Power to the People - A Sardinia-Piedmont Interactive AAR

[Marschalk]

(( Private))

The carriage stopped near the stone doors, blackened by time, and the plump servant, with a bow, opened them before Amedeo Amat di Soleminis.

- He is there, Your Excellency…. They are all there… - he mumbled, giving the Marquess of Soleminis a shining lantern. Thanking him with a curt nod, Don Amedeo entered the Bonaretti family crypt and walked down the creaking steps. It smelled of weed, of decay and of sadness here. The walls, out of expensive marble, were decorated with engravings of the coat-of-arms, crosses and praying angels. And here were the graves, the graves of them all, from sixteen century up to now.

The Counts of Nice, lords, soldiers, politicans. Each with his strong personality, with his views, with his faith. And now…. All of them were here, motionless and silent. Amedeo Amat di Soleminis stopped near one of the graves, the one of Giacomo Bonaretti, the Saviour of the Realm. He closed his eyes, remembering the great man, sometimes fiery, sometimes acting as a jester – but that ended being inherently wise. He remembered his smile, he remembered how they joked with his parent, how he patted little Amedeo on the head… He remembered the old age, now begone.

- I wonder what you would have thought of that, old man… Would you have seen us as heroes or traitors? - murmured Amat, looking at the monument to Giacomo, once again envisioning his stern features.

These monthes of revolution were difficult for him, full of nightmares and hard decisions. To save the country, he had to agree to certain changes he believed to be harmful and even write careful letters to the King asking to consider them from different sides. A pragmatist and military man in the past, he understood that the revolution cannot be defeated by force of arms – and only changes received from the Crown may now save its power and existence. He believed and knew that all Italians were actually monarchists in their hearts, they were no radicals and they had just to be reminded of it… He participated in the talks with Muti, defending the royal prerogative within the new Constitution – doing what he has done all his life, being the champion of the Throne. He spoke in defense of nobility within the half-empty Chamber, being ready to receive a bullet from a militamen for that... And yet…

Yet he was proud that he never has said he words: «For the Revolution», which many of his colleagues reluctantly uttered. He remembered the day when his father decided to support the Whites, to save the crumbling state from the Balboist usurpers - and how sad was the King Vittorio Emanuelle about that. On that day young Amedeo gave himself an oath that he would always stand by the Crown and never support any coups, however benign they may seem to be.

And he had done so – while ready to see certain changes handed by the Crown, he would have never accepted them enforced by force of arms and would have never agreed to see the Crown robbed of its powers. And if King Umberto had decided to enter the desperate fight, he would have died with him. And since it was coming to that, Soleminis prayed much during these days, asking God to help the Monarch and to lead them out of this chaos.

Then the Sovereign was killed by the vile anarchist - and the Lord President of the Privy Council had once again to be present during the messy court negotiations. He had to talk to weak-willed and kind Amedeo, ex-King of Spain, more reminding him of a cluttering old hen at the moment. He had to talk with the grief-striken widow of Umberto, who broke into hysterical sobbings each time the royal title was mentioned. And look into the scared eyes of a fifteen-years old boy, a boy with a crown, who, for the first time in his life, has seen the fires of hell burning normality away…

But finally the signature was received – and then Don Amedeo Amat had to start dismantling what he has seen as the greatest pride of his life, the Privy Council. He thanked the members and clerks for their service, he collected the documents – and for the last time in his life walked through its chambers within the royal palace… He still missed it bitterly, it took a part of his soul, leaving a bleeding wound on it.

And then came the elections, hazardous and frightening. They were neither fair nor proper, Amedeo saw it by the example of his Savoy constituency. Anarchist and republican goons were threatening the supporters of conservative parties, the shocked authorities counted the ballots taking into account the wishes of «revolutionary committees». Large parts of the populace preferred not to vote at all, sitting quietly in their homes… However, it did not stop Amedeo from working – working not to get much seats, which was impossible now, but to keep IPC running and prepare it for next, proper, elections, after the restoration of order. And talking with people, being in their midst these days was refreshing, it was like a new beginning. Previously he has been more like a maker of deputies, being unable, as a Senator, to hold the seat himself – and now could be elected as such. Finally, order was restored, armed people did not march along the streets now - and he believed that it would stay so, as long as Montezemolo is in charge. Don Amedeo believed in Montezemolo…

However, many lifes were taken – and among the dead was one who was the closest to Soleminis. Stefano Bonaretti. Leader, friend, comrade, brother… Better that brother.

Tears on his eyes, Amat put flowers near the grave of the Duke of Venezia. - Uniti usque ad mortem, Stefano. You are in heaven now. – he whispered and walked away. Bonaretti was dead, but his legacy was left – and Marchese di Soleminis intended to continue defend the values that were dear to him, until his heart was beating.

((Chamber of Deputies – Public))

Gentlemen,

We are living in sad times of strife. Pacification and changes have come – but they have come through weeping of widows and orphans, though blood and tears. As a National Traditionalist, I value national unity and cooperation of all classes above everything – and yet now I saw Italians, people who speak one language, pray to one God and share the common destiny, tear each other like wild animals and treat each other as external foes. This was a disgusting sight, gentlemen, it was unnatural – and I do not want to witness that again.

We see our King, His Majesty Umberto, killed by a traitorous hand of an anarchist. We see the Hero of Italy, Marshall Napoleone Auria, murdered by a junior officer. We see my friend, Lord Abramo Alighieri, dying from a bomb. We see thousands of others dead - and I believe the Chamber should stay silent for few minutes, to honor their memory.

Let us hope that both politicans of Right and Left would learn from this and understand that the harsh words of the deputies turn into the bullets in the streets. When somebody in the Chamber, say, calls his foe a tyrant and slavedriver, portraying him as servant of Lucifer – he may expect that his supporter would later take an axe and attack these whom he depicts so harshly. Mutual respect within different factions is important. And now there is no time for hostilities – it is time for collective work, it is time to unite around the throne of our young King, it is the time to build and develop, time to end anarchy and restore the rule of law. And I trust the wise Marchese di Montezemolo to be quite capable to do so.

I thank His Majesty King Vittorio Emanuele III and his Prime Minister Cordero di Montezemolo for my appointment as the Minister of Foreign Affairs within the Interim Unity Government and would work tirelessly for the good of the Kingdom.

- Amedeo Cesare Amat, Marchese di Soleminis, Deputy for Chambery and Minister of Foreign Affairs

 

[TJDS]

Marquess Alighieri in uniform,
shortly after the funeral of Abramo Alighieri​

Name: Gerardo Guillaume Raffaele Maria Alighieri
Titles: Deputy Chief of Staff (1884-1890) Tenente Generale of Corpo II. (1884-1890), Marquess di Pavia (1882-1890), Conte di Giaffa-Ascalone e Visconte di Sant' Uberto (1884-1890)
Place and Date of Birth: 5 May 1854, Palazzo di Sant' Uberto, Genoa, Kingdom of Italy (46)
Nationality and Religion: (North) Italian, Roman Catholicism
Class: Militarist
Traits: Bootlicker (Background) Keen (Personality) +1 Defence +5% Moral, +0.15 Reconnaissance

Gerardo Guillaume Raffaele Maria Alighieri was born on the 5th of May in 1857 to the Prime Minister Felice Alighieri, Conte di Giaffa-Ascalone e Visconte di Sant' Uberto, and his wife Marchesa Anna Vispucci di Pavia, Marchesa di Pavia. When Felice Alighieri resigned his post in 1869, due to both quarrels with and in Partito Democratico and between his minister and the general ineffectiveness of his action, he, Anna and the young Gerardo left Italy for a Grand Tour of Europe, to escape the cesspit of the Italian Politics as his wrathful father described it. Gerardo grew up between the young nobility and noveau riche of the United Kingdom, Austria and Germany, however, he did not feel at home between politicians, aristocrats and the captains of industry of Europe, he longed for adventure. That is why he left his family in London for Saint-Cyr, on his 18th birthday. Although he was discriminated by the Cavalry Corps and the elites of the academy, he would always refer to his time in Saint-Cyr as the happy years. He finished his studies in 1875 and was positioned in the French Colony of Senegal as a commander of the Marines, the most despised unit of the French Imperial Army, however, none could expect that the Marines would play a major role in the Scramble of West Africa, where they fought and subjugated the natives and expanded the borders of the French Empire. He would continue to serve in the Marines until 1878, when the Spanish-Italian War started, he enlisted in Tunis in january 1879 and quickly became a commanding officer in the Italian Colonial Army, which, now more than ever, lacked supplies, manpower, and most importantly and visibly, officers, although he was first a officer of the conscripted units of the Corps commanded by then Generale d'Ésercito Napoleone d'Auria, he was quickly send to the Holy Land acting commander of its defences, however, due to a lack in everything but courage his troops had to resort to guerilla tactics to obstructe the Russian Offensive into the Holy Land. The guerilla tactics did slow down the Russian Army, however, the commander of the Russian Army in the Holy Land, Marshall Nikolai Voroshilov, was only encouraged by the loses to march furthur and harder to his goal, Jerusalem, seeing himself as a Orthodox Crusader, as the Sardinia-Piedmontese saw themselves under Prime Minister Pes and Gerardo's grandfather, Generale d'Ésercito Raffaele Alighieri. In may 1880 the Russian Army had reached the outskirts of Gerardo's base, the city of Giaffa - Gerardo was the first Alighieri to actually visit and live in the land his grandfather was given after the Last Crusade - and Marshall Nikolai Voroshilov prepared for a large assault on the last bastion of Italian resistace in the Holy Land. Gerardo Alighieri knew that Jerusalem would be impossible to reach and build up defense before the Russians could lay siege to it, therefore the Italians were forced to rebuild Giaffa's ancient walls and defenses and arm them with modern weapons, for they would not be able to resist a Russian attack otherwise. The first assault on the ancient castle and defenses of Giaffa lasted 3 days and costed the Russian 17 000 men compared to only 3 000 Italians, Marshall Voroshilov was enraged by the failure of the assault, for he thought that the Italians had already retreated to Jerusalem and only a few stubborn defenders remained. Therefore he commanded an even bloodier second and third assault, until he was recalled to Saint Petersburg. The Russians would siege Giaffa till 28th of October 1880, when the Spanish-Italian War ended with the signing of the Treaty of Lisbon.

Gerardo Alighieri was officially promoted to the rank of Colonnello and was made Knight of Colonial Order of the Star of Italy and Knight of the Military Order of Savoy after the end of the Spanish-Italian War in recognizition of his service in defense of the Italian Kingdom overseas. Gerardo would continue to serve as commander of the Italian forces in the Holy Land until 1884, when, after the peaceful revolution, there was a shortage of active officers in Italy proper, and he was promoted to the General Staff as advisor for Colonial Military Strategy.'

Gerardo Alighieri would quickly rise through the ranks of the General Staff, which was heavily depleted after the revolution, becoming Deputy Chief of Staff in just a year. He became an active opponent of the L'Alleanza Government, which, due to its socialist ideology, had severly cut funding in the military and mismanaged the entire Armed Forces' expansion, needed to protect the Kingdom against other Great Powers. By 1889, "white guard" reactionary units had triumphed over rival anarchist, socialist, and liberal militias in the national north. Italian army remnants under the direction of Alighieri held Sicily and southern Naples, while chaos reigned in central Italy, including Rome. White Guard units began a long march south in September, seizing all of Piedmonte and Brescia before reaching as far south as Siena by the end of 1890. Jacobin rebels seized power in Rome in January of 1890 and held hastily concocted elections in March; however, the socialists won these elections, which caused the government to instantly dissolve back into fighting. By the end of the year, General Gerrardo Alighieri, the former Deputy Chief of the General Staff and now the highest ranking surviving military officer, mustered the badly battered 9th Corps in Salento and marched for Rome. The army had been fighting for purchase in Naples since 1888, essentially trying to gain power for itself under Alighieri; in 1890, it finally broke "citizen guard" resistance in Napoli and began to march north to Rome rapidly, putting down anarchist rebellions and instituting military dictatorship as it went.

Alighieri seized Rome in late fall, but was never able to declare himself dictator of Italy as he was shot during a push towards Rosetto by a rival parochial warlord. As he lay dying, Alighieri revealed his preference to install Lorenzo Emmanuele Alliata, a vicious reactionary politician, as President of Italy. Alliata was officially declared the Italian President on January 1st, 1891. The last Alighieri died for God, for King and Italy.

In a 2008 poll, Italians were asked "whether it was better that the Alighieri and right wing won the Civil War". 43% responded that it was better for Italy that the right wing won, 13% responded that it would have been better if the left had won, 20% responded "neither" and 24% did not respond. When asked "which side they would have supported had they lived in that era", 39% responded "neither side", 14% responded "the right wing", 23% "the left wing" ; while 24% did not respond

Styles:
Lieutenant Gerardo G. R. M. Alighieri of the French Imperial Marines (1875-1878)
Lieutenant Gerardo G. R. M. Alighieri of Corps I (1878-1880)
Colonnello Gerardo G. R. M. Alighieri of the Italian Colonial Army of the Holy Land KSI KS (1880-1882)
Colonnello Marquis Alighieri of the Italian Colonial Army of the Holy Land KSI KS (1882-1884)
Marquess Alighieri, HM's Vice Capo di Stato Maggiore Generale, Tenente Generale di Distretto Sud e Corpo II., Marquess di Pavia e Conte di Giaffa-Ascalone e Visconte di Sant' Uberto KSI KS (1884-1887)
Marquess Alighieri, HM's Capo di Stato Maggiore Generale, Tenente Generale di Distretto Sud e Corpo II., Acting Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Italy Marquess di Pavia e Conte di Giaffa-Ascalone e Visconte di Sant' Uberto KSI KS (1887-1890)


The Previous Alighieri
Abramo Raffaele Uberto Maria Alighieri

 

[VibraniumTaco]

((What a strange government.))

Out of a wish for national unity in this time of violence, I hereby accept my position as Minister of Education.

- Lorenzo Mopurgo

 

[Contravarius]

The rider on a bright white horse heard violins in his head as he rode back towards the white Palace that was sleeping between the tombs of the Ancients under the sign of Cross and Crown.
​

There it was – Luxor, the youngest Pearl of Africa, ever-growing, cheerful and full of careless sin and flowing money. The highborn youth of Europe, timid and decadent, feeling a great era around them ending, sailed to Egypt to sin like only aristocracy can. Growing pessimism, ennui, cynicism inside of them now found counterbalance in a sort of yearning, nostalgic game of fantasy. They shed blood in unnecessary duels to once again feel like knights, they abused substances that were promised to quiet their inner voices for a moment or two, they tried their best to find solace in the arms of others… And in the end, they still felt dead inside. Dead, blue of blood, strolling among the ruins of an ancient civilization but fearing the inevitable end of their own cozy West.
Luxor, lustful in its desperation, drunk to forget its failures, a true masterpiece of the human mind – a longing, frustrated mosaic dedicated to a better, more glorious time.
​

The rider on a bright white horse, the last true knight of a darker time sat back on his throne of wood behind a desk covered in wobbly piles of paperwork. New times, new Italy, new governors not to care about. He had some letters to send out and then a duel to win.

((Back from exile. Kheh.))​

 

[TJDS]

((Private - General Staff))

Sirs,

The Revolution of 1884 left the Regio Ésercito headless, after both Marshall d'Auria, Capo di Stato Maggiore Generale, and Tenente Generale di Susa, Vice Capo di Stato Maggiore Generale, were killed. This leaves the following armies without commanders: Distretto Nord and Corpo I., the region and the army traditionaly commanded by the Chief of Staff and Corpo II., the army traditionaly commanded by the Deputy Chief of Staff, concerningly, this leaves 66 000 Active Personnel without a staff officer, which is a risk to national security, even if we assume that Acting Chief of Staff Di Barnardi takes command over Corpo I. and Distretto Nord, which will divide his attention between Corpo I. and Corpo IV. and Distretto Nord, and Acting Vice Chief of Staff Valperga takes command over Corpo II., which would divide his attention between Corpo II., Corpo V. and Distretto Sud, until Marshall d'Auria's successor is elected, the divided command structure and the active personnel without a defacto commander would weaken our military state, something the Kingdom of Italy cannot afford if it wishes to recover from the revolution that took place a few months ago.

A more chronic problem, rather than the purely hierarchical and administrative problem I have stated before, is the Regia Marina, which, at the moment, is one of the smallest navies of the Great Powers, as we have seen in the Spanish-Italian War (1878-1880), when then Generale d'Ésercito d'Auria was cut of from any reinforcement due to Spanish naval dominance. The problem of a navy lacking the ability to protect the Italian Kingdom overseas has existed since the Tunesian Expedition during the previous Montezemolo Government nearly half a century ago and has been tried to solve by succeeding governments, albeit with little to no succes, the most recent of these attempts, proposed by Marshall d'Auria, was stopped after the start of the Spanish-Italian War, when the need for the programm was reconsidered and the programm was declared unfundable in the short run. However, since the Kingdom of Italy is now at peace, I motion that the General Staff should create a new programm for naval modernazation and expansion, to protect both the seas of the Kingdom of Italy from enemy incursions in the future.

Colonello Gerardo Alighieri

 

[Firehound15]

I humbly accept the appointment to the position of Minister of Finance made by the esteemed Prime Minister Montezemolo. Perhaps this government will rise where those prior to it fell.

---
((Private - IPC Party Convention))
​

...So often we find ourselves trapped with no apparent route to take- in the postmortem of the revolution, for instance. But this is not cause for concern. No, I say to you, there is a route that we shall take, guiding ourselves to the new paradise. Just as the Lord promised Abraham that He will "giveth the whole land of Canaan to thine family forever, and I will be their God," the nation of Italy holds this same esteem, now and forever. Italy is not a new nation, but one that has existed since time immemorial. A new government has come to us, quite often through bloodshed, but we must no doubt find solace in the fact that we, not only as the right, but as a broader Italian people, have and will survive! We will break free of the chains of corruption, of the shackles that were once worn only by slaves, and of the weights of those would call us sinners! Failures! Killers! We are not! We are Italians! Patriots! Brothers! We are IPC!

Augusto F. Pedrotti
​

((I am running for the IPC leadership.))

 

[99KingHigh]

​

Journal of the Bloody Baron (the Ostrogoth): Lives to be claimed on God's demand ​

Marquess di Montezemolo
Augustin Luigi Eugenio di Barnardi


This is my design - vendetta, vendetta, vendetta.

 

[DensleyBlair]

Aurelia Muti had not worked in any professional capacity since her release from prison two years before the revolution. It had been quietly decreed by the trustees of the school in Gaeta where she had held a post teaching classics to the adolescents of the town that it would not do to count a convicted demagogue amongst the faculty. Quite right too, she thought, even if she did take issue with the idea that her views were in any way corrupting. But pedagogues would be pedagogues. Those whom the gods wish to destroy...

Her time during her first period as a freewoman, what remained of 1882, had been occupied mostly by writing various essays for various newsletters. In Defence of the New Woman. That had provoked a response from the Bigots of Lazio. On the Place of Constitutionalism in the Socialist Ideal. One especially foul-mouthed self-styled 'anarchist' from some Roman periphery town or other had taken a particular dislike to that one. There had been no second Arria. This was not unexpected; after the furore died down, Aurelia resumed her place as a fiery girl unknown to everyone except those who kept up with Gaetan judicial records or modest left-wing periodicals.

Money was not forthcoming, though living with her parents ensured this didn't matter too greatly. For a time after her release, Aurelia had kept lodgings in Formia, but she was evicted after her landlady discovered that her story about having arrived in the town from a finishing school was not strictly true. There were many places where a Cambridge education would overrule any mention of impropriety in the local press. The central Italian coast was not one of them.

Life at home was happy, though. Nera's melancholia was worsening, and Aurelia's sisters feared that it would lead to harm before long, but there were no great troubles. Although Aurelia continued to write, her essays drew increasingly fewer misogynistic responses as the Common Reading Socialist gradually became immune to her femininity.

Of course, the '84 disrupted this. Of course, Aurelia's influence over the drafting of the Manifesto brought renewed vitriol. The Whore of Babylon. She could stand that one; Biblical clichés did nothing to hurt her. The Bitch of Gaeta. That stung more, as insult unshielded behind any pretentious allusions was wont to.

But she continued nevertheless. With the institution of the national government, the assassination of Umberto – that odious betrayer of his Italian people – and the framing of the new constitution, there was no shortage of work to be done. No shortage of work for a diligent and educated woman. The constitutional framing commission was to be drawn mainly from the civil service and the Chamber's backbenches. Aurelia may have helped to formulate its prime influence, but her own influence over the constitution would be minimal. Not that she desired influence over the matter. The number of people who had flocked to use the revolution to their own advantage sickened her. Already, the right were trying to claim that it had protected the monarchy from Jacobin republican anarchist et cetera et cetera. The country stood firm against the whims of an hysterical young girl! And it was led in its resilience by the conniving rump of the Bonaretti ministry.

Besides, the Civil Service required a level of anodyne thought that was alien to Aurelia. Surely she could suppress her most offensive desires for the months it would take to—? No. There would be no need. She would say nothing more radical than what was currently being enumerated in the kingdom's most central piece of legislation—

Rome beckoned.

 

[Glueth]

I humbly accept my nomination as Chief of the General Staff. In these times, Italy needs conviction and unity, and I am honoured to accept the selection.

((private: Militarists))

Sirs,

With regards to Colonello Gerardo Alighieri's note, it is my intent to begin re-administration and re-allocation of commands almost immediately. That five of the corps on the mainland are to go without a commander of skill and distinction is untenable and must be adressed as soon as possible.

It is my intention to give up command of the Corpo IV and, as traditional, assume command of the North district and with it Corpo I. As such, I am promoted to Generale (one cannot have the CoGS be of lower rank than those he commands).

Tenante-Generale Valperga (99KingHigh), as is traditional for the second highest ranker in teh Regio Escerito, is to take command of the South District and with it Corpo V.

Tiberio d'Auria (Jeeshadow) is to take command of the Colonial District and what corps remain there, when this can be ascertained, and will continue in his rank as General of the Colonies.

Colonel Gerardo Alighieri will take control of the Corpo II, and be promoted to Maggiore-Generale.

Maggiore Generale Emile Damseaux will continue to command Corpo III.

This leaves Corpo IV, Corpo VI, and Corpo VII without commanders. I intend to search for volunteers to take these ranks, and, failing this, will look into promoting a suitable officer from the ranks. ((OOC: if you are an active militarist who I have missed put your hands up and be counted. Otherwise we'll just get an NPC.))

The lack of a fleet is also something that must be looked into. With the assistance of Admirale Giuliano Galanti, I intend to use this period to build up a suitable naval and transport fleet. Further work must be done looking into the possibility.

It is also my opinion that the forces allocated to the colonies should be expanded. At this current time, it is difficult to estimate what forces are currently there, but the events of the Spanish War and the last war against the Ottomans prove that some expansion and reorganisation of the corps is needed - 33,000 men split between Tunis and Egypt is untenable.

I hope to hear your views and opinions regarding these proposals,

Sincerely,
Augustin Luigi Eugenio di Barnardi, Generale and Acting Capo di Stato Maggiore Generale

 

[Gantolandon]

Open letter to the Prime Minister, Marquis de Montezemolo​

Dear Marquis,

As one of the participants of the revolution, I congratulate you the appointment as the Prime Minister. The entire nation, including the workers, is now counting on you. You have a monumental task of dealing with the corruption of your predecessors and preventing the 1st May Massacre from ever happening again.

However, the government you proposed to the King is far from being promising. Maybe it is only my concern, but I fail to see how the people you chose are going to significantly change the country, as opposed to the state before the revolution. As a concerned citizen, in the name of the people who fought for equal and just Italy, I present you with several questions:

1. Nine members of the government, not counting yourself, are aristocrats. This includes the Minister of Justice, Barone di Profumo. Given that one of the main purposes of the revolution was to curb the power of aristocracy, it seems that there is a tremendous conflict of interest. How do you plan to enact the necessary reforms when many of your ministers are fundamentally opposed to them?
2. Many people from your government are members of I Partito Corona, the same party that led the previous government and presided over violent persecution of labor unions. In the current elections, they managed to win only 46 seats, which makes them a minority in the Chamber. Why have you appointed so many members of the party which clearly does not have popular support?
3. One of the people whom you appointed to the government is the son of late Stephano Bonaretti, the Prime Minister of the government which the revolution overthrew. The resignation of the members of the previous government was the first condition in the Manifesto. Don't you think that appointing son of the previous Prime Minister violates the agreement, or at least its spirit?
4. The previous king has seen it fit to decorate Marquis di Susa, the man later executed for murder of peaceful demonstrators. He also vehemently opposed the Manifesto and tried to order the troops to fight the revolutionaries. Should this, in your opinion, be considered as betrayal of the nation? In other words, was Umberto I fit to rule Italy?
5. Are you going to ask the new king to denounce his predecessor and promise not to ever attack his own compatriots?

If some of my questions seem offensive or provocative, I offer my sincere apologies. As my excuse, until recently, political activism in this country carried a risk of getting arrested or even gunned down on the streets. Given the stake, maintaining composure can be sometimes hard.

Yours,

Claudio Ferraio

 

[Nax24]

I am flattered that the Prime Minister has offered me the governorship of East Africa. Sadly though, I must decline the offer. My job right now is to help Italy get back on track, and I am afraid that being so far away from Italy will not help them at all. I thank the Prime Minister for this offer.

-Nathan Fabron

 

[Marschalk]

(Private))

Nobody worked much in Palazzo dell'Orologio this day. All servants, headed by the butler, assembled before the bedroom and were eavesdropping, listening to the bickering between spouses, with the participation of their son.

- How could you do this, Amedeo? Oh, how could you do this? - Donna Maria-Christina Amat di Solemnis looked at her husband with anger, tears glistening in her amazing blue eyes. An untouched cup of coffee stood before her and she was gripping a silk handkerchief nervously.

- It had to be done. The King and Lord Montezemolo needed me near them – and honor and duty are above everything else. – Amedeo Amat answered calmly. He was standing before the mirror and getting ready to go to the party headquarters in a few hours. A military man, he was used to dressing himself without any additional help of servants – so now, while he was in pantaloons and a shirt, his usual uniform of a reserve guards officer lied before him.

- More important than family, than us? Than why are you not married to Montezemolo? - Lady Maria cried, her slender figure now symbolizing indignance. – So I dont have any say on what we do or plan? It is selfish, Amedeo! Why did not you tell me… The daughter to the longtime Chief of Army, Raffaelle Alighieri, she inherited his warlike spirit – and her tongue was sometimes quite… sharp.

- For goodness sake, Maria, I am the head of the family! And the way you talk and before the child… Sometimes I imagine that you would have got along with this Muti suffragete. - answered Don Amedeo, now fully dressed and with the Order of St Francis of Sales decorating his breast. Tall, muscled, with neat black moustache, nobody could say he was not handsome or imposing. – And I tried to tell you, but you did not listen.

- Dad, you should have taken me with you, I would have liked to fight the anarchists! I am an Eagle Sparrow! And you dragged me away to Berlin like a baby. – piped in the aforementioned child. It was Matteo, the son of Amedeo, a round-faced boy with daring eyes and lots of bruises on his knees and ankles. – Germany is also extremely boring.

- I did not allow you to interfere, Matteo. While I am your father, I would care about your safety. This is all. – the Marquess of Soleminis rubbed his forehead impatiently. They have been talking about for half an hour already – and he was tired of it. - You would have your fights in the future, lad....

Their time in Berlin was quite unpleasant. He had a long dinner with the Kaiser, during which the bluff old man talked about hunting, horses, new types of sabre now used by dragoons in his army – about anything, but business. And then there was the cackling Bismarck, who bluntly told Don Amedeo his country did not intend to lend the House of Savoy any support. After that Amat understood he had nothing to do here – but his wife thought otherwise. Each time he told he should returned, she started crying and asking him to wait until the disorders are over. She pointed at other men, who emigrated - but Amedeo knew, where his duty lied. And he travelled to Rome, leaving his wife and son a letter and a certain sum of money.

- I just was worried you would be killed… I love you… - said Donna Maria more softly. And here Amat kissed her. – I love you too, honey, you are my life... And everything is fine now, as you see. You were in safety – and I could continue my work.

- So many were murdered… My poor brother, he suffered so much… And he was such a pious man, why did not God easen his pain? – tears once again appeared upon the eyes of the Marchioness. – I sometimes thought… That he should have become a priest, as it was intended – maybe Our Lord… punished him for not following the path?

- Nonsense, Maria! Our Saviour is just and merciful! Even if Don Abramo was not a man of cloth, each moment he breathed, he was the servant of God – doing His work as a minister and deputy. – answered Don Amedeo hotly, remembering the dear face of his friend and colleagues.

- Yes, you are right… But I just would want him to stay alive… And if he became a clergyman, he could have been a cardinal now? Or even a Pope…. – whispered Maria, biting her lips.

Her husband hugged her, running his strong hand through her fair hair.- He is in heaven, my dear… With Stefano and Napoleone…

- I saw poor Lady di Susa these days…. She as pale as snow and does seem not be quite the same… - Maria-Christina noted, finally sipping from the cup.

- In the old days they would have cut his head off with a sword, out of respect to his title. Rope is the symbol of equality now. A beggar rapist and a Marchese go to the scaffold the same way… - the Marquess commented, taking a seat near the table.

- I would have killed myself! Instead of dying in such a way! – declared Master Matteo – and immediately received a stern glance from his father.

- I do not want you ever to repeat that – and you would have to confess that to Father Antonio. These who commit suicide go to hell. I am sure Marchese di Susa did not want to die as a bad Christian. – Soleminis said, and the boy obediently nodded. – Yes, father.

- Now I need to write some letters…. - Amat kissed his wife, blessed Matteo with a sign of cross – and then the both departed. He sighed, as he took the quill. His family members were much more outspoken with him that it was in the patriarchal times - but it was a sign of love. It was like that from the times of Cesare, who was in love with his spouse, often played and laughed with his children. It was not like that during the times of their grandfather, Don Ignazio. He was a strict disciplinarian and did not save lashes, when his children misbehaved. A sour, dutiful and grim man he was…

Don Amedeo looked at their coat-of-arms, hanging of the wall. Amats were nobility since the beginning of times, the earliest of his direct ancestors mentioned in historical chronicles was Ramon Amat Cardona, who, in 1118, as a Crusader knight, helped King Alfonso of Aragon to take Zaragoza from the moors. But they were considered hidalgos even before that, but who knows…

What men like Carlo Ponzo did not understand was… that nobility was not about titles, lands or even blood, in its biological sense. You could make Carlo Ponzo a Duke, could award him with thousand orders and put a princess into his bed – but he would have stayed the same, a greedy corrupt man with low thoughts and feelings… Nobility was about spirit, about certain breeding, about principles passed from generations to generations.

It was all about principles. Each class has its own. Say, for a merchant the most important thing was to make money, for himself and his family. These borgouise virtues were very well envisioned in the Lutheran religion, that saw commercial success as the blessing of God. It was not like that among nobility.

Extreme interest in money was not approved off. The noblemen that loved gold too much, who speculated, acted as loansharks, were not liked. On the other hand, since he feudal times, it was seen important for a lord to be generous, to give and not only take. This is why any servant would tell you he would prefer to serve in the house of a peer, even if he is capricious and hot-tempered, and not in the house of a shop owner, who would count your cutlets during the dinner.

Amats were taught something from childhood, generation after generation. That a nobleman cannot be cowardly and he must defend his King and country - or he would shame his ancestors. That a nobleman should be loyal to the Throne – or he is not worth his salt. That a nobleman should be honorable and should not lie, that he should be pious, that he should be dutiful….

Nobility was about morals. This is what Don Amedeo believed in.

Shaking his head, Marchese started to write the numerous letters he planned…

((Private))

To Don Amadeus Cornelius Salvatore Severin dom Contravarius-Parma y d'Alatriste Enghien, Barone di Rubicon, Viceroy of Egypt

Dear Amadeus,

I am glad to hear that you are safe. You are probably informed about what happened in Italy and what had to done to save it from the triumph of radicalism, so I would not ponder on it now. Let us wait until we meet, then I can tell you more.

Lord Montezemolo has formed the new government and asked me to join it as the Foreign Secretary, to which I gave my consent. You continue to execute the duties of Viceroy of Egypt, so should not worry about the lack or presence of sufficient powers.

Tell me, what is the attitude of Egyptians, how are your unruly fellahs? Did the information about the unrests at home influence their attitudes in any way? Did the Ottomans do anything to use the situation, say, per agents and agitators? It is important that Egyptians continue to believe that the authority of Italy is unshakeable and I think that a person like you is more than able to hold the banner of the White Man high in these distant lands.

I want to inform that you that I intend to hold a party conference in four months, that would decide on our ideological stances and choose the new Party Leader. I hope you would be present – but if not, please send your representative.

I hope you are well.

Regards,

SOLEMINIS

P.S. As you know, the Privy Council, sadly, was dissolved. I send you the paper basket that your predecessor, Duke Contravarius of Provence, used to collect votes as the Lord President. Hopefully you would find this heirloom interesting.


To Don Massimo Pio Giuseppe Cordero, Marquess di Montezemolo, Prime Minister of HMs Government

Dear Don Massimo,

It is a great pleasure for me to contact you again. First of all I want to congratulate Your Excellency on the success in the pacification of the country. Italy would call you as it called Giacomo Bonaretti, the Saviour of the Realm and I would say, the Saviour of the Crown as well. I believe that your wise and honorable figure would be best suited for uniting Italy at these sad times, when it is, while being united territorially, is disunited in spirit. I thank you for recommending me for the position of the Foreign Minister to His Royal Majesty and promise to assist you in all endeavours loyally and selflessly.

It worries me that, while the country now dreams of unity and peace, certain individuals even within the Chamber prefer to continue the advocacy of hatred. A good example is an open letter Signor Claudio Ferrero, an extreme socialist, is distributing among Italian workers. He calls for an establishment of a republic and portrays both aristocrats and industrialists as the enemies of the people. Such propaganda of class warfare makes me, as a National Traditionalist, who values cooperation of classes, sad. I do hope that the nation would reject such destructive philosophy and, while looking at his neighbour in the future, one would not mutter «Aristocrat», «Industrialist», «Worker», but exclaim «Fellow Italian!»

Regarding the affairs of the Foreign Office, I propose to continue the policies outlined by myself during the previous administration – that is, to continue to look for new zones of influences and markets, within Europe and South Americas, per improving relationships with the governments of Poland and Argentina and seeking to conclude the treaties of common market with them. I must note the following: our diplomats in Poland are currently competing with the representatives of the Russian Empire. If you would believe, due to our currrent internal problems and weakening, that we currently should not risk butting heads with the government of Emperor Alexander III (knowing the lack of zeal of our German allies towards supporting us in any business), it would be amended.

((MoFA orders - https://forum.paradoxplaza.com/foru...interactive-aar.810779/page-351#post-19337364))

To discuss more personal matters, I do hope to see more of my lord In the seasons to come, as well as of junior members of the House of Cordero. You must know that me and Maria are holding an annual ball each season, as well as informal dinners each Friday. I would be honored to see the scions of the House of Montezemolo among the guests.

I do wonder what does my lord think of the Regency question. While, thankfully, our good Sovereign would be of age soon enough, he would need an enlightened and at the same time firm guardian that would be able to defend his sceptre during the year to come. Do you believe that it indeed would be His Royal Highness, Prince Amedeo?

I hope that you are well, sir, and look forward to meeting you and talking personally.

I remain,

Amedeo Amat di Soleminis

((IPC – Private))

Gentlemen of the Il Partita Corona,

As the interim leader of the party, I am honored to address you here today. I welcome our old partners from I Con that joined the party – I am glad that the Right is unite now, for unity is what we need the most at these sad times, when republicanism and radicalism are stronger than ever.

As one of the founding fathers of the National Traditionalist ideology, I must repeat what I always said – we are the party of the people and for the people. It is the common man who gave us majorities in the Chamber, that voted for royalism, respect for social order, for faith and honor. And, firmly defending the Throne and traditional values, battling anarchism and other evil tendencies, we must, as well, guard the interests of common man and respect him, understanding that it is he who gives us the mandate to legislate. The King and Nation – it is the motto that should be on our banners.

At the same times, we should never forget we are the defenders of the Throne and its prerogative, of the Italian political and miltary greatness, of regulated economics and of the great ideas of conservatism.

While the point of this conference is to choose the new Party Leader, I also would like to hold a poll among the party members on certain issues of our ideology. While united by certain clear tenets, we do have different opinions on some matters within the movement – and they must be considered. I must note that I would adopt the tenets chosen by the majority of the party members as part of my platform.

For the Throne and Fatherland, gentlemen. May God be with you.

- SOLEMINIS

((IPC, vote on party issues:

State Capitalism/Interventionalism

Jingoism/Pro Military

40 hours))

 

[TJDS]

((Private - IPC))

Even if we have suffered a devastating electoral defeat in the 1884 General Election, we should not waver, we should not give up our principles for more votes, for we are no populists, and we should pride ourselves on this fact. Long live Italy! Long live King Victor Emmanuel III!

Marquess Alighieri

State Capitalism / Interventionism: State Capitalism
Jingoism / Pro Military: Jingoism

 

[Somberg]

Following increasing hostility from the leadership of the POI toward his membership of the party, Paglione quietly renounces his membership and goes off to chart his own course in the post-revolutionary politics of Italy.

 

[LatinKaiser]

((Private - I Partito Corona))

Lord Pavia is indeed correct; now is not a time to adjust our most deeply held beliefs, but rather it is a time to reaffirm them! Let all true Italians take hope in our party's ability to restore the Kingdom to its former glory -- God save the King!

~ Umberto di Susa, Marquess of Susa

State Capitalims / Interventionism: State Capitalism
Jingoism / Pro-Military: Jingoism

 

[Mikkel Glahder]

((Private - I PC))

State Capitalism/Interventionalism: State Capitalism

Jingoism/Pro Military: Jingoism

~ Conte d'Annecy

 

[oxfordroyale]

((Returning from exile))

I would like to thank the Prime Minister for including me in the new cabinet as Governor-General of Jerusalem, and congratulate him on managing to unite the country in the wake of the crisis that gripped it.

- Alfonso Vitali, Governor-General of Jerusalem

((Private - IPC)

State Capitalims / Interventionism: State Capitalism
Jingoism / Pro-Military: Jingoism

If this revolution has taught us anything, it is that the government must have firm control over the industry of the nation, lest disruptive forces attempt to seize the means of production and say the minds of the workers towards their nefarious ends.

I also see no reason to change our policies towards the military - our jingoism has kept the Italian military strong and proved successful in reclaiming Italian lands from Austria. I see no reason why our party's support for the military should be altered.

 

[Scrapknight]

Alessandro Cuomo sits in a Sardinian jail cell, playing the harmonica

"How goes it on the outside, Matteo?" Cuomo asked the prison guard, a socialist whose brother was in fact a member of the Federazione. Matteo was a friendly man, but his job was his job; besides, the government still had a Bonaretti in it, and that meant that the state hunting him down was a genuine risk if he tried to escape.

"Good. I've been passing along all the instructions to Lorenzo, like you've said. You only got six more months, right? Not so bad."

"You're right. Hasn't been too bad, all told. I get to focus on my writing, and the food's free."

Matteo laughed. "True, true. No real Sardinian would go lax on cooking, that's for sure."

"Lorenzo's doing well, you said?" asked Alessandro.

"Of course. Fine, fine boy. You and Maria must be proud," replied Matteo.

"That's a given," said Alessandro. "Did he say how things are going in Napoli?"

"Same old, same old. Finishing his research into Marx and all that other philosophical stuff. Heard he organized a march of other students in the city square," Matteo said.

"That's my boy."

 

[Marschalk]

((Private - IPC)

State Capitalims / Interventionism: State Capitalism

I continue to believe that, in the spheres where the private sector is unable or unready (say, due to lack of profits) to create enterprises, but which are needed by the public, the state should step in. While simply supporting certain industries through intervention may be useful as well, sometimes more decisive actions are needed.

Jingoism / Pro-Military: Jingoism

Our army is now greatly harmed by the rebellion, both in matters of numbers and morals. We need to push for the most active military policies to revive the armed forces, for they are the sword that guard our empire and our liberty.

 

[Noco19]

Cesare had been incredibly shocked when he heard news of the Montezmolo appointments, that Cesare would be the second Balbo to be empowered by Montezmolo to rule over the lands of Tunisia, or Carthage, as his father had adamantly called it. Better to not utter that term again, thought Cesare, who pondered the circumstances he was faced with. The idea of a position within the government hadn't crossed his mind, and young Cesare had been prepared for relative obscurity while he peddled the Syndicalist message. It seems fate had other plans, and Cesare had made a splash seen even in Rome. He provided a response, repeated in some papers.

"Though it came as a great surprise, I accept the position of Viceroy of Tunisia and the Sahara, and shall endeavor to properly govern these lands as an agent of Italy. I thank the Prime Minister for the faith invested into me. I shall not disappoint."

And with that, Cesare began his preparations, to return to the old domain of his father, and to where the Roman Revolution began its inception.