Unifications - May - August, 1937
The Spanish POUM would effect the final polarisation of the conflict in Spain, and their actions would mark the success of French policy there.
As spring pressed into summer, Britain’s new Fascist government was quickly consolidating its position at home, relatively untroubled by disturbances abroad. Since the ‘constitutional coup’ of a few months previously, Britain had divided sharply along those who would tolerate or endorse the new system, and those who would strongly oppose it. Based on the manageability of those disturbances that had taken place in the country, most people seemed to fall into one of the former categories, although the regime clearly knew that it’s very presence was a blot in the minds of some, if not most people, and it’s success would depend on transforming society away from the ways of the ‘old gang’ of British politics for the better. Whilst the Special Security Directorate dealt with an insurgent Communist underground and industrial disturbances in some areas, the Prime Minister and the government pressed ahead with the plans for the coronation and the marriage of Edward and Wallis. The date penciled in had been the 12th of May, with the marriage of the two taking place at some later time. The idea of the morganatic marriage had been quietly dropped, and now most expected it to be a fully-fledged standard royal marriage, sometime in June. The Church of England had itself come under enormous pressure over the marriage and that was likely to be sustained until some sort of acquiescence was forthcoming. The Mosley government hoped that the act of the coronation would draw the nation closer together, binding the image of the new King together with the new system; the Blackshirts were keen to exploit the deference towards the monarchy which that institution enjoyed in the country as a whole.
Taking place in Westminster Abbey, the coronation of Edward was a highly ostentatious affair, rich in pomp and ceremony. The whole spectacle would be relayed to the nation via BBC wireless broadcast. The act of the coronation served to divert attention away from the political situation, with the Mosley government already imprisoning many dissidents and those who continued to agitate politically. Although most would remain unaffected by these measures, the government was not, as yet, risking any serious moves at transforming the economy or established working relationships until the political situation had settled and the government had found it’s feet, and firmer control was established. The summer of 1937 was, consequently, mainly a period of growth in the ‘special’ powers of the new SSP and a re-shuffling of persons in positions of influence in the army who may have had political sympathies with the ‘old order’. The Corporate State would have to wait a little.
In China, Japan was swiftly moving towards total consolidation of its newly conquered dominion. After the surrender of the Nationalist government and the capitulation of the Muslim warlords in the west, Japan was only presented with one serious, organised threat to its status. Although some resistance had been reported in some areas, the main problem for the occupying forces was the forces of Mao-Tse Tung’s Communists. The Communists had been forced from their Southern positions by the Nationalists many years before, resulting in the ‘long march’, an exodus of the Communists towards the more remote northern area of Shanxi. It was a process that had yielded only temporary results, as the Communists had progressively strengthened their positions over time, as the Nationalists had failed to capitalise on their earlier successes. Mutual hostility had pervaded relations between the two, until the brief flowering of détente in the face of the Japanese threat. That, however, had not been sufficient to repel the Japanese or to provide the badly needed unity and coherence that China had been searching for since the revolution. At the time of the fall of Chengdu, Chiang had been attempting to forge a ‘united front’ with Mao, although that had not been given time to develop into anything particularly solid or stable before the Nationalists had capitulated.
Now, the Communists would face the invading Japanese armies alone. It would not be an easy task. Flushed with success, and now with a relatively small area to focus their attentions on, the Japanese promised to be much more formidable than the Nationalists had ever been. Reports of military activity indicated that the Japanese were moving approximately 3/5ths of their forces in China towards the Shanxi positions, and much heavy equipment in terms of artillery and self-propelled vehicles was being called in. Field Marshall Terauchi was slowly building up his forces around the Communist areas in preparation for some form of assault, as bombing raids slowly commenced on much of the fortified positions in the area. Communist air power was non-existent, likewise with much heavy equipment. Hard, guerilla fighting promised to be the order of the day, and the Japanese were certainly not making any overly-hasty moves, as saturation bombing continued for some weeks as the Japanese prepared themselves. Supplies to the region were cut, all trade intercepted. The Japanese also thought it provident to smash much of the farming potential of the region, bombing irrigation and grain supplies. Almost all of the small plant which the Communists had assembled was smashed; clearly the Japanese were wary to advance before they had drained the potential of their enemy from a distance.
Terauchi decided to launch a relatively early offensive after favourable reports from various units that had dealt with minor Communist guerilla raids in and around the front line, and after consultation with the War Ministry in Tokyo. Although the Communists were zealous in their defence, the superior firepower, training, and even more fanatical fighting skills of the Japanese had payed off. Moving forward on the 9th of June, progress proved to be both slow and, in some places, costly. There was little room for the niceties of battle, as fire-fights descended into slugging matches between the two sides. The civilian cost was high, with the Japanese in particular paying little more than passing regard for the rights and well-being of people who many of them regarded as both inherently inferior and ideological confederates of the Communists; little quarter was given. A surprising amount of success was affected in a relatively short period of time through both overwhelming force and a determined and ferocious onslaught of shelling and bombing. In many places, the Communists defences simply filtered away into the undergrowth or the hills; fortified positions were simply ignored and bypassed or smashed into submission through the intensity of the Japanese heavy guns. On the 23rd, the southern front of the operation had met with such success that the Japanese commanders had cut directly through the Communist lines; part of them would now swing south towards the depleted forces still residing there, while the majority were directed northwards to the Communist strongholds in the hills there. A week later, much of the ‘hard’ fighting was already completed. Partisan warfare would be an intense difficulty for some time to come, but Terauchi could telegram Tokyo to the effect that
“Our forces have generally met with success … it would be accurate to say that we have, on the whole, completed the entire operation satisfactorily.”
Rising Sun Victorious - East Asia, July, 1937. (Note - much of the rest of Inner Mongolia would be ceeded to Mengukuo later in the year.)
With incredible swiftness, Japan had managed to completely extirpate the last remaining source of political authority in China. Mao himself was reportedly taken and then arbitrarily shot, the Japanese apparently deeming him too dangerous to keep alive. Much of the rest of the Communist leadership was likewise dealt with, aside from an isolated few, such as Zhou Enlai, who surrendered to the Japanese once the Communists were clearly defeated. Some others would escape north, to Mongolia and Soviet exile, while others would take to the hills. Despite this, the main body of the Communist presence was smashed; it’s essential apparatus and structure destroyed. Although posing a severe irritant in the north, no longer would the Communists present any kind of political alternative. China was effectively re-united for the first time in decades, although not through her own making.
In France, delegates to the 1937 annual Congress of the French Communist Party were meeting to convene and deliberate on the great issues of the day. Held at
Les Invallides in Paris, the approach of this meeting had been met with a good deal of hushed anticipation both inside France and outside of it. Unlike in the Soviet Union, where Party Congresses were increasingly set-piece affairs, stage-managed and ultimately irrelevant, especially so after the murder of Kirov, Party congresses in France had a much more central role in political life, and could often make or break some aspects of policy. Indeed, it had been this aspect which had lead to the Trotskyite coup on the part of the membership, aimed against a leadership which they believed had grown increasingly ‘out of touch.‘. Some degree of intra-party democracy was, therefore, central to the exercise of power, and was always respected by party leaders. This was, in the case of Trotsky, not just a political irritation, but also a crucial ideological element in what distinguished ‘democratic Socialism’ from the Stalinist model of what was increasingly called ‘Bureaucratic State Capitalism’. The handling of Congressional delegates on the part of the leadership was always important, increasingly so now that the perception of an approaching conflict was growing, and policy decisions were becoming closer and closer to being crucial to the maintenance of France’s military supremacy. There was also the increasing encroachment of a wartime mindset, in which everyone would be called on to support the government in it’s struggle with the ‘enemies of the proletariat.’ The Congress was, therefore, bound to be studied closely in France and without, and the atmosphere was liable to be especially tense.
The leadership’s goals, going into the congress were largely twofold; to present a picture of unity and strength to the world, and to approve further increases in the military and political support for the cause of Spain. The opening debates wee little more than platitudes, and the real battles would come mid-way through the first week. Many were increasingly suspicious of the growth of the military, which was extracting a heavy burden domestically, and believed in the ‘old guard’ line that it was unnecessarily provocative, whilst the increasingly large number of ideologically Trotskyite delegates believed that it was a crucial plank of policy. Economic policy was also in line for debate, and this itself had implications on the conduct of the military. The military itself had often been under suspicions from some quarters of the government itself, and often served as it’s own interest grouping within the wider framework of government. Much had been achieved in the last few years in terms of promoting more competent commanders to senior positions, although this carried political risks, since many were of independent inclination and of suspect backgrounds. Although the improvement in the performance of the military on training maneuvers was appreciable, Trotsky had to affect a careful balance between political control and military competence. Newly-promoted commanders such as Charles de Gaulle and the new Chief of Staff of the Central Army Board, Jean-Marie de Tassigny, were both bound to Trotsky personally on account of their swift hand-picked promotion and rising stature, and were often of highly divergent opinions on a range of matters, both political and military from what would be considered orthordox, whilst their backgrounds made them suspicious to many; most commanders in the army remained solidly politically reliable, if generally uninspiring and occasionally incapable. Whilst the army was pressing hard for increases in it's supplies the coming year, many were also aiming for a decrease, and a turn inward to domestic matters such as housing development, slum clearance, industrialisation in Algeria, and agricultural re-organisation. A navigation through such a competing thicket of interests would be a delicate task. Much of the floor-managing on the first few days would be centered on trying to affect a compromise over these issues. The Congress itself would bring together a highly heterogeneous group of individual, each with competing regional and political interests; for the first time, delegates from Africa were present in force, and they too wished for greater internal control and development of native economies. Even the eventual settlement on the issue, effected on the fourth day, would be a mix of these strands, with small reductions in military to be provided at the end of the year, as the economy focused more on internal development; many could remember the somewhat more affluent days of the early twenties, and wanted some of that material satisfaction restored.
The highlight of the conference, however, would be the debates on the continuing situation in Spain. This was a congested field, since many had highly particular views on how policy should be conducted there, and it was an issue which aroused particular ideological fervor. Anyone even slightly critical of the current policy of assisting the POUM and the Republicans was likely to be shouted down by many. Thorez would give a speech indicating that the current policy of strong involvement in the conflict would continued unchanged, and such a measure was passed overwhelmingly by the Congress itself. This was, the leadership knew, an area in which they could shine; the Nationalists were now, baring a miracle, clearly beaten and Spain could be trumpeted strongly as a successful endeavor. Such an impression was re-enforced by the appearance of the ‘star speaker’, Andreu Nin, who would give a barnstorming speech which was avidly consumed by the delegates. Occasional speeches against the leadership would be made and listened to, although they were met merely with exasperated gestures on Trotsky’s part, at the central podium, and with a varied response of the conference floor. The dénouement of the Congress, the speech by Trotsky himself, given on the second to last day, would be an occasion for much of the earlier success of the Congress to be repeated, but also a chance for the more disenchanted, pacifistic of the delegates to have their pound of flesh. A typical exchange highlights the highly combative nature of the whole experience:
“With the triumph of our friends in Spain, we are witnessing here a great unity of the proletariat of our continent, unseen .. [Heckling]
Yes… [More heckling - shout of “You’ll only stop bleeding us when we’re dead!”]
yes, and you will only be silenced when the Germans have you shot.” [Mass applause.] The speech would be greeted by a four-minute standing ovation, and would round off a particularly successful time for the French Communist Party. It was entirely secure at home, and enjoying success abroad; even more so than most of the delegates would know. For, even whole Trotsky was speaking, Andreu Nin was already journeying back across the frontier in a French supply convoy to Barcelona to oversee the penultimate act in the drama in Spain.
Even before the coup of the 7th of July, the influence of the POUM in Spain was higher than that of arguably any group outside the government itself. It had met with strong success in attracting the Spanish proletariat since it’s formation two years before, and this was reflected in the events in Catalonia once the Nationalists had been expelled from there some weeks before. By the time the Republican columns had reached Barcelona, and the Nationalists fled from the area, the POUM was already, in effect, in control of the city and it's workers, having expelled the weakened Nationalists several days before.
“The soldiers are talking freely with the Communists now and I don’t suppose there’s a whole lot of order in the army. They seem to be more inclined to listen to the people who are in control here than anyone else.” George Orwell, in the area at the time, would report in his notes. A German observer, monitoring the situation covertly for the German Foreign Ministry, would wire that, by mid-June
“Most of Catalonia seems to be under the control of the Trotskyites. The government in Valencia is pressing for some action but that is unlikely.” By late June, the POUM had already been in strong contact with Paris and ambitious plans were being formulated on what to do next. By that point, the Republican government was already aware that the divisions in the North East were ‘unreliable.’ and that a serious problem was in the offing. French support was continuing to pour across the porous northern border, in terms of advisors, material and equipment. The POUM in Valencia and Madrid was organising itself, and, more worrying still, arming itself with French guns smuggled south.
By the time Nin had returned from France on the 5th of July, the preparations were firmly established for the overthrow of the Second Republic. Much of it’s support had already drained away through the pressures and extremities of war, with the POUM’s rival, the PCE enjoying increased support along with many other left-wing groups such as the CNT. The Anarcho-Syndicalist movement was flourishing, and moderates were being progressively pushed into irrelevance. Although many of these groups had committed themselves to a temporary ceasefire whilst the war against the Nationalists was pursued, it was an unsteady truce and the POUM especially had little regard for any kind of ‘popular front’ strategy. Perhaps the most surprising thing about the coup was that it had taken so long to materialise. By the night of the sixth, large columns of motorised sections drawn from Catalonia were already making their way south, in preparation for the seizures in Valencia and Madrid the following day. By the time they arrived in the Southern cities the coup was already well underway with the armed seizures of state property, including ministerial buildings and radio towers. Armed resistance was scarce, and such that was encountered was mainly from other radical groups such as the PCE, although these were slow to mobilise and were caught off guard, and would be quickly attacked itself, with much of the offices and structure of the party being swiftly destroyed and it’s leading personalities fleeing or being detained. The same also befell the Anarchists, with the CNT being combatted in many areas and bought off in others. Street battles were not uncommon, and nor were seziures of property.
Disposition of Spain, 1st of July.
Almost all the armed forces of the Republic were in the North, fighting the Nationalists, who were now in a state bordering somewhere near collapse. The Burgos Junta was now at the end of its rope in terms of men, morale, and territory. By mid-June, the town of Zaragosa had fallen after a grueling competition between both sides and Republican forces had advanced along the Ebro as far as Logorno. Massive advances had been made on the Southern front, with advances from Republican positions on the Tagus as far as Valladolid in the North, with the important towns of Rinconada and Zamora falling too. The POUM had chosen it's timing well, since at the present moment the difficulties and frustrations of the war continued, without the Republican situation being so perilous as to risk them being accused of undermining the war effort through any coup attempt. Once order had been restored in Madrid and the new government had installed itself, the state of the military at the front would be one of Nin's top priorities, as attempts to ensure continuity and stability in the north were made in earnest. Indiscipline and disorder there would be something of a recurring problem for the next few weeks before matters seriously stabalised, with some desertions, and supply problems assaulting an already acute problem. Advances in the north of the country were likely to be stalled for some time, although this gave little succor to the beleaguered Nationalists.
Spanish POUM Government, 10th of July.
As Spain’s government was violently replaced and the Civil War there continued, Germany was still much more focused on the situation in Austria. Although the South Tyrol had been captured in the lightening advances in May, matters had settled down rather considerably since then. Advanced parties, scouting out from the Austrian positions in early June had reported that the Italians were simply too well-positioned and had such an advantage in manpower that any further advance, as was being advocated by
Generalmajor Rommel in Vienna would be fraught with difficulty, and Rommel would have to accept that, for now, the Austrian army would have to rest where it stood. Part of the problem for both sides was their lack of any armour, a deficiency in heavy artillery, and little means of fighting anything approaching a true war of maneuver. Although the Austrians had German armouries to fall back on, the Germans were not in the mood to over-supply their ally for fear of an escalation, and with materials and arms being desperately short in Germany itself. The front, then, swiftly resembled something disturbingly like Austro-Italian front in the Great War, with the Austrians rapidly entrenching themselves and the Italians often responding likewise. The terrain itself was not given to any great movement on the part of relatively similar armies, with hilly, mountainous terrain being the order of the day and giving any defender a distinct advantage. The Austrians also had support from the local population as being on their side, with the ethnic German Tyrolese population welcoming them and, in many places, arms being traded to the local population in the event of the Italians over-running the area, and a partisan effort on the part of the locals was becoming increasingly likely in such an event.
The Italian Summer offensive of 1937, which would meet with little success and serious difficulties.
The Italians themselves were eager, however, to muster their forces before winter and mount a serious offensive in order to dislodge the Austrians before they could establish bunkers and artillery positions in the lower ranges. That would surely be a disaster and it would be well into 1938 before anything serious could be attempted. Italy, however, was having enough problems in its African empire without having to worry about a new front on the mainland. Ethiopia was conquered but not pacified, and Libya was constantly a source of potential trouble. Even moving much of its army from Africa was proving difficult and logistical difficulties and poor weather hampered efforts to move divisions from Africa and the South. Nor did the Italians have a durable or efficient airforce which could begin to attack the Austrian positions before the army had begun it’s final positioning. The Italian machines were aged relics, unfit in many cases to fly, much less commence serious bombing raids. Overwhelmingly fighter-based, the Italian Fiat CR-42 fighters were antediluvian and their Caproni Ca-111 bombers were little better. The war had caught Italy on the hop, with much of it’s forces being mothballed as Mussolini prepared for new adventures in a few years time, with new machines and equipment. Even the roads in the northern theatre were poorly-maintained and moving equipment and men by road was fraught with complications. It was perhaps unsurprising then, that the first Italian offensive of the war was something of a disaster. Commencing on the 17th of June, this assault combined forces under General Graziani in the west with those in the Veneto, under the Duke of Aosta. Poor communication would plague the advance from outset and it was clear just how hastily the whole attack had been contrived. While Graziani advanced, many of the troops in the Veneto simply sat around and waited for orders. While Graziani approached from the west, his columns were forced into a route march across the countryside, and quickly came under Austrian artillery fire. Poor co-ordination meant that the Austrians were, in many cases, able to pick off battalions at will and cut them up. Only the emergence of reinforcements on the 20th allowed for any measure of careful and orderly retreat. The eastern offensive was hardly off the ground when it heard the dispiriting news from the western offensive and was pulled back to reconsider it’s options. It was clear that the Italians would have to provide a more measured and skilled response in the autumn if they were to have any successes that year.
