Prosperity through Peace Alone: Germany After the Great War, 1933 --

[MastahCheef117]

Things are looking up. Hopefully this Democratic Germany AAR won't end with the Republic overrun by the Soviet Union, like the last one.

I think it'd be fair to say that even the KPD views the Soviets as an enemy.

Soon, all of Europe will fall under the Democratic Germany's sway!
Just like real life.

Except it won't be through debt and payments

subbed

Thanks!

I'm leaving for college on Tuesday (18th) so the update will be some time the following day -- at the latest, Thursday, though I will try to avoid that. I will try to write as much as humanly possible between now and Tuesday so that I will have a big supply of updates to last us a few months.

 

[KeldoniaSkylar]

Nice work so far Cheef

 

[MastahCheef117]

Nice work so far Cheef

Dankeschoen!

Update in a few.

 

[MastahCheef117]

PART VI: A HIGHWAY FOR THE PEOPLE​

1933 passed by smoothly and easily, ending a year that began with serious doubts about the longevity of the Republic and concluding with one of the most popular German governments since the Great War. Despite the radical growth in support for the DNVP in the last months of the year, the public works proposals by the Socialists were still enormously popular, both with the people and in the Reichstag itself. It seemed that it was the policies of the SPD that had saved Germany and brought her out of the abyss that was created by the Great Depression. However, as the German people began to shift their support towards complete and immediate dismantling of the Versailles diktat and a restoration of German international prestige, the Socialists were a little more reserved. Meanwhile, Hitler was attempting to win back the support he had lost within the last year; after all, his party's platform included support for large public works projects, like the Socialists, while also advocating for a very strong – even aggressive – foreign policy, particularly regarding the French, like the Nationalists. However, the memory of the public was certainly much better than Hitler hoped it would be, and his efforts failed.

Adolf Hitler's demagogue ways would persist until he was no longer leader of the National Socialists.
​

Chancellor Wels envisioned a nation-wide system of highways that would not only provide jobs for those involved in its construction but, upon completion, could ease greatly inter-state commerce and the exchange of goods between interconnected cities and towns. It would be an engineering marvel, and would prove a huge victory not only for the Socialists (if it worked, of course), but for the German nation as well. It could represent Germany having officially conquered the Great Depression, worsened by the banks of the West and the reparations forced unjustly on Germany for a war they did not start. It would signify the beginning of a new era in Europe; one in which Germany was once again a great power. A bill calling for the construction of a new road network, along with minor initial funding, was passed on February 26 with overwhelming support from nearly all parties, even the Centre Party and their Bavarian affiliates. The question was: who was to head this grand project?

The answer was less obvious than most believed. The mishaps (on the Nazis' part) in the elections the previous year had won the Nationalists, Centrists, and many other more minor parties a substantial number of defectors. One of these defectors came in the person of Fritz Todt. Todt was a former high-ranking officer in the Sturmabteilung (SA) and well-known in the economic community as a highly-skilled engineer and urban planner, and a reasonably competent manager of financial affairs. Todt renounced his membership in the Nazi Party just days before the election (frustrating Hitler's own plans for initiating public works projects after his planned victory) and remained an independent for most of the rest of the decade. A committee formed by both the Ministers of Labor and the Economy unanimously nominated Todt as the man to head the proposed national highway project. Though the Chancellor was reluctant to name a former Nazi (and a former close confidant of Hitler himself) to a position of such importance and prestige, he was urged to do so by virtually his entire cabinet – there was no one else more skilled or competent for the job. He was named “Inspector General for German Roadways” on March 5, one year to the day after the Nazis' crushing defeat in the federal elections.

Fritz Todt was deemed by the entire Wels Cabinet as the most competent engineer and administrator available, despite Wels' own misgivings for the man's Nazi past.​

Todt immediately set about designing and planning the new infrastructure network. In a memorandum to the Cabinet on March 16, he laid out the foundations of what would soon become the Reichsautobahnen (State[1] Motorway). Construction began almost immediately on the first leg of the network, from Frankfurt-am-Main to Darmstadt, to be completed sometime the next year. The Chancellor was noticeably astonished upon reading the memorandum, particularly at just how quickly Todt had organized and launched the project[2]. Thousands of workers that remained unemployed were now earning good wages and, in their eyes, contributing to Germany's return to the international stage. Public approval of the project from the very beginning was very high, and quickly Todt began organizing the manpower and materials needed to continue the construction of the network throughout the country.

Secretly, however, the purpose of the project was not just to simply improve commerce within the country; it served a military purpose, as well. The rapid transport of thousands of troops by truck could be added on top of the railroad network, meaning that all ten divisions of the Army could theoretically redeploy along both the rail-lines and the Reichsautobahnen, reaching the Polish border from the Rhine in a matter of days. This was not the design of Chancellor Wels; rather, it was the design of Hugenberg and the other Nationalists and Army supporters that voted in favor of the bill. It was all part of a much larger plan to finally invalidate the Treaty of Versailles and, with it, truly bring Germany into the modern era.

The autobahn would continue its construction and expansion for the many months following; its primary major city network would be completed by early 1937, with legs to minor cities and smaller towns completed some time in 1939. All throughout this period, German inter-state economic activity nearly tripled; partly because of the slow recovery of the economy from the Great Depression, and mostly because of the ease at which it allowed businesses and people to exchange goods across longer distances than simply using the rail network. Todt's infrastructure revolution was one of several great factors that brought the country out of economic ruin.

A completed section of the autobahn outside of Stuttgart in mid-1934. The German people were proud of the construction projects, as it represented one of the largest and most widespread engineering marvels of the modern world.​

[1] The word Reich has no direct translation in English; it can variously be translated as “empire”, “state”, or “realm”, depending on the context.

[2] Almost at the same time, Todt, at the direction of both the Chancellor and von Neurath, was organizing a foreign aid project to the Afghani government; he organized the shipment of thousands of tons of cement, brick, mortar, and other construction materials, along with hundreds of laborers and workers, to assist in improving infrastructure throughout that country. This program received funding until the political climate in the country was deemed “unsafe” and the project withdrawn and canceled in 1937.

----

It may seem a bit dull, but fear not. Next update is where things start to get fun.

 

[Attalus]

First Autobahnen then Europa

 

[tacticalkiid]

Then the world!

 

[Vlad_Dracul1989]

I can imagine that DNVP will became so powerful and popular, that they will be able to finally push for Hohenzollern Restoration - with Kaiser as a mere figurehead now of course, much like British King, just representing national unity. Germany never tried true constitutional monarchy, since Kaiser before could act like despotic autocrat, Reichstag or not.

 

[LatinKaiser]

I can imagine that DNVP will became so powerful and popular, that they will be able to finally push for Hohenzollern Restoration - with Kaiser as a mere figurehead now of course, much like British King, just representing national unity. Germany never tried true constitutional monarchy, since Kaiser before could act like despotic autocrat, Reichstag or not.

Well, to characterise the Kaiser as a "despotic autocrat" is to fundamentally misunderstand the constitutional system of the German Empire, and the Empire did (technically) enjoy a very short period of parliamentary monarchy after the constitution was changed by the Reichstag on 28 October, 1918. Unfortunately for the monarchists this arrangement collapsed soon afterward, but it still existed nonetheless.

 

[Vlad_Dracul1989]

Well, to characterise the Kaiser as a "despotic autocrat" is to fundamentally misunderstand the constitutional system of the German Empire, and the Empire did (technically) enjoy a very short period of parliamentary monarchy after the constitution was changed by the Reichstag on 28 October, 1918. Unfortunately for the monarchists this arrangement collapsed soon afterward, but it still existed nonetheless.

Still, Kaiser could do basically anything he wanted and no one could order him to stop. So, very at least word 'tyrant' is not misplaced.

Of course, during war, he lost power to his own generals. German Empire before armistice was 'just' military dictatorship.

 

[KaiserBeer]

De facto, Germany was pratically a full constitutional monarchy by 1914; the political leadership and the general mood of the population grew to be extremely important to be disregarded by the Kaiser by that time, anyway.

 

[MastahCheef117]

First Autobahnen then Europa

Of course

Then the world!

That's the idea! I hope...

I can imagine that DNVP will became so powerful and popular, that they will be able to finally push for Hohenzollern Restoration - with Kaiser as a mere figurehead now of course, much like British King, just representing national unity. Germany never tried true constitutional monarchy, since Kaiser before could act like despotic autocrat, Reichstag or not.

Well, the DNVP will have a very important part to play -- as you'll see in a few minutes...

Update in a few minutes. Fasten your seatbelts, everyone; it's about to get fun

 

[AzagalTheGreat]

Its 1933/34... Seatbelts arent invented yet I think

 

[MastahCheef117]

PART VII: MODERATION IS NO VIRTUE​

Throughout the spring months of 1934, while Germany experienced strong economic growth and capital flowed into and out of the country, the DNVP experienced a behind-the-scenes hierarchical coup. In the months following the election in which he played such a huge part, Oskar von Hindenburg became Alfred Hugenberg's confidant within the military, building a repertoire with the Nationalist leader and gaining influence in the DNVP and with other militarists in the Reichstag. In a letter to Hindenburg dated October 3, 1933, Hugenberg said:

“You are the bulwark of the German National People's Party (DNVP) …. Germany requires a strong military, and you are the man that can convince the people of this reality...”​

In mid-March members of the SPD were split on a funding bill for the construction of two new heavy cruisers whose designs were submitted by Admiral Raeder a day before. These designs were very blatantly in violation of Versailles, as not only were there no ships to replace, but they came in weighing close to 20,000 tons. Chancellor Wels himself had mixed feelings about the bill; the budget, he feared, would get out of hand as military reorganization and expansion was promoted and followed as a central government policy. The Centre and Bavarian People's parties were more solidly in favor, but did not give it nearly enough votes for passage. With Oskar von Hindenburg's assurances (he himself a close friend with Raeder), Hugenberg fervently supported the bill and urged his Nationalist allies to do the same, and they did. Support among the Nazis was even less than among the Socialists – as Hitler demanded his party members shoot down any bill of military expansion, unless he authored it himself – but Hugenburg was working hard on winning their vote. The last year had seen the growth in membership and support for both the Socialists and the Nationalists – the former gaining their votes mostly from the Communists and the “Strasserist” Nazis, and the latter gaining their support from those defecting “Hitlerite” Nazis. Similarly, the Centre Party was picking up many of what few liberals were not already with them, along with some conservative support. However, most conservatives found themselves throwing support to Hugenberg's Nationalists, as they found them quickly becoming the catch-all party for conservatives around the country[1].

Major Oskar von Hindenburg was the aide of his aging father, the President, and one of the most prominent nationalists within the DNVP.​

Hugenberg, despite the huge opposition to the bill in its original form, amended it to allocate further funds and materials to lay down two new cruisers of the same type one month after construction began on the first two. In the end, the Chancellor himself voted against the bill – in the first of a series of reversals regarding his military expansion policy – but Hugenberg, its leading proponent, rallied enough votes from the SPD, Centre, and Nazi parties that he forced it through the Reichstag with barely a majority. From this point on, the DNVP would be the only party to throw almost all its support behind military expansion bills; Chancellor Wels himself, as we shall see, would soon fall back to his anti-military roots.

Hugenberg, with a sufficiently German mustache, in 1933. He led the resurgence of German nationalism and conservatism from the March 1933 election to the summer of 1934.​

With these events, and the passing of the bill, Hindenburg's influence on the leader of the DNVP began to grow. The first two ships, Admiral Hipper and Blücher, were laid down on March 17; their other two sisters, Prinz Eugen and Lützow, were laid down one month later[2]. The ships had been designed to make over 30 knots; to have an armament of eight 8-inch guns and a strong anti-aircraft armament; and, perhaps most notably, a length almost 250 feet longer than the Deutschland-class pre-dreadnought battleships (and the flagship of the Navy), and 55 feet longer than the Deutschland-class pocket battleships. The ships would be able to take on the most modern additions to the British and American navies. In fact, Admiral Raeder strongly advocated construction of at least two more of these ships; but, for now, his proposals were struck down by the Chancellor[3]. However, with extra funding from this naval bill (and from previous bills involving the Deutschland-class), a new design of destroyer was designed within a few months and, after approval from Raeder, the ships had their keels laid in the first week of July. Dubbed the 1934-class, these ships had better engine systems that were slightly easier to maintain; they had improved operational ranges and possessed a larger capacity for ammunition for the primary guns. Thus the Reichsmarine saw its second big boost in just several months.

President Hindenburg, himself a reactionary, found himself in support of the naval expansion bill but was still worried that the French and British would move against Germany and enforce Versailles; however, Chancellor Wels (at the urging of von Neurath) reassured him that the Allies would not move against Germany now; with the Republic finally politically stable (to a certain degree), the Allies would not want to jeopardize it by immediately trying to enforce Versailles so soon after their last attempt. They feared Hitler's Nazis would see a resurgence throughout the country by the next elections[4] and so, said Neurath and Wels, would not risk further destabilizing the Reich. Even despite the growing anti-Versailles sentiment abroad (with many people beginning to sympathize with Germany's position and her strangling by the diktat), many hoped the Weimar Republic could thrive and prosper economically and politically under its claustrophobic restrictions. This would prove not to be the case.

The two Hindenburgs were now the leading figures of the reactionary movement – the Younger Hindenburg more openly than the Older – which accurately foreshadowed the shift of political power and influence in Germany throughout the summer of 1934.

President Paul von Hindenburg with his wife, son, and two daughters; Oskar is on the far left.​

[1] Some viewed the Centre Party as having been too strongly influenced by liberals, which began in the late 1920's after the German People's Party and German Democratic Party lost most of their support.

[2] Admiral Hipper was the commander of the battlecruiser squadron of the Imperial Navy during the Great War. Gebhard von Blücher and Ludwig von Lützow were Napoleonic-era Prussian generals (the latter participating in the Battle of Waterloo), and Prince Eugene of Savoy (Prinz Eugen von Savoyen) was an Austrian prince and general in the Holy Roman Empire known for his exploits against the Ottomans.

[3] Raeder's relative lack of experience and understanding of politics meant that this event marked the end of his period of “relative cooperation” with the Chancellor.

[4] Though several key officials and ministers in the British and French governments found Hitler amicable and as a “man of strong leadership qualities,” most recognized him for what the majority of Germans already knew: his being an ultra-nationalist demagogue.

 

[NACBEAST]

I suppose this is another reason to give the DNVP power in a game like this versus the other parties: you can't exactly write a passing narrative of the otherwise anti-militarist Weis supporting a huge jump in military production convincingly.

 

[Maciej-Kamil]

This AAR is very good and I'm happy that I'm observing it.

 

[StormSaxon]

This is interesting stuff, keen to see where you go with it.

 

[General Awesome1234]

Hugenberg, with a sufficiently German mustache

LOL

 

[MastahCheef117]

I suppose this is another reason to give the DNVP power in a game like this versus the other parties: you can't exactly write a passing narrative of the otherwise anti-militarist Weis supporting a huge jump in military production convincingly.

I hope I'm doing a good job at trying to make it sound at least politically plausible, lol.

This AAR is very good and I'm happy that I'm observing it.

Thank you! It means a lot

This is interesting stuff, keen to see where you go with it.

We're definitely gonna go places, I can tell you that; just wait.

LOL

I figured at least a tiny bit of humor could relieve some of the dry-ness of the narrative.

I've been floating the idea of "bonus chapters" which, while not necessarily a "standard update", recount either relevant historical events, the lives of important politicians or military men, or other relevant information. This will serve a dual purpose: to write and pump out more updates while I'm away from home (and my save game), and to also provide some background information on certain topics and subjects that may help the reader in better understanding the situation. One of these bonus chapters will be up either later today or tomorrow.

 

[darthkommandant]

I love this AAR. Questions will we see the Scharnhorst at all?

 

[MastahCheef117]

PART VIII: THE DOMINO EFFECT​

It was no secret by the July of 1934 that President Hindenburg's health was beginning to fail. He spent most of the month bedridden at his personal country residence in Neudeck, a small village in East Prussia, and was reported to be increasingly senile. Rumors abounded throughout the country; some speculated that he had been poisoned (the Nazis claimed it was the doing of the communists); others believed he had died months ago and the news delayed in an attempt to maintain political order.

Hugenberg, Kaas, Wels, and others were worried that, with the impending death of the President, Hitler might make one more attempt to grab the office of the President in the election that was sure to happen afterward. Such an electoral victory for the Nazis would bring about untold ruin, they feared, upon all of Germany, particularly after Hitler's escapades as Chancellor in February and March of the previous year. Though actual discussions between the party leaders did not take place, it was evident there was stark disagreement among them all.

Hitler giving a characteristically charismatic speech in early 1934 at a Nazi Party conference. He hoped to revitalize the Party in the 1934 elections and make the gains that they failed to achieve in 1933. ​

On August 1, the Chancellor decided to visit the President in his home. He flew there and, upon entering the room, was greeted by the senile veteran of the Imperial Army: “Hail, Your Majesty!”[1] The two spoke for several hours; about the future of the German Republic, the French, the Great War, Hitler, and life. Though Hindenburg, a staunch monarchist and reactionary, contrasted greatly with the social democrat Wels, they built up a strong rapport within that time; the man's senility seemed all but to disappear and the two acted like old friends; or, at least, much more so than they had in the last year and a half. It was clear to the Chancellor that the old man was in his final hours, as he wrote in his journal that day:

“.... his eyes were half-closed, his voice but a croak the moment his mouth opened; he was noticeably thinner and he barely moved except upon my entrance …. and yet, despite the overwhelming effects of age, the President seemed with time to become more lucid; and I knew that he was to leave this world soon, and I knew he knew that as well ….”​

On August 2, 1934, at several minutes past 9 in the morning, Paul von Hindenburg – celebrated veteran of the Imperial Army, victor of Tannenberg, virtual leader of Germany during the Great War, and President of the plagued postwar Republic – breathed his last. He was two months shy of his 87th birthday.

Paul von Hindenburg on the day of his death, flanked by two guards.​

When news broke, millions across the country mourned. The Nationalists themselves were especially heartbroken, as were many other conservatives and even some liberals. The Nazis, to their credit, did too mourn, but more as a facade in an act to gain the respect of the conservatives (which did not really work out too well). Scattered socialists were also distraught, but most notable of all was Wels' response. The following day, having written a speech to present to the Reichstag, the Chancellor took to the podium. He began speaking, but after several moments his voice began to waver. He cleared his throat several times before he stopped talking. With visible tears streaking down his face, he resumed talking once again. He made it halfway through before his voice again broke, and he sat down[2]. The Reichstag applauded him unanimously. In a time of economic and political uncertainty for a defeated, broken, and humiliated Germany, Hindenburg served as the rallying point for Great War veterans -- and soon for all Germans -- to maintain the social and political order of the country until the day of his death. He had overseen the government victory over the Bavarian Nazi revolution and succeeded in solidifying public support for the republican system of government in a time when both fascists and communists clamored for a new socio-political order. Though he was revered in Germany long after his death, his true legacy was not realized internationally for many years to come.

Reactions worldwide were not as profound. The British and Italian ambassadors to Berlin sent their condolences; the French and Soviets were noticeably colder. To the former the President had been a respected military man and statesman who had kept his nation bound together in the wake of a terribly devastating and humiliating defeat; to the latter, he was the embodiment of pure evil.

A Canadian propaganda poster from the Great War; while the Anglos' anti-Hindenburg sentiment may have faded by the 30s, the French sentiment had not changed very much.​

However, Germany now faced a political crisis. The man that kept the Republic together in the tumultuous 1920s – from both communists and ultra-nationalist revolutions – was now dead. Some people called for restorations; others, like the communist newspaper Echo des Ostens, proclaimed:

“Now is the first chance for the worker to strike at the oppressive government since the revolution! With the old reactionaries out of power and our socialist brother in the office of the Chancellor, we can finally establish the proletarian dictatorship that Marx has called for us to do!”​

Similar rhetoric came from several Nazis, proclaiming a “new age for Germany” had begun and that Hitler was destined to rule the country. The question now became: when would new elections be held? According to the Weimar Constitution, the Chancellor would assume the role and powers of the President if he were to be “unavailable”. Thus, Wels was effectively the President; however, he passed this office to fellow SPD and Reichstag member Arthur Crispien (and, as being both President and Reichstag member was not allowed under the Constitution, had to forfeit his seat to a newly-appointed SPD member). After a debate in the Reichstag and a vote (which was almost unanimously agreed upon), the Presidential election was set for August 19. The SPD almost immediately named Crispien as their candidate; the Communists decided to back Crispien to increase his chances of winning. Shortly afterward, Hitler announced he would run as well; if he were to win (which would be extremely unlikely), Rudolf Hess would take the spot as leader of the NSDAP in the Reichstag.

Arthur Crispien, Provisional President of the Reich and SPD presidential candidate in 1934​

Similarly, debate in the Centre Party was brief, and the day after the announcement on August 3, they put forward Wilhelm Marx. Marx (unlike his more famous similarly-surnamed counterpart) was an experienced Centrist politician, having been Chancellor twice in the 1920s; he was also the oldest of the four major nominees, at the age of 71.

However, the nomination process for the DNVP was much more difficult to predict – at least for the German public. In Alfred Hugenberg's mind, it was always clear who his first choice was. He knew that the DNVP had a real chance at winning the election, especially if they fronted a strong candidate to deal with the likes of the demagogue, Hitler, and the veteran politician, Marx (Crispien was disregarded as “not worth the time nor attention” by the DNVP Reichstag leader). No man appeared quicker in Hugenberg's mind than his confidant and de facto second-in-command, Oskar von Hindenburg. The son of the late President was well-known throughout the country and was both respected by the military and adored by virtually all the nationalists. He further had the ability to draw in liberal voters with rather laissez-faire policies, and solidified himself among conservatives with his wishes to limit the influence of the communists and, more importantly, the socialists. He was announced on August 4 as the DNVP candidate, and thus the race to win the election began. However, Hugenberg had one more man on his mind as the election campaigns were launched.

[1] Such an event actually took place in true history; Hindenburg spoke the words to Hitler upon his visit the day before his death.

[2] Similarly, after the death of Wilhelm I, Chancellor Otto von Bismarck failed to give a eulogy in the Reichstag after his voice wavered and he began to cry.