Carthade said:Been waiting for this.I shall eagerly await your next update for this wondrous AAR!
No you won't! Bye bye!
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No you won't! Bye bye!
Allenby is the new king of one-linersAllenby said:No you won't! Bye bye!
Sorry to see the spam in this AAR, but I would like to know are you know working on the mod and how is it going along..
It's only a 7 days ban Allenby. But where is the lovely search function, I want to know what hit him!
But where is the lovely search function, I want to know what hit him!
Nikolai said:It's only a 7 days ban Allenby.
The Spammer Virus hit him. http://forum.paradoxplaza.com/forum/showthread.php?t=226457
How is the work coming along, could we have an update on how the MODDING is going?
Oranje Verzet said:
Aaaargghhh! Again it happens! This thread lit up in the CP and I thought we had an update. Does anyone live near VJ? And can go and give him a shake. I just can't wait for more of this absolutely marvelous AAR . . . .
GhostWriter said:i know the feeling! !
At the risk of bumping . . .
It happens again!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
:rofl: :rofl: :rofl: :rofl:
Vincent Julien where are you ???
Maybe some of us should start submitting our own updates . . . .
And include things like Nazi officials getting caught at a decadent Berlin sex club dressed in drag . . . . :rofl:
I'm working on it, and hopefully it should be here tommorow. I had it more or less prepared ages ago, but then my machine converted the file from one type of document to another, which borked it. But I've re-done it, and it's nearly finished now.
Thanks to all for the continued interest.
I had it more or less prepared ages ago, but then my machine converted the file from one type of document to another, which borked it. But I've re-done it, and it's nearly finished now.Thanks to all for the continued interest.
Vincent Julien said:I'm working on it, and hopefully it should be here tommorow.
Thanks to all for the continued interest.
Oh, he teases us!!
inthe immortal words of someone:
Ve Haff vays to make you write . . . . :rofl:
Shifting Sands - 1934
The fractious nature of Austrian politics would come to have some international signifigance in 1934.
The fractious nature of Austrian politics would come to have some international signifigance in 1934.
The retirement of Erich Ludendorff was highly symbolic, marking as it did the final end of a personal continuity with the Great War, and the immediate post-war period, a period which had seen Germany’s Prussian military elite regain it’s former ascendancy, and refashion Germany under an authoritarianism which was more pervasive than that which had existed under the Kaiserreich.
It was not merely a symbolic event, however, as Ludendorff’s retirement marked a process of increasing power, albeit still limited, for the NSDAP, and an increasing disquiet within the regime itself over foreign and domestic policy, which had often been obscured or limited under the unifying figure of Ludendorff. The course of foreign policy since the Great War, as originally formulated by Stresemann, had been cautiously pro-British and general anti-French; whilst disputes regarding Germany’s eastern and southern neighbours, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Austria, had often been mitigated by the need to focus on domestic problems and rearmament.
The question of the direction of Germany foreign policy was now brought into sharper focus. Rearmament had flattened out substantially from it’s ‘boom years’ of the late twenties, and the ‘new states’ established by Versailles were becoming ever more wary. Even states which had traditionally been in positions of relative safety, or at least had their integrity guaranteed by larger partners were now feeling the increasing pressure of existence between two or more militarised dictatorships; Luxembourg and Belgium seemed increasingly strategically hapless in the ever more likely event of a Franco-German war. This ripe background for an increasingly assertive German policy was matched by personal factors within the regime; von Papen, who had been the major loser through Ludendorff’s retirement, was determined to display his full credentials and pull off a ‘diplomatic coup’, thus raising his stock under Beck, and hopefully propelling himself past his rivals, and hopefully into the Chancellery.
It was opportune, therefore, that Papen’s negotiations with the Vatican over issues regarding the Church was coming to a head at this time. Catholicism within the Protestant Prussian framework of the Reich had always had a troubled history, with a low point between the two being Bismarck’s Kulturkampf; now the two sides were striving towards agreement to put Catholic practice on a more solid, official level. Papen, being a Catholic himself and hailing from the Centre Party, was perhaps uniquely suited to this, and by the time of Ludendorff’s retirement, and after much negotiation, an agreement had been hammered out. However, Papen would be criticised for the terms of the agreement. Papen was quite content to ‘sell out’ the then now fading Centre Party, and looked for no special provisions for the party, or attempted to preserve it in the face of sole-Nazi control of the party scene in Germany; the once vibrant party culture of the Weimar and Wilhelmine periods was in it’s final death throes. With Papen "reaching over their heads" to directly negotiate with the Vatican, The Centre Party quietly disbanded itself later in the month, under a pall of demoralisation and Nazi intimidation. While the Reichskonkordat may have guaranteed rights for Catholics within Germany, it marked the ended of organised political Catholicism in Germany.
The Reichskonkordat would be an advance in German-Vatican relations, but would spell the end of political Catholicism.
Privately, Papen had now begun to wonder about the political potential of the NSDAP, and whether it could be employed to raise his flagging profile. Plans on how to manipulate the NSDAP were nothing new, but the extent to which Papen was now prepared to do so was. The possibility for manipulation of a vast national body such as the party by a senior figure in the regime was arguably there, but this perhaps underestimated the devious, rat-like cunning that many within the party leadership exhibited. It was a strategy that would partly contribute to a minor international crisis, and a severe diplomatic embarrassment for the Reich.
By the time of Ludendorff’s retirement, tensions within Austria had been building for some time. Attempts to establish economic co-operation in the late twenties and early thirties between the Alpine republic and Germany had floundered on strong French objection, and relations had cooled somewhat after Trotsky‘s efforts to improve Franco-Austrian relations. The late twenties had also seen the growth of paramilitary violence, and Austria’s parliamentary system had come to look increasingly fragile. The depression had only exacerbated matters further, and Austria’s Christlich-soziale Partei, (Christian Social Party) the dominant force in Austrian politics, had found itself increasingly besieged. Much like the Weimar experiment in Germany, liberal government had too few defenders and too many social and economic pressures bearing down upon it. Austerity measures and attempts to tackle defaltion were deeply unpopular and divisive, and the CS government had only a slim majority. To that end, in March of 1933 The CS Chancellor, Engelbert Dollfuß had suspended parliament and instituted rule by decree. The NSDAP had fallen under ban in June, with the Austrian Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, (SDAPÖ) following in February of the new year. Dollfuß formed a umbrealla grouping of the right to back the new status quo in the form of the Vaterländische Front (Fatherland Front), which merged the CS and with several other groups, such as the Austrian nationalist Heimwehr (Home Guard). To an extent, Dolfuß’ actions were aimed at preventing the increasingly destablising forces of the extreme left or the Austrian NSDAP from gaining too much power or influence - a greatly enhanced possibility since the events of the previous year in Germany. However, as shown by the banning of the banning of the SDAPÖ, and other Liberal parties, together with the effective end of parliamentary government, the intentions behind the move were more pervasive. The prospect of any internal electoral triumph for the NSDAP within Austria had now been shut off, and it’s leaders gradually came to believe that the interests of the Austrian section were being sold out by Berlin to higher interests in Germany and Austria as the status quo in both countries proceeded.
Engelbert Dollfuß - Authoritarian leader of Austria, determined to preserve the nation's independance.
The Austrian NSDAP had subsequently launched a campaign of violence within Austria, including terror bombings and grenade attacks. However, this would prove only to be the relative calm before the storm. Putsch plans were drawn up amongst party functionaries and SS men within the Austrian NSDAP underground. This was an exceptionally risky venture, with the political odds stacked heavily against it. Moreover, it could be potentially highly embarrassing and damaging not merely for the party back in Berlin, but for Germany itself, if any complicity within the government as a whole was suspected by Mussolini, who had made it plain that the issue of Austrian independence was non-negotiable, fearing as he did potential German irredentism regarding the south Tyrol if Austria was incorporated. Dollfuß too had orientated himself towards Italy, and Italy feared losing an ally to an over-mighty Germany, the diplomatic orientation of which was still somewhat ambiguous.
It is still unknown precisely what Goebbels knew regarding the putsch planning by the Austrian section, although he almost certainly knew of it, likely directly from Theo Habicht, a Reichstag member who Goebbels had appointed to head up the Austrian section. Privately, Goebbels had already practically written off the Austrian NSDAP, and whatever precisely Habicht told him, Goebbels was utterly adamant that any action by the Austrian section would not be sanctioned by Berlin, and ordered Habicht to strongly discipline in the case of any such activity. Goebbels also saw fit to meet with Papen to inform him about the putsch planning, presumably so the Austrian government could be warned, with Goebbels commenting that any action in Austria would be the work of “renegade elements” and that it would be entirely unsanctioned by Berlin. If Goebbels was passing on this information on the implied understanding that Papen would use it responsibly, then he would prove to be mistaken.
Rather than alert either the Austrians, or anyone else in the regime, the information regarding the putsch had piqued Papen’s interest; here was a potential opportunity. Papen began to delicately probe through the German embassy in Vienna if any contact could be made with the sections involved in the plans. So to, he travelled to Munich, and on the 24th met with General Adam, currently Commander of Army District VII to enquire of the readiness of the army in the south. Adam was suspicious. Papen told him that he was acting on information that the Austrian army might topple the government, and that he would keep him informed of events by phone from Berlin. It is hard to determine whether Papen was being disingenuous to Adam, or whether he had actually misconstrued what Goebbels had passed on to him, or whether there had been a deliberate deception at some point. But Papen was clearly acting on a good deal of faith and little else. In reality, the ‘putsch', when it came the next day, resulted in the death of Dollfuß in the Chancellery building in Vienna, and little else, with it even being partly internally sabotaged by the Austrian SA. There was no action from within the army, other than action to suppress the mad scheming of a few fringe Nazi activists. The incident, did however, cause a minor diplomatic fracas; the embarrassment to the German government being intense, the damage to relations with Italy and Austria considerable. Mussolini went so far as to move 75,000 troops to the Austrian border, and for a time, intervention looked likely. France and Italy joined in affirming Austrian independence. Britain expressed its deep concern.
Beck was furious at this, immediately calling Goebbels to the Presidential Palace and demanding an explanation. Goebbels calmly informed Beck of all he had done in informing Papen, working to suppress any “lunatic tendencies” within the Austrian NSDAP, and generally extolled the idea that the party was blameless and that he had never acted out of anything other than loyalty to the government and to Beck. “If Papen wants to indulge himself in this kind of schoolboy dilettantism, then that’s entirely his problem.” Goebbels noted in his diary. “Beck must be shown plainly that nobody within the party had a hand in this. The blame should rightly fall entirely on the head of Papen, who is the father of this crisis with Austria.” he concluded.
This only raised Beck’s ire even further, so much so that Papen was immediately dismissed from the Foreign Office and moved to the Interior Ministry, Beck’s confidence in him apparently shattered. Papen’s actions seemed to him to be almost incredible in their lack of appreciation for potential diplomatic considerations. Beck was simply relieved that the Italians had not learned that a German minister had been “working to destabalise a foreign state by sins of omission.” Beck moved in the career diplomat Constantin von Neurath to repair relations with Britain, and to re-assure the Italians, with Neurath traveling to London in early August as soon as the immediate storm had blown out.
The damage to relations with Italy from the whole affair was acute. The action resulted in a growing distrust of Germany on the part of Mussolini. As Mussolini apparently confided to his son-in-law, Ciano, the following year, he was never sure when he was talking to German representatives whether he was talking to the “head or the arse” of the German government; the supposedly dual nature of the regime would continue to contribute to a certain element of distrust amongst foreign diplomats in the years to come in their relations with Germany. Italian foreign policy was thus substantially re-orientated in the wake of Dollfuß assassination. Despite Neurath’s attempts at rapprochement, German-Italian relations would remain cold, and the following year Italy committed itself to the previously unthinkable, and signed with France the Stresa Accord, which established Franco-Italian relations on a much sounder footing, relations between the two former Great War allies having been perennially cold during the 1920‘s and early 1930‘s.
The Austrian putsch attempt would inspire Mussolini to scan for new diplomatic horizons.
While Mussolini desired freedom of action in North Africa and the Mediterranean, Trotsky desired Italian neutrality in any potential Franco-German conflict, and a continued hard-line from Italy on any German advances in central Europe. These ambitions were the background for the conference, which publicly produced little more than vague affirmations of good will and self-respect, but privately formed the basis for a deeper and carefully choreographed drawing-up of Italian and French spheres of influence. Trotsky recognised Italy’s freedom of action in the Eastern Mediterranean, while Mussolini recognised French interests in Western Europe, with both sides recognising a mutual interest in Central Europe and the continued independence of the states in that region. Although not a solid, watertight compact, the agreement did at least represent the beginning of a change of diplomatic atmosphere, which could prove crucial in the event of war. Trotsky’s desire to beat Germany swiftly, and at almost any price in a future war had coalesced with Mussolini’s amoral foreign policy instincts into a potentially significant future diplomatic relationship.
Diplomacy of a more unconventional sort had also been going on within the government of the Reich. Hermann Göring, Oberbefehlshaber der Luftwaffe was chosen as the representative of the Wehrmacht at the funeral of the late King Alexander in Belgrade. Although not in any official diplomatic capacity, this would not prove to be a deterrent to the Göring’s ambition in that area. Göring apparently received much acclaim from the people of the city by being the only foreign representative daring enough to drive through the city in an open-topped car, and for proudly exclaiming that no German hand had been involved in the death of the King. The diplomatic establishment on the Wilhelmstraße was shocked at Göring's behaviour. Beck, however, was reported to have found Göring's actions "unpolished, but effective", and that was largely what mattered.
Continuing in this vein of crude effectiveness, Göring would work towards informally strengthening the relationship between Germany and Poland. Since his accession to the government, Göring had entertained the Polish ambassador, Lipski, and many other Polish notables during shooting parties at his estate, Carinhall and Rominten - a new estate in East Prussia, bought from funds generously appropriated from government coffers. Now, Göring accepted a reciprocal invitation from Marshall Pilsudski, the Polish dictator, to hunt wolves in the forests of Bialowieza in Poland. During a four-day period of hunting, Göring worked at building up a relationship with the fellow military man and hero of the Russo-Polish war. Göring aimed to convince Pilsudski that any issues dividing them need not be insurmountable, and that the common threat to their security was Russia, which Göring apparently even suggested Poland could expand at the expense of at some point in the future, possibly into the Ukraine. Although Pilsudski’s intransigence regarding Danzig largely cut short any further progress, the groundwork for a revision of the mutual suspicions and hostility which had existed between the two states since the Great War had been laid. When Pilsudski passed away the following year, Göring was the automatic choice to represent the Reich at the funeral ceremonies in Krakow and Warsaw, warmly greeting the Polish foreign minister, Józef Beck. Göring also took the opportunity to lambaste the Italian delegation at length over their attitude regarding France and Austria. “We know the Bolshevists better in Germany than you do in Italy” he apparently exclaimed. “You shall see what trouble your Paris friends cause you.”
Józef Pilsudski - effective dictator of Poland, who Göring would court.
Göring’s work would prove valuable in the time ahead. The humiliation over Austria had highlighted the weakness of Germany’s diplomatic position, despite all its rearmament and growing pretensions. Germany needed to unpick, or at least neutralise the French system of alliances which had been in place within Central Europe since Versailles, and Beck, possibly acting on the basis of the cordial relations Göring had established increasingly focused on the need to reach an agreement with Poland which would secure the East in the event of any action against France in the West. Neurath had received similar advice during his visit to London, although he had partially discounted the possibility, at least in part due to the traditionally anti-Polish tendency within the Foreign Office establishment. Beck however, realised that this could be a serious concern with France re-arming, and the possibility of conflict growing more likely. It was time to make a concession to circumstances, and Beck ordered that negotiations for a treaty with Poland be started. The resulting German-Polish non aggression treaty was signed later in the year between Neurath and Józef Beck, his Polish opposite number, was a major step forward for German diplomacy - although few in Germany would have suggested such at the time. Regardless, a major plank of the French alliance system had been retracted.
Also of concern was the relationship with Britain. Although Neurath was skeptical of the level of support Britain would provide in the event of any conflict, he was interested in what variety of measures Britain could provide now. It had been suggested to him at London, that, in view of France’s re-armament a closer financial relationship could be forthcoming, to ensure that Germany was not ‘locked-out’ internationally in terms of credit, trade and finance; Britain surely wanted to be certain that Germany could supply herself. Beck therefore consented to Neurath arranging a conference to be held in the city of Osnabrück - “a city in a region where Britain and Germany have often crossed paths”, as Neurath stated, drawing on the old Kingdom of Hannover - to be held in September. The resulting talks between Neurath and Britain's John Simon were profitable, with Neurath’s patience and moderation winning many concessions. The eventual agreement saw the opening up of credit for Germany in the event of any conflict arising, and it also finally removed much of the financially hostile atmosphere, which Versailles had established. Trade potential was also dramatically improved, with both sides hoping to create a mutually nurturing environment to rid themselves of the effects of the depression. The agreement did much to assure the German government of continued British support - however passive - in any conflict. Although the disposition of future conflict in Europe had not been clearly marked out in 1934, it was at least beginning to take some kind of matter and form.
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Very nice, well written as always and very interesting. In fact without getting out some books I can't always tell what is real and what is alternate history in your updates.
Bravo!
Now, no more long absences!!! We want more
Bravo!
Now, no more long absences!!! We want more
Thanks you, you support is welcome, as always.
I have some pictures that I want to be transformed into minister/leader pics (I've tried it myself, and I can't get it to work) so if anyone with the know-how would care to transform them for me, I would be grateful.
I have some pictures that I want to be transformed into minister/leader pics (I've tried it myself, and I can't get it to work) so if anyone with the know-how would care to transform them for me, I would be grateful.
Vincent Julien said:Thanks you, you support is welcome, as always.
I have some pictures that I want to be transformed into minister/leader pics (I've tried it myself, and I can't get it to work) so if anyone with the know-how would care to transform them for me, I would be grateful.
No problem VJ... what exactly is the problem?
If you want me to do them for you just PM me...
Great Update btw...
Good to see this fine work back!
VJ there is a major problem in the update, i see u missed a s in the Kaiserreich line 4 . Also is that pic of DollfuB a photoshopped or what?
VJ there is a major problem in the update, i see u missed a s in the Kaiserreich line 4
. Also is that pic of DollfuB a photoshopped or what?
Draco Rexus:
SirCliveWolfe: Thanks!
Oranje Verzet: No, not as far as I'm aware - Dolfuß was just very squat and squinty.
SirCliveWolfe: Thanks!
Oranje Verzet: No, not as far as I'm aware - Dolfuß was just very squat and squinty.