo

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hQWPVZo.jpg

Name: Louis de Rohan, Prince de Guémené, Duc de Montbazon, Duc de Bouillon, Seigneur de Clisson
Born: 27 March 1785
Current Residency: Guémené-sur-Scorff
Profession: Peer of France
Political Affiliation: Independent Royalist
Department: Morbihan

Background: Son of Charles Alain de Rohan and Louise Aglaé de Conflans d'Armentiere, Louis was born into a noble family fallen on hard times. His grandfather, Henri Louis, had wracked up 33 million livres in debt before Louis was born and was forced to leave court in disgrace, selling off most of the family's lands and borrowing heavily from relatives to pay it off. Louis thus grew up in the ancestral home of the Rohan family, which was generally in poor repair. When the Revolution came, Charles Alain took his family to Austria to wait out the coming storm. Eventually though, Louis's father returned to France to fight in the Prince of Condé's army, where he ultimately died fighting to defend what was left of his home in Bretagne. Louis spent most of his youth in Austria, raised by his mother and the household staff. His family's exile fuelled his hatred for anything to do with the Revolution and the tyrant Napoleon. When he was old enough, he enlisted in the Austrian army, hoping that it would give him the opportunity to liberate his homeland from the horrors of the Revolution. He fought mostly in a few minor battles shortly before Napoleon's fall, although he did participate in the Battle of Leipzig, one of Napoleon's most decisive defeats. The Bourbon Restoration presented the opportunity for Louis to return to France, so he promptly left the Austrian army to return home. Unfortunately, all that waited for him were his ruined lands, pillaged by the revolutionaries, and barely enough funds to repair them. Confirmation of his father's death drove him and his mother into a deep depression, the grief ultimately taking Louis's mother to her grave a few years later. Such was the sad state of affairs he was in when he first met Belle. Wallowing angrily in his own loss, he lashed out and kept the young woman prisoner for years, although her continued kindness eventually wore him down and made him realize there was still good in this world. Their marriage and the birth of their first child, a boy named Beau, has brought joy back into his life and the stain of his past sorrows have all but washed away. With the recent events that brought Philippe VII to power, Louis is starting to force himself from his sheltered life. Memories of the Revolution have resurfaced and there is genuine fear in France that the French people will soon be shedding blood once again. Now with a family of his own, Louis is ready to do whatever it takes to ensure that stability is returned to France and that any threat of a return to the Republic or Empire is utterly crushed.

June Monarchy
- Peer
Minister of the Colonies and Navy (1838-1840)
Prime Minister (1840-1844)
Minister of Justice (1846-1850)

Second Republic - Senator
Minister of the Interior (1850-1853)
Vice-President (1851-1852)

Third Restoration - Peer
Minister of Justice (1853-1854)
 
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etranger01

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The Ministry of the Interior
"Fiat justitia ruat caelum"

To Jean Lemarque ((PRIVATE - @baboushreturns))

General,

I have been referred the matter of your request, subsequent to your having declined a position with the regular army, for a commission as Commander of the National Guard. As the National Guard presently resides under the purview of the Ministry of the Interior, such requests are within my remit. Unfortunately, I am not prepared to grant such a request at this time.

I have consulted with the War Ministry and the General Staff on this matter. A commission formed by the General Staff has deliberated extensively and concluded that no suitable position is available for you at this time, given your stated preference. As such, your services are not presently required. I have been asked to convey to you that you will be retired, without prejudice, at your present rank, and granted a suitable pension.

On behalf of His Majesty, thank you for your service.

- Armentiéres
 
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MastahCheef117

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Vote: Refuse the oath
[Seine]
[No PP]

Vive le liberté !

Vive le France libre !

Vive le peuple libre !
 

99KingHigh

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((@Dadarian @etranger01 ))

Roy de Brye, detained, by order of M. le Ministère de l'Intérieur and M. le Garde des Sceaux, is charged with destruction of property, attempted murder, and murder. He shall stand trial for the capital offense before the Cour de Cassation.
 

etranger01

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M. Armentiéres rises before the Deputies.

"My time today shall be directed in reply to the previous remarks of my esteemed colleague representing Charente-Inférieure, M. Barante.

Firstly, in my capacity of Minister of the Interior, let me reassure M. Barante and the august members of this Chamber that the Lamarque affair is settled. M. Lamarque declined the proffered commission and instead sought command of the National Guard. As Minister of the Interior, and conscious of the distinguished service done by the present commander, General Lafayette, I declined M. Lamarque's request. I further conveyed to him the decision rendered by the General Staff and confirmed by the War Ministry, which determined that, given his previous refusal, no further position was available for him. He has thus been retired from service.

Secondly, as to the accusations posed by M. Barante regarding the behavior of M. Lamarque during the Revolution, let me say that I take such accusations very seriously indeed. However, given my own role in the events that transpired, I believe I can say with accuracy that M. Lamarque commanded no force of any size or substance during those events, nor did he play a role of any kind in events. His so-called 'Republican Guard' largely exists within his own mind. I believe the true culprits are more accurately known as the Verdets, also known as Les Hommes, whose leader is presently awaiting trial for the capital offense before the Court of Cassation.

Finally, let me conclude by saying that this Ministry, far from the picture painted by M. Barante, is thoroughly animated by the spirit of reform and the all-consuming desire to ensure that the rights and privileges of the people of the French Nation are upheld. Any error that may have occurred, if indeed it was an error, was due to the understandable objective of this Ministry to side with rather than against liberty whenever possible. Such errors are unavoidable in early days, particularly under the extraordinary circumstances in which we presently reside, and are to be regretted.

Thank you for your time."
 

Sneakyflaps

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Having now settled in his room, Philippe had not expected that letter.


Letter to Joachim de Lécuyer (private - @ThaHoward)

Joachim,

I do indeed remember you from the short time you and your family spent at the Spa together with mine. From what I have heard it is indeed true that we have something in common, but quite frankly I wished we did not. No matter how close a bond may be formed with others in a similar situation, it is not a situation that I shall cherish or wish for on anyone else. To be blunt, I wish I could go back several years. It is never a common trait that I shall ever treasure with anyone whom I speak, be they high or low.

As for the academy, I find it most enjoyable, it has been quite the learning experience and I have come to realize why it has such an international renown as a military academy. The tutors are most excellent and I treasure what I so far have learned there.

I have yet to meet the son of Napoleon, I think I may have seen him once or twice. I fear it’s impossible to avoid as we both are cadets at the same academy, one eventually sees all others, even if we do not meet properly. So I am afraid I must disappoint you. Though as much as I enjoy the halls of the academy, I fear, or thank I suppose, that I shall never serve in the Austrian Army.

I have a desire to serve in the French army, I just don’t feel the same connection with the Austrian Empire. I do desire to seek the glory for Austria or to lead an Austrian army. But I do seek the glory for France, for that is the responsibility and duty of my house, and the house of my forefathers. Perhaps if God one day smiles upon me in his mercy, I shall compare to even the Grand Condé or his rival Turenne.

For while my the titles of the Prince of Condé may have ended with the departure of my beloved father, I intend to showcase to all of France that the house and the glory of my ancestors live on.

Should you still wish to fence once again when my stepfather allows me if there is time during our stay in France, I shall be more than happy to oblige you and disarm you once more.

Philippe Henri de Bourbon​
 

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EVENT 2: Belgium, France, London, and Talleyrand.

When late in August, the uprising at the Théâtre Royal de la Monnaie in Brussels provoked revolution in Belgium against union with Holland overthrew the barrier which had been erected against French expansion in 1815, European prejudice against the new June regime seemed justified as the left, like Lamarque, hailed it as the initiation of the destruction of the Vienna settlement. The pacifistic Foreign Minister, Horace Sébastiani, caught between nationalistic passions and the need to placate other governments, enunciated "non-interventionism" and sought to seek the friendship of Britain. Sébastiani was keen to play the Anglophile; Duval and the Finance Ministry were soon dependent on the banking houses of London for the solvency of the Kingdom of France, afflicted as it was by the dangerous economic recession that succeeded the Revolution of 1830. Nonetheless fearing that a European power, perhaps under the sympathetic tutelage of Prince Metternich, might militarily assist the King of the Netherlands crush the revolt, Sébastiani declared that such action would force France to aid the Belgians. Sébastiani by this action established a de facto alliance between Prime Minister Charles Rogier and the King of France. But Sébastiani had to proceed with extreme caution for King William I of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands had bound the English to his country by treaty. Thus Sébastiani made a general principle; France promised to respect the status quo, if other powers did the same.

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Talleyrand was not so convinced by the benevolence of the principle: "non-intervention is abstract and politic word which virtually means intervention." In a continent where the great powers habitually intervened in the affairs of the smaller states, the term could scarcely mean what it said. However, Sébastiani was more frank about its implications, and what would constitute a casus belli. He stated that his of areas where the principle applied were France's neighbors, Belgium, Piedmont, Spain, dan the Rhineland provinces. Here, France claimed the right to particular influence whilst refusing it to others. England, not unlike France, objected to the court intrigue of Amsterdam, Vienna, and Berlin, which claimed the right to give military assistance to any threatened conservative government. The commonalities of the constitutional ideology might have brought them together, but commercial interests and rivalries of influence inevitably threatened their entente. Some Orleanists, notably Broglie, believed the alliance of the two liberal powers was a moral and philosophical necessity. This alignment was an equivalent in foreign policy to that famous appellation of the June Monarchy: juste milieu.

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Concerned that Europe might believe the new King was deposed to revolutionary warfare, the new King of France sought the employment of a serious diplomat to represent France in the imminent Conference. The appointment of Talleyrand to London, perhaps the most adept diplomat since Valence’s refusal to take the oath, was an early action that horrified radical opinion. If the aged statement’s reputation for astute duplicity was vast, to the idealist radicals of 1830 he exhaled all the corruptions of the ancien regime. The parliamentary left, moving to Duval after Armentiéres’ aggressive interior position, was disgusted; but conservative opinion approved the choice. King Philippe VII was surprised by the hostile reaction, but was satisfied by Talleyrand’s reception in Britain where “the plain good sense of John Bull appreciates that this nomination is the most sage and happy for the two countries.” Although not well liked in Paris, Talleyrand’s reception in England demonstrated the seriousness of the new regime to continental politics. With his niece, the duchesse de Dino, and in command of his son, this lame and wrinkled prince delivered shrewd witticisms, dispensed conservative wisdoms, and ruled foreign policy over weaker personages, such as Sébastiani.

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In the estimation of Paris, and indeed, in the regard of the Foreign Minister, General Sébastiani, the Belgian Revolution was an expression of Francophile tendencies. Even the pacifistic Sébastiani saw virtue in a union of France with Belgium, although an absolute annexation would have proved intolerable to the United Kingdom. Talleyrand, who wanted to pressure Britain to some recognition of independence, pushed the diplomatic tables beyond the digestible quantities in the hope that Europe would peel back in compromise. He proposed a partitioning of the Southern Netherlands; the suburbia of Antwerp and the provincial territories, including Limburg, and excluding Maastricht, would remain with the Netherlands, as would a small section of Brabant. Those parts of Liège, Limburg and Namur, located east of the Meuse, and the cities of Maastricht, Namur, Liège, and the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, would be annexed to Prussia. East flanders, and the majority of Brabant, Hainaut, and Namur, located west of the Meuse, would be annexed to France, while West Flanders, most of East Flanders, and the city of Antwerp were to form the Free State of Antwerp, under the suzerainty of Britain. The delegates of the great powers gathered on November 4 to elaborate the plan or resolve on an alternative.

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