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Dadarian

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In a small house, somewhere in Toulouse, Calais, or Paris. In reality, dozens of these meetings were happening.


"I give the floor to my colleague, the Esteemed Member of the Society, M. Laseval."

"Gathered Members, Citizens of the Society, and our Esteemed Master of the House, we must question our long alliegence to the Ultraroyalistes. Our Highest Grandmaître, rest in peace, was one of the foremost defenders of the Crown, as was the Highest before him. What has occurred? Nothing.

No aupport, no defense, no wealth. Our blood, sweat, and youth were given in dedication to the Crown, who now seeks us to be taxed by a pseudo-Church Assembly. What now, double taxes! This is our replacement?

Our newest Highest has given express promises to the Esteemed Masters of the House of Paris and Toulouse. Grow the Society, Protect the Society. But can we do this in alliegence of nobles who reject our calls? Can we do this for a King that gives no care? Can we do this for a government that is bound solely by their hubris?

I move that this House, led by our Esteemed Master, submit a Call to the Highest to utilise our legislative support to the utmost. To try to bring about true change before we cast our lot for something we could all come to regret.

So says I!"

The men argued and fought as a result. A Call might come, but it would take many hours of debating in many Houses across the nation.
 

Dadarian

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The Saint Germain Royalists, without their leader, started to fall apart. The whip that began tried bravely to prevent their collapse in entirety. In a tacit effort to unite the now leaderless independent bloc, the whip put forward an open petition to the Chamber, radical enough to present debate or maybe even support from the various sides of the Chambers.

~
"M. President of the Chambers, I have not a bill to present today, but an idea. An idea instilled in me by the late great author, Henri-Maurice de Saint Germain. An idea of a truly representative body for this Chamber, a sounding office for His Majesty to listen to the whims and desires of His people. A chance to bring about a truly great change deserved by all who love the king but so far have been forgotten by the Liberals, Ultraroyalistes, and Doctrinaires.

M. President of the Chambers, M. de Bourbon-Egalite, I move this Chambers debate and present to the King the lowering of the cost of voting to 10 francs, or otherwise removing all costs on electoral voting. The people of France do not deserve to be ignored, Saint-Germain did not deserve to be denied the vote until his success as an author.

This is not a duty of pragmatic duty, but of a moral one. This is the right thing to do, for all of France."
 

ThaHoward

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((Private letter to @TJDS @MadMartigan @etranger01 and leading liberal deputies and President of the Chamber.@99KingHigh ))

Dear Monsiuer,

This letter is one sent out to several leading Chartists, Orléanists, Liberals and Doctrinaires.

The new Ministry can't bring upon a path of reconciliation and centrism.

I will therefore make a petition among you. That the Center and Left in opposition make a united demand of moderation from the Ministry and if they fail to do so we will motion a vote for non confidence ((when debate of the slate begin and end)) I hope we can unite under this undertaking.

Waiting for response,
Deputy Lothaire Lécuyer.
 

Korona

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((Private @etranger01))

General,

I am most relieved to hear of you retiring your gilded knickers, but if you are truly to achieve the effect you so desire, I suggest you retire your gilded tongue as well, for it is of renown that presides over even the most splendid of knickers.

In all seriousness, I jest, good Monsieur, and I must thank you for your letter. To say that I was surprised to see your crest in my mail would be an understatement. I was afeared that my uniform had lice and I was being scolded, but upon reading your letter, and learning of your true intent, I was pleasantly surprised.

To answer your initial question, I must express my gratitude, for although it was difficult to part with my uniform, your program ensured that me and my colleagues had enough to scrape by, prolonging our lives and I thank you for that. I still find myself in dire straits, although I have managed to take up employment in a salon that has given me a base sustenance.

The matter of the National Guard is one that has been on my mind without pause, and the plight that me and my former guardsmen have found ourselves in is of paramount importance to myself. As to your extension of friendship and cooperation between your Good Society and me and my ex-National Guardsmen, I believe that genial cooperation between our two organizations would be beneficial to the remnants of the National Guard.

I am excited to see what results of our cooperation.

With Respect,

Matéo Gagnon
 

TJDS

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220px-Desnos_-_Casimir_Pierre_Perier.jpg

Préfet et Député Victor Durand du Nord
The Last of the Moderates
«Monsieur Président de la Chambre,»

«The King reigns, but imprudence rules! Again Saint Fulgent rises, clearly inspired by the long-established extreme ultraroyaliste tradition of failed governance and useless antagonization of France, to bring forward laws that do not only threaten the most basic freedom of the French, the freedom of thought, but also the national prosperity of the nation and the good laborious Frenchmen and their families. With this Anti-Usury Law, this man, now distuingished among his colleagues to be more blinded in his malign intent to revert France to the brink of revolution and mayham, 1789, than all who came before him, give us no choice but to reject all his terms, all his proposals and all his uneducated attempts to rise to the important tasks indivisible from his office.»

«It is clear that we cannot turn towards the Cabinet to defend their laws or guide France to prudent stability, it is clear that they will not but ignore the oath of their reason of ascension to their offices, King Charles X, to uphold the Charter and protect the People and thus their prosperity from such imprudence as the bills tabled before us! I join my fellow Deputies in their call to King Charles X to have those that make imprudence rule in Government dismissed and having them replaced again with the respected Ministers who did enjoy the confidence of this Chamber and the Other Place.»

«I still hold hope that this Ministry may come to terms with the limits of their ability and the short-sightedness of their ideology, yet the window for compromise and progress is closing fast, with every new reactionary law and ordinannce proposed the extremes grow stronger both in- and outside this Chamber. If France once again becomes a powderkeg, all of Europe will know the names of those responsible, Saint Flugent and Saint Aignan! I move the Ministry, repeal those bills tabled or we shall see imprudence replaced by chaos!»
 

ThaHoward

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Chamber of Deputies.

"M.President,

I agree with Deputy Durand. The current Ministry in their dogmatic radicalism have ignored the composition of the Chamber and the prioritites among the populace.

If they are not to moderate themself and seek compromise we are forced to motion a vote for non confidence lest the reactions outside of this Chamber may be severe. We present to you an effort to seek compromise and moderation, otherwise we are to do what is responsible for the good of the government and the nation".
 

Korona

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((Private))

Mother,

I am confused and lost. For my whole life, I thought myself a loyal supporter of the monarchy, of tradition, and of the values that France was built upon. Church, State, and Monarch. But now, I have become dissatisfied and angry at all of those values. My support and my faith in France's institutions has been shaken. When Charles ascended to the throne, I understood that he was conservative, but the steps he's taken, the offenses he's committed are unforgivable. He ruined our state and ruined my livelihood, and livelihood of my friends and brothers.

I do not know where I stand any more. I am not certain if I can support this monarchy. I am not certain if France can survive it.

Forever your Son,
Matéo
 

Nax24

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Letter to Victor Durand ((@TJDS))

Sir

Descombes and Company, alongside many other prominent banking firms, stands behind the opposition in its attempt to defeat the "Anti-Usury" Bill. We shall support you in whatever you feel will help bring down this bill fully.

-Alexandre Descombes
 

Fingon888

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The Vicomte de Saint Fulgent appears in the Chamber of Deputies and slowly mounts the podium in the front of the chamber. After a brief pause in which he looks about the chamber he begins to speak.

Brazen and irresponsible accusations have taken place in this most hallowed chamber. Presented with a slate of reasonable laws designed to restore good governance to this Kingdom, the chamber had erupted into a fit of rage and near madness. Former ministers spouted vulgarities while others have accused the Ministry of shadowy influences and ill intents. Rather, all of these laws are designed not in some mad rush, but carefully in the interests of the subjects of His Most Christian Majesty. I shall begin with the Poor Relief Act, this law shall form committees directly responsible for aid to the King's most vulnerable and impoverished subjects. Rather than subject these dear Christian souls to the avarice and soul crushing might of capital, as is done in that English land, this law shall provide alms and aid in the most direct manner so as to save the souls of men and their own livelihoods as they occupy temporarily the earthly plane. The Law Respecting the Iron Industry will provide new opportunities for industry and craft in Lorraine, where we may be able to build up an entirely self-sufficient iron industry, so key to the issues of defense. Further, the raising of tariffs on the import of pig iron shall pay for the expenses given to the iron industry, making this law fiscally responsible. As for the Anti-Usury Law, the Law on the Protection of the Church, and the Law on the Restoration of the Assembly of the French Clergy, these laws are designed to restore justice and morality to the Kingdom. No longer will predatory banks and loansharks prey upon His Majesty's Christian people with excessive interest. Remember, excessive interest is a sin and an affront to God. It is clearly banned by the scriptures, the words of the Church fathers, the writings of wise saints, and the Tradition of the Holy Mother Church. Blasphemy is a sin, and religious liberty is an idea that holds no true merit. Tolerance for other faiths, such as our Jewish subjects, shall not be impaired by this law, unless it is a tenet of Judaism to insult our Lord, Jesus Christ, and the holiness of the Church. No Jew shall be permitted to profane the Christian faith, as no Jew has been permitted to do so in all of the history of Christendom. This is not oppression, but tolerance to a minority that is valued, but shall not supersede the will of the Kingdom as a Christian land. The rights of the Church must be protected.

These are moderate laws. There is no ban on all interest, for instance. Certain voices clamor for compromise and moderation, with an implicit threat beneath these demands. I tell you, dear friends, that no compromise may be brooked with the forces of the Devil. No compromise may be made with those who wish to plunge this Kingdom into the violence and sin of the revolutionary period. The demands of this group is no different than those so called moderates in 1789. This is the deal offered by the King, the chosen ruler of France by God above. I pray that you think on this and do not walk further down the path of Luciferian destruction. May God grant this chamber wisdom, and may he protect the souls of all the French.

The Vicomte finishes his address and exits the chamber, not giving any mind to any comments.
 

etranger01

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Henri Bourbon-Armentières waits for the Vicomte to finish speaking and depart before rising to respond to the absent President of the Council.

"Monsieurs, M. le President, it is clear that M. le Vicomte has made his final determination on the matter. There is to be no cooperation, no moderation, only dictation. He is utterly determined to carry out his destructive, regressive course of action, no matter what may follow. We must meet his determination in kind.

I say now that I shall uniformly reject all legislation presently proposed by this Ministry, and any subsequent legislation that they might propose, until such time as they see reason again. I call upon all my colleagues to do the same! I will not see France thrown back into an era of feudalism and serfdom! Never again will we be prisoners of the Church or the Crown! If the King and his minority Ministry seek to govern by dictate, then we shall withhold from them their pretense of legitimacy! We shall not cooperate, nor shall we endorse, no matter their means of coercion! At all costs, even should the heavens fall, we shall deny them!"
 

Korona

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The Brotherhood of Guards
The Brotherhood of Guards was founded in a Parisian salon by former Captaine and political dissident Matéo Gagnon. The organization was formed as a refuge for former National Guardsmen to talk and reminisce about the good old days after Charles X disbanded the organization in 1827. The society was very informal, for fear of persecution by the Ultraroyalists and reactionaries, with Chartist salons and cafes being the chief meeting spaces for the Brotherhood. Although not outwardly political, one would be hard pressed to find a member of the Brotherhood that wasn't a Orleanist, Chartist, or even a Republican. As such, most of the talk that went on was hushed resentment against Charles X and his regime. Whether the club would evolve as time went on, or if it maintained it's informal state, only time could tell.
 

Shynka

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Trecambien rises from the back benches, ready to gamble it all. His palms sweaty, knees weak, arms heavy, a Constitutional state on his mind already; he speaks.

'Monsieurs, it has become clear that the current Ministry is in all forms detached from the populace which voted them into this sacred chamber; they are pawns to the Kings will, and not advisors nor ministers. The current Ministry needs to be abolished, and furthermore, we need to ensure that any future Ministry acts according to the mandate upon which it was elected. France needs not a King; the French people need one. Let there be a King of the French, not a King of France, and let there be a document, a people's constitution, to precisely divide powers. Down with absolutism!'
 

Sneakyflaps

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Die Theresianische Militärakademie
(Part I)


He was going to die, he was sure of it. His lungs hurt, his feet were turning numb, his heart raced and his legs had a soreness he had never before experienced. This was insanity, he had never run this far before, through the nearby forests, along the paths, over sand. Luckily he was not the only one, he was not the last of them in the group to finish, but not the first either. Everyone single one of them who he had barely known, now all out of breath, each and every single one thinking that they were about to die as they made it back to the academy.

Like many others Philippe could not help buy just lay down on the ground, looking up at the sky as he tried to reclaim his breath, hating both his mother and the baron for what he was currently exposed to. He could not even have the mere notion of privacy anymore, living in a large barracks together with the other recruits. It wasn’t all too bad, at least he had managed to get a bed near the corner of the room, allowing him to shield of from some of the rest of them. The worst part in truth, was the language. Philippe had yet to become fluent in German, and in truth he was unsure if he ever was to become completely fluent in it.

Not that Philippe was given a lot of time to consider this as he was ordered back onto his feet and back into line. He once again considered disobedience, though the point seemed rather useless. He had seen how some of the other kids had acted, including the beating they had received. It was not that Philippe was afraid to be hit, but there seemed very little point in being hit trying to make a point against someone far more stubborn than him, someone who had done this many times before. What was the point of a useless beating, it wouldn’t get him what he wanted regardless, all it would give him was pain, and not useful pain at that. It would teach him nothing, at least nothing that he didn’t already know, that fighting back against them such a manner was useless.

Next came dinner, or what they would call dinner. Philippe remembered this food from back when he lived with his father, his actual father, it was what Condé normally use to let Philippe give to his dog. Had it not been because Philippe was exhausted and his stomach cried out for food, he would not have touched it. The officers and kitchen excused this poor display of what they called food, with the fact that the cadets may as well get used to it now, as they would live on it for most of their life. It honestly sounded dreadful. At the same time, they also had the audacity to claim that it was proper and good food, to make one grow and become strong, as if.

The worst part about the dinner here wasn’t the food, it was the lack of people to talk with. Sure, they tried talking with Philippe, but he largely kept to himself, on part due to his faulty German which made his communication with his fellow cadets all the more troublesome. He had fallen in together with some of the nobility in his year that spoke French, but they largely kept to themselves during dinner, and has he had been enrolled as a commoner, he normally didn’t sit with them, though he was quite set on changing that soon. It also seemed that difference faded in the higher years. At least by the looks of how the older cadets sat, with little distinction for rank and title.

“It won’t get easier.” A voice spoke to him in French, sitting down opposite of him. It was an older boy, a young man, maybe half a decade older than Philippe himself. Blonde hair with blue eyes and surprisingly tall. “Here.” He said as he offered Philippe half of his bread as the older boy cut a piece of the meat off the chicken they had been given.

“Thank you.” Philippe responded as he took the bread, ripping a piece off as he rubbed it against the plate hoping to add some flavor.

“You will need to learn German regardless if you like it or not, or you won’t survive here.” The young man said, “The manuals are in German, the instructors are German, the cadets are German. You may be able to get the books in French, but even so, you will come to regret it quickly if you don’t learn the language.”

“Yes, Sir.” Philippe responded, eating the bread as he looked at the young man in front of him. “Why do you care?” Philippe asked as he looked up curiously at the stranger.

“Neither of us are in France, yet we both wish to return.” The young man said, looking at Philippe as the latter just nodded slightly. “You may as well spend the time here learning and becoming better than you were, there is little in trying to defy it by not being active and waste your time here. Make the best of it and when we both return to France one day, dazzle them with your skill. Besides, you do have the look of a soldier about you, so make use of it. And learn the language, or at least try.” The young man said as he stood up. “See you around?” He asked Philippe, with Philippe just nodding.

“See you.” Philippe said, after which he waited until time was up and all the cadets were ordered back to their barracks. Philippe, after he had laid down, would at least give it a try. As he found one of the manuals he had been given by the school on drilling, he began going through the pages, trying to figure out what exactly they said in this horrible language.
 

99KingHigh

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There will be a brief update, forthcoming.
 

99KingHigh

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CHAPTER 17: Domine Salvum Fac Regem
(February 1830 - June 1830)


Under the conditions of the defection, it was absolutely impossible to count on governing constitutionally—that is, with the support of the chamber. From then on, it would have been necessary to act with vigo and speed and immediately execute that coup d-état which everybody expected. But, instead of doing that, the government wasted five full months, embroiled in complete political inertia, weakening itself by internal divisions, emboldening its adversaries by its hesitations, and discouraging its supporters by its inaction. We are told of this dialogue between Saint-Aignan, among the Ministerial opponents of exceptional action, and Michaud, the editor of the Ultra-Royalist paper, the Quotidienne.

“We are not going to spring a coup d-état.”
“I am sorry to hear that.”
“And why?”
“Because, having only men who want a coup d-état for you, if you don’t have one, you’ll have no supporters left.”

The division between the King and his Minister unaided by their participation in the social affairs of those whom he considered to be revolutionary enemies of the regime, the King was drawn closer to the Chancellor of France, M. Sully, who was becoming increasingly convinced of the desperation of the circumstances. Contrarily, the King’s Ministers, perhaps with the exception of the Prime Minister, were resolutely opposed to the concept of taking extreme action. They wrote in the Moniteur: “Unless they have lost all common sense, the ministers could not even conceive of the idea of breaking the Charter and substituting the rule of ordinances for the rule of law.” The other ministers had no more ideas or resolutions with regard to these actions. Indeed, it would not be inappropriate to say that the convictions of Sully and the Ministers of Saint Fulgent were determinedly opposed. Only La Bourdonnaye, who was shown quickly to be a most inept Minister, was affected; having arrived at the height of his ambition, the great demolisher showed himself to be completely devoid of administrative ability. As they expected, with the rejection of Sully’s approach, La Bourdonnaye happily tendered his resignation, with full intention to hide his retreat with a comfortable state pension and the promise of a peerage. To cover his defeat with an honorable pretext, he declared: “When I am staking my head, I want to hold the cards.” In his place, Courvoisier was restored, perhaps as an olive-branch to Berstett, who despite his utter political discrediting, continued to intrigue against the Ministry. The sacrifice of La Bourdonnaye did little good; the liberal Deputies redoubled their audacity to print in the press, and judges were lenient with those defying the authorization, acquitting one out of every two journalist offenders whom the government brought to trial.

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La Bourdonnaye and Courvoisier.
The resistance began to organize in various forms. The Society of Good Fellows reactivated its election committees and formed some new ones. The Journal du Commerce spread the idea of having an association of those who would refuse to pay taxes in case the government tried to set up a budget without the Chamber’s consent. In Paris, under leadership of Armentières, the leaders of the opposition were united. In January 1830 a republican society was organized among the students and officers of Paris, whose members were called the True Franks. This group, to tell the truth, was not very large or influential. Much more dangerous to the government was the party around the duc d’Orleans which was beginning to take shape under the very cautious inspiration of Talleyrand; it brought together Armentières and Lecuyer, reconciling the Liberal wings. Thanks to his secret patronage, a new paper, Le National, was founded, whose great supplier of funds was Jacques Laffitte, the liberal banker and the famous manager of funds for the duc. Its editors were Armand Carrel, Adolphe Thiers, and Mignet; they did all they could to spread the idea that the constitutional regime desired by the nation was incompatible with the maintenance of the throne of the elder branch of the Bourbons; every effort was taken to spite the authorization, sometimes implying much, and sometimes daring the Ministry to take it to court. To preserve liberty, revolution was not even necessary; all one had to do was to carry out the Charter faithfully and, in order to do that, to replace a monarch blindly following the path of the Old Regime by another who understood his times. Le National famously wrote, privately, and against the authorization: “All had gone off then with the greatest calm. There was a family replaced by another family...James II was dethroned, because he loved what his people rejected...England was so unrevolutionary at that time that, respecting as much as she could the ancient law, she chose the family most closely related to the fallen prince.” This was speaking rather clearly!

The extreme Right, rather imprudently, fed the liberal flames by pulling out all inhibitions in their exaltation of the King as the source of constitutional authority. It was already commenting on Article 14 of the Charter, finding in that chapter the right of the sovereign to seize dictatorial power. The wording of the speech from the throne was weighed minutely in the Council of Ministers. The two houses met in joint session on March 2, 1830, to hear it. After the usual review of the foreign situation and the announcement of the law to public works and the poor, Charles X added in a stentorian voice:

The Charter has placed the public freedoms under the safeguard of the rights of the crown. These rights are sacred, and my duty to my people is to transmit them intact to my successors. Peers of France, deputies of the districts, I do not doubt your collaboration in carrying out the good that I want to do. You will spurn with scorn the perfidious insinuations that malice is trying to promote. If unfriendly maneuvers raise obstacles against my government such as I do not wish to foresee, I would find the strength to overcome them in my determination to maintain public order, in the just confidence of Frenchmen, and in the love that they have always shown for their king.

The reply of the Chamber of Peers remained vague and moderate, in spite of a biting speech by Chateaubriand. The Chamber of Deputies showed what would be the attitude of the majority by returning Royer-Collard as the President of the Deputies. With the support of the Left-Center and the defection, the Left was then going to be in a position to bring the ministry down. Royer-Collard himself intervened in the composition of the proposed reply to assure the King that the gravity of reply was sincere. The final reply, after committee politics, produced a stern result.

The Chater guarentees, as a right, the intervention of the country in the deliberations on questions of public interests...it makes the permanent accord of the political views of your government with the wishes of your people, the indispensable condition for the steady advance of public affairs. Sire, our loyalty, our devotion, forces us to tell you that this accord does not exist. An unjust distrust of the feelings and thoughts of France is today the fundamental attitude of the administration. Your people are distressed by this because it is an affront to them; they are alarmed by it because it is a threat to their liberties.

This cordiality was not long to last. True, no one expected the King to obey this injunction, but it had proved more influential than expected; indeed, it pushed Charles X right back into the sincerest confidences of the Chancellor of France, the duc de Sully. In his own elaborate machinations, Sully was determined not to return the Chamber to the electors, or at least before the system could return comfortably to the favor of the Ultra-Royalists. For the success of his procedure, Sully was presented with a multiplicity of obstructions; the desire of the King to call fresh elections, the determination of the entire Ministry to procedure with normal deliberations, the dreamy principles of Saint-Fulgent, and the scorn of the political Left. With masterful elegance he conquered each obstruction, and made them his own advantages. The first panacea was to ensure that the Chamber remained in session, and for that, Sully would need to create a demand for legislative appropriations. The invasion of Algeria, which was entirely the accomplishment of the Saint-Fulgent Ministry, satisfied this need. The origins of this conflict were distant and complex. For eons the Westerns powers had tried to cease Algerian piracy. In 1819, following the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, France and England had agreed to a joint protest to the Dey of Algiers, Hussein. The latter paid no attention to it, but the irritation which it had caused him had led him to give a more unfriendly twist to two pending matters between him and France; the question of African concessions and that of the Bacri and Busnach loans. Since the 16th century, France had possessed a monopoly on the trade of the Algerian interior and of the coral fishing; in 1817 the Dey had renewed the privileges in return for an annual payment of 60,000 francs. After the joint protest of 1819, the Algerians raised it to 214,000 francs and increased petty annoyances toward French administrations. The Dey also wanted compensation for the large wheat purchases made by the French Directory from a firm of Leghorn Jews, Bacri and Busnach, who enjoyed a privileged position in the Algiers Regency. When the Restoration reviewed the claims like other debtors of the Revolution, the government decided to pay seven million francs, as opposed to the fourteen million francs which was demanded. The Dey demanded that the government satisfy this demand, and when the French refused, Hussein hit the French consul three times with the handle of his fly-swisher in April 1827. This had been the start of the blockade of Algiers.


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The infamous "fan affair" of 1827.

But the requirements of the Greek War of Independence had denied any further action against the Dey by need to commit these forces to the Eastern Mediterranean. Nevertheless, it had been decided by some under-ministers, that there should be some resolution, and as compensation, the French sent to negotiate with the Dey; Hussein, encouraged by the English ambassador, fired on the parley ship eighty times as it left port. The news of this attack reached Paris as Saint Fulgent was assuming office. At first there was some irresolution, or rather, there was fear that the English might intervene. Sully saw his opportunity and succeeded in convincing the King that action was required. On January 31, 1830 the Council of Ministers rallied to the principle of direct intervention. Militarily the enterprise was full of dangers; “Algiers the Well-Guarded,” Algiers which had held out against Charles V and eleven Christian expeditions, had the reputation for being unassailable. The best minds of the Admiralty were justifiably apprehensive, and there was some fear that no one would risk their reputation on this intervention. Fortunately, Moncey found in d’Haussez a man capable of prodding these timid warriors, inspired by the inflexible will of Saint Fulgent. His contagious enthusiasm and his organizing talent worked miracles. In three months all was in readiness at Touloun—56 warships, 27,000 sailors, 60,000 soldiers, 100 siege pieces, and an enormous quantity of supplies and equipment. Berstett was no help to the matter; he made no moves on the matter, and allowed the English to run wild with their auxiliary support to the Algerians. As a matter of fact, Berstett was more interested in rumours of discontent with the Low Countries, and earned himself sharp rebuke from Charles X and Saint Fulgent. His irritable treatment of Sully’s plans, and the King’s dissatisfaction with his foreign Minister, earned him a new station as Minister of State and a Peerage, otherwise known as “compelled retirement.” Baron de Damas was his replacement.

ILjzV5L.jpg

When Lord Stuart came before Moncey and d’Haussez with an intimidating tone, the generals gave a sharp reply: “France doesn’t give a damn about England.” Charles X, with more royal dignity, stopped Stuart’s protests by saying: “Mr. Ambassador, all I can do for your government is not to listen to what I have just heard.” The liberal press was in no mood either to hand the royalists a victory; the necessary expenditures that prolonged the sitting of the Chamber earned real scorn. “There’s the real insult that France must feel, much more than the fan slap of a barbarian on the cheek of a foolhardy man” said the Journal des débats. But no more than in 1823 did this uproar prevail the fighting man’s joy of getting out of his barracks and having a chance to distinguish himself. And it was in an atmosphere of enthusiasm that the departure of the expeditionary corps took place from May 25 to May 27. The chief command was given to Bourmont who yearned to wipe out by a national triumph the bad reputation attached to his name. As a safeguard, he had a royal ordinance which put under his authority the officer Duperré, whose ill-will inspired mistrust. In fact the latter showed excessive caution, and wasted some two weeks finding the correct debarkation. The landing operation was to require four days at the Bay of Sidi-Ferruch, but was sporadically endangered by storms and Algerian forward battalions. Finally on the nineteenth Hussein’s army attacked in force; it was commanded by the Agha Ibrahim, Hussein’s son-in-law, and contained about forty-five thousand men. The French Army, smaller in size but better armed and commanded, found itself in a bloody affair, especially under the threat of loaned English artillery pieces. After the loss of some fifteen hundred soldiers, the French army captured the enemy artillery and the plateau of Staoueli where Ibrahim had made his camp. The army marched in columns on the twenty-fourth of June, but the conclusion of the campaign was confused by events in Paris…

June
The session of the Chamber of Deputies typically began in November, December, or January, and proceeded to July at the latest, sometimes sooner. Most of haute Paris, however, was emptied from April to September, when the nobility retired to the provinces. A premature dissolution, in Sully’s estimation, would guarantee the Left’s victory; the King would be forced (short of dissolving the Charter) to bow before the Left and make serious concessions to their Ministry. But the prolongment of the Chamber beyond the King’s original intention, that is, no immediate election, would afford him adequate time to work his plans. Through the King, Sully made his impressions on Saint Fulgent, believing he was acting in accordance with that ancien tradition. The grand plan of Sully was now coming together in his eyes. If the Ministry could, by the radicalism of its propositions, provoke a reaction from the Left, the convictions of the Ministers with regard to the coup d-état might instantaneously change. Saint-Aignan, the sharpest political operator among the Ministry, and the one who might prove determinantal to Sully’s attempt, was charged with the construction of an elaborate and intricate Poor Law. This distraction gave Sully time to keep him away from the King and to compromise with the demands Saint-Aignan had made when the coup d-état was first proposed. Meanwhile, Saint Fulgent, tempted by the graduated urgings of Sully, became more and more determined to showcase his disregard for the Left opposition. Sully, far more prudent than Saint Fulgent, knew that the propositions of Saint-Fulgent were outrageous. However, they would be perfectly suited in conjuring a vexatious response from the Liberals. By product of such an intrigue, Saint Fulgent, almost unilaterally, and with the Sully-imposed silence of the King, brought before the Chamber of Deputies a series of laws of such an inflammatory variety that reaction was guaranteed. The first controversial law was to bring before the legislature an absolute ceiling on credit lending at two-percent. The second was to restore the anti-sacrilege proposal. The third was to restore the Assembly of the French Clergy. This was not a Ministry afraid of accusations of Jesuit sympathizing. In the King’s estimation this was no coup d-état; only the Charter could bring these policies to fruition, especially with regard to the financial stipulations in the Charter of Deputies. Courvoisier hastily resigned and was replaced by Peyronnet.

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I hear a certain song in the distance.

The reaction was nothing short of spectacular outrage. In an instantaneous moment the subtle threatening of the Left was translated into sentiments that reflected the old revolution in force and rhetoric. Armentières gave two speeches in the Deputies that in earlier days would have produced the scaffold. Le National reprinted the speeches without authorization. In the Peers it seemed that Sully’s grand scheme had succeeded; Saint-Aignan sternly rebuked Armentières and demanded that the Chambers restricted that language which breached the oath of allegiance. Royer-Collard did nothing. Durand came before the Chambers, and with a pretentious air [1] that earned some scorn from his colleagues, he railed against the proposals. Pamphlets that night, throughout Paris, urged insurrection. Saint-Fulgent, never bending, defended the proposals, before retiring to Saint-Cloud with the rest of the Ministers. The mood in the Ministry, as Sully had planned, had completely reversed. Moncey warned that stern action might provoke unpopularity, and Saint-Aignan suggested certain revisions to any approach, but no longer was a coup d-état scorned; it was now inevitable. Sully had succeeded, and the King’s reluctance withered away....

[1] Don't say "last of the moderates" and not expect me to make fun of you.

-
Wait.

I do certainly hear something in the distance.
 

99KingHigh

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REACTION 1: The Ordinances of Saint-Cloud

Peyronnet, Sully’s lackey, was given the job of preparing the texts on the expected ordinances. Those he brought in on June 10 were discussed in detail by his colleagues during the next days. Saint-Aignan agreed that first and foremost, the Chamber would have to be dissolved, and that what must follow would require the instruments of the Law on General Security. Finally, on the twenty-fourth the definitive version was adopted. The prefect of police, Mangin, appeared to be full of confidence: “No matter what you do, the people of Paris will not stir. Go ahead boldly, I’ll stake my head on Paris, I’ll see to her. In the opinion of Charles X, the Chamber of Deputies, in its present incarnation, was steering dangerously close to the National Assembly.

On the following day, June 25, Charles X called together his Ministers at Saint-Cloud after Mass. He asked them to read to him the prepared texts twice, then durning to the Dauphin, he asked:

“You have heard this?”

“Yes, father.”

“What do you think of it.”

“When the danger is inevitable., you must meet it head on. We either win or lose."

“Is this your opinion, gentlemen?” the King asked, glancing around the table.

“Yes, Sire,” Moncey replied, “we are agreed on the ends, but not on the means.” Here he elaborated his objections.

“So you don’t want to sign?” the King asked.

“I’ll sign Sire, because I would consider it a crime to abandon the monarchy and the King under such circumstances…”

Charles X then fell into a deep spell of reflection, and for several minutes he held his head in his hand and his pen poised two inches above the paper. Whereupon he said: “The more I think of it the more I am convinced that it is impossible to do otherwise.” And he signed.

After that, the Ministers countersigned in profound silence.

Before retiring Charles X spoke again: “Here are some great measures! We shall have to have a lot of courage and firmness to make them succeed. I count on you, you can count on me. Our cause is one. For us all it is life or death.”

All this occured in great secrecy, since Charles X and Sully were convinced that the element of surprise was indispensable to the success of the operation. This is why there was little military precaution; any attempt to move the Royal Army would give away their attempt. Nonetheless, they had at their disposal some twelve-thousand troops, plus thirteen hundred of the Royal Guards. Only at eleven o’clock at night did Chantelauze hand over the texts to Sauvo, editor-in-chief of the Moniteur with an order to print them in the next day’s edition [June 25th, 1830].

“What do you think of them?” asked Montbel, who was also present, after giving him time to look them over.

“God save the King and France,” this good man replied. “Gentlemen, I am fifty-seven, I have seen all the days of the Revolution and I draw back in profound terror!”

-

The edited Report from the Chancellor of France.

The appointment of the new Ministry - a just and righteous one - looks to have spurned the opposition into a frenzy, and it seems they now bay for the blood of Your Majesty and the Ministry: I truly cannot fathom how any true Frenchmen could subscribe to such treasonous ideals, but I take comfort in the fact that the wolves have revealed themselves, and that they can now be dealt with.

Having consulted with my own advisors, and a number of legal personalities, I would humbly recommend that harsh measures be taken by Your Majesty in the form of royal ordinances: they are the law, and within Your prerogatives as King and thus cannot be argued as violating the Charter.

Firstly, a new ordinance against the press restoring in part the law of the 21st of October 1814 - it would once again strengthen the state's supervision over materials printed, and subject them to a renewal every three months. Alongside this further measures of control can be enacted, such as the limitation of published works outside of the press - thus ensuring a means to control seditious influence.

Secondly, a dismissal of the current Chamber of Deputies - if anything this body has only proven itself divisive and a negative impact on the stability of the Kingdom of France. Before new elections are to be held however, I would recommend alterations to the entire process - the exact nature of such I have enclosed with this letter, but Your Majesty can rest assured it will serve in the best interests of the nation.

It would lastly be my recommendation that Your Majesty expand the number of Councillors of State - primarily by granting a number of trusted confidants and noted patriots the ability to attend and participate in deliberations of the Council of State. Such a measure would ensure that a wealth of trusted and sound advice is available to His Majesty; in regards to such individuals meriting such an honor I again present a list of recommendations.

I hope Your Majesty finds such propositions of worth; I readily provide myself to aid in the writing of the aforementioned propositions if need be.

I reaffirm once again my utmost devotion to Your Majesty - let me serve at your pleasure, and in the defense of our great nation, until my dying breath.

--

j5uig4u.jpg

To all to whom these presents shall come, good health.

On the report of our Council of Ministers, we have ordered and ordain as follows:

Having considered Art. 50 of the Constitutional Charter; being informed of the manoeuvres which have been practiced in various parts of our kingdom, to deceive and mislead the electors during the late operations of the electoral colleges; having heard our council; we have ordered and ordain as follows:

Art. 1. The Chamber of Deputies of Departments is dissolved.

2. Our Minister, the Secretary of State of the Interior, is charged with the execution of the present ordinance.

3. Given at St. Cloud, the 25th day of June, the year of Grace 1830, and the sixth of our reign.

AhCkpZt.png

To all to whom these presents shall come, good health.

On the report of our Council of Ministers, we have ordered and ordain as follows:

Art. 1. The liberty of the periodical press is suspended.

2. The regulations of the articles 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th of the Law of 1820, known as the Law on the Regulation of Newspapers and Periodicals, are reaffirmed in force in consequence of which no journal, or periodical, or semi-periodical writing, established, or about to be established, without distinction of the matters therein treated, shall appear either in Paris or in the departments, except by virtue of an authorization first obtained from us respectively by the authors and the printer. This authority shall be renewed by the Ministry of Justice. It may also be revoked.

3. The authority shall be provisionally granted and provisionally withdrawn by the prefects from journals and periodicals, or semi-periodical works, published or about to be published in the departments.

4. Journals and writings published in contravention of article 2 shall be immediately seized. The presses and types used in the printing of them shall be placed in a public depot under seals, or rendered unfit for use.

5. No writing below twenty printed pages shall appear, except with the authority of our Minister of Justice, and of the prefects in the departments. Every writing of more than twenty printed pages, which shall not constitute one single work, must also equally be published under authority only. Writings published without authority shall be immediately seized; the presses and types used in printing them shall be placed in a public depot, and under seals, or rendered unfit for use.

6. Memoirs relating to legal process, and memoirs of scientific and literary societies, must be previously authorized, if they treat in whole or in part of political matters, in which case the measures prescribed by art. 5 shall be applicable.

7. Every regulation contrary to the present shall be without effect.

8. Our Secretaries of State are charged with the execution of this ordinance.

Given at Chateau St. Cloud, the 25th of June, of the year of Grace 1830, and the 6th of our reign.

AhCkpZt.png

--
To all to whom these presents shall come, good health.

Having resolved to prevent the return of the manoeuvres which have exercised a pernicious influence on the late operations of the electoral colleges, wishing in consequence to reform according to the principles of the Constitutional Charter the rules of Election, of which experience has shown the inconvenience, we have recognized the necessity of using the right which belongs to us, to provide by acts emanating from ourselves for the safety of the state, and for the suppression of every enterprise injurious to the dignity of our crown. For these reasons, having heard our council, we have ordered and ordain:

Art. 1. Conformably to the Charter of 1814, that system of elections is restored, and in accordance with those terms, Articles 15, 36, and 30, of the Constitutional Charter are executed, and with this exeuction the Chamber of Deputies shall consist only of Deputies of Departments.

2. The electoral rate and the rate of eligibility shall consist exclusively of the sums for which the elector and the candidate shall be inscribed individually, as holders of real or personal property, in the roll of the land tax or of personal taxes.

3. Each department shall have the number of deputies allotted to it by Article 36 of the Constitutional Charter.

4. The deputies shall be elected, and the chamber renewed, in the form and for the time fixed by Article 37 article of the Constitutional Charter.

5. The electoral colleges shall be divided into colleges of arroridissement and colleges of departments, except the case of electoral colleges of departments, to which only one deputy is allotted.

6. The electoral colleges of arrondissement shall consist of all the electors whose political domicile is established in the arrondissement. The electoral colleges of departments shall consist of a fourth part, the highest taxed, of the electors of departments.

7. The present limits of the electoral colleges of arrondissements are retained.

8. Every electoral college of arrondissement shall elect a number of candidates equal to the number of departmental deputies.

9. The college of arrondissement shall be divided into as many sections as candidates. Each division shall be in proportion to the number of sections, and to the total number of electors, having regard as much as possible to the convenience of place and neighbourhood.

10. The sections of the electoral college of arrondissements may assemble in different places.

11. Every section of the electoral college of arrondissements shall choose a candidate, and proceed separately.

12. The presidents of the sections of the electoral college of arrondissement shall be nominated by the prefects from among the electors of the arrondissement.

13. The college of department shall choose the deputies; half the deputies of departments shall be chosen from the general list of candidates proposed by the colleges of arrondissements: nevertheless, if the number of deputies of the department is uneven, the division shall be made without impeachment of the right reserved by the college of department.

14. In cases where, by the effect of omissions, of void or double nominations, the list of candidates proposed by the colleges of arrondissements shall be incomplete, if the list is reduced below half the number required, the college of department shall choose another deputy not in the list; if the list is reduced below a fourth, the college of department may elect beyond the whole of the deputies of department.

15. The prefects, the sub-prefects, and the general officers commanding military divisions and departments, are not to be elected in the departments where they exercise their functions.

16. The list of electors shall be settled by the prefect in the Council of Prefecture. It shall be posted up five days before the assembling of the colleges.

17. Claims regarding the power of voting which have not been authorized by the prefects shall be decided by the Chamber of Deputies; at the same time that it shall decide upon the validity of the operations of the colleges.

18. In the electoral colleges of department, the two oldest electors and the two electors who pay the most taxes shall execute the duty of scrutators.

The same disposition shall be observed in the sections of the college of arrondissement, composed, at most, of only fifty electors. In the other college sections the functions of scrutators shall be executed by the oldest and the richest of the electors. The secretary shall be nominated in the college of the section of colleges by the president and the scrutators.

19. No person shall be admitted into the college, or section of college, if he is not inscribed in the list of electors who compose part of it. This list will be delivered to the president, and will remain posted up in the place of the sitting of the college, during the period of its proceedings.

20. All discussion and deliberation whatever are forbidden in the electoral colleges.

21. The police of the college belongs to the President. No armed force without his order can be placed near the hall of sittings. The military commandant shall be bound to obey his requisitions.

22. The nominations shall be made in the colleges and sections of college by the absolute majority of the votes given. Nevertheless, if the nominations are not finished after two rounds of scrutiny, the bureau shall determine the list of persons who shall have obtained the greatest number of suffrages at the second round. It shall contain a number of names double that of the nominations which remain to be made. At the third round, no suffrages can be given except to the persons inscribed on that list, and the nominations shall be made by a relative majority.

23. The electors shall vote by bulletins; every bulletin shall contain as many names as there are nominations to be made.

24. The electors shall write their vote on the bureau, or cause it to be written by one of the srcutators.

25. The name, the qualification, and the domicile of each elector who shall deposit his bulletin, shall be inscribed by the secretary on a list destined to establish the number of the voters.

26. Every scrutiny shall remain open for six hours; and shall be declared during the sitting.

27. There shall be drawn up a process verbal for each sitting. This process verbal shall be signed by all the members of the bureau.

28. Conformably to article 46 of the Constitutional Charter, no amendment can be made upon any law in the Chamber, unless it has been proposed and consented to by us; and unless it has been discussed in the bureaus.

29. All regulations contrary to the present ordinance shall remain without effect.

30. Our Ministers, Secretaries of State, are charged with the execution of the present ordinance.

Given at St. Cloud, this 25th day of June, in the year of grace 1830, and 6th of of our reign.

AhCkpZt.png

--
We have ordered and ordained the following:

Art 1. The sieur Delaveau, state adviser with extraordinary service, is appointed councilor of state in ordinary service.

2. Les sieurs comte de Vaublanc, baron Didon, ministres d’état, marquis de Forbin des Issarts, baron de Freuilly, Franchet Desperey, vicomte de Castelbajac, Syrieys de Mayrinhac, the Councilors of State in extraordinary service, are authorized to attend and to participate in the deliberations of our council of state.

Sirs Cornet-d'Incourt, honorary councilor of state, and baron de Villebois, Master of Petitions, are appointed councilors of state in extraordinary service with permission to attend and participate in the deliberations of our council of state.

4. The sieurs de Formon and Vicomte de Conny, Master of Requests, are appointed Councilors of State in extraordinary service with the authorization to attend and participate in the deliberations of our Council of State.

5. The Vicomte de Curzay, Master of Requests, Prefect of the Department of the Gironde, and Marquis de Villeneuve, Prefect of the Department of Corrèze, are appointed Councilors of State in extraordinary service.

6. Sieur Baron de Chalieu, prefect of the department of the Loire, and Méry de Contades, is appointed Master of the Petitions in extraordinary service.

7. Sieur Bergasse, a former member of the States-General, is appointed Honorary State Councilor.

Given at Saint-Cloud on 25 the day of June in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred thirty of our reign the sixth.

AhCkpZt.png

-
Wait.

I definitely hear something...
 

99KingHigh

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REVOLUTION 1: ALLONS! ENFANTS DE LA PATRIE!

(It is 3:30 PM, Friday, the 25th day of June, in the Year of our Lord, 1830)

THE PREFECT OF POLICE forbids the PRINTING of NEWSPAPERS without AUTHORIZATION.

The DEPUTIES ARE STILL in PARIS! THE SOLDIERS BLOCK THE GATES to the PALAIS-BOURBON.

The EDITORS of the Newspapers shall Gather! WILL THEY PRINT TOMORROW? WILL they WRITE a PROTEST? [1]

The INDUSTRIALISTS are planning to gather at CITY HALL? Will the SHOPS close? [2]

The KING is HUNTING at RAMBOULLET with the DAUPHIN.


THERE are assemblies at the BOURSE and the PALAIS-ROYAL, what do they cry? [3]

TODAY PARIS is quiet. But WHAT will TOMORROW bring?

--
Told you I heard a song.

[1] Durand, Madame Bourbon, and M. Bourbon for Diocletian [Durand gets final say], Cazal for Le Constitutionnel, Lecuyer for the Globe, Orleans for Le National, Saint-Aignan for Gazette, Saint-Fulgent for Quotidienne, the Grand Master for L'Elan,
[2] Duval, Rothschild, and Descombes
[3] For those who have constituencies of the "rougher types."This should not be a violent IC, but literally a "chant IC." Let's see where everyone lies.

Well folks, welcome to Revolution and Reaction! We are now in real time, or well, sorta. (As best I can do, that is). The game adapts to your actions, and each update, addressed to each side (Revolution 1, Reaction 1, Revolution 2, Reaction 2, etc) will allow options for you to IC about. Above is an example of how players will get options. Players not included should feel free to IC too, so I can make options for them in the subsequent updates. Obviously, not everyone will get options in every update, but note that how you IC will affect if you get into the next update.

Don't do anything super-crazy, super-stupid, or super-silly, or I will ignore it.






 
Last edited:

Dadarian

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tdAd32S.png

An end and a beginning
The reaction was swift, and the Call was made. From Paris, and Toulouse, and Calais. The King has become the Tyrant, they had forsaken Les Hommes. L'Elan was closed down, shuttered by the King's Laws.

The flags were torn down, replaced by hastily sewn flags reminiscent of 1817. The colours same as before, but the words had changed. No longer was it for "King and Artois", but "God and France.

The Calls continued, although in a different setting. The name will change! BY GOD THE NAME WILL CHANGE!

~

By Order of le Grandmaître Haute;

The Call Petitioned by:

Le Maison de Paris, Le Maison de Toulouse, Le Maison de Calais, Le Maison de Marsailles, Le Maison de Brest, et al ad nauseum.

Countersigned by Les MEMs of said Maisons,

We are Le Society de les Hommes.

~

By Order of le Grandmaître Haute;

The Call Petitioned by:

Le Maison de Paris, Le Maison de Toulouse, Le Maison de Calais, Le Maison de Marsailles, Le Maison de Brest, et al ad nauseum.

Countersigned by Les MEMs of said Maisons,

We hereby adopt a new flag for Les Hommes.
 

etranger01

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A runner delivers a note to the residence of Mateo Gagnon.

To M. Gagnon ((PRIVATE - @Korona))

Captain,

We have reached the critical moment. The King has assumed dictatorial power and seeks to rule by decree. The Chamber is sealed. The police and the army have mobilized. The people of Paris require the Guard.

I place the resources of the Good Society at your disposal. You will find that we have kept your uniforms in trust; I release them to the Guard, their rightful owners.

God be with you.

- Armentières