Chapter III--In Turbulent Times, an Empire Is Reborn
It was an audacious move attempting to conquer Hispaniola. The British government lodged a complaint against Spain (the first of many British complaints raised in the 19th century over Spain), but French support and the indifference of the rest of the Great Powers ensured Spain would be allowed to continue their conquest. The United States also declined to take an interest in the conflict--the slaveholding lobby in the US South disliked Haitian independence (and indeed, the United States did not recognise Haiti as an independent state) out of the belief that it encouraged discontent and rebellion amongst slaves, and American President Martin van Buren needed their support to keep his base in the South strong against the rising opposition Whig Party.
A map of the island of Hispaniola, the focus of conflict
Aside from international concerns, conquering Hispaniola would be difficult. While the Haitian Army would likely pose no challenge, holding the land would be quite difficult. Hispaniola was perfect for staging guerrilla insurgencies in the rough terrain, and Haitian (or even Dominican) rebels could easily resist Spanish control. Disease such as yellow fever and malaria were common in the jungles and swamps of Haiti, as the French had learned in their war. It was for this reason no Spanish general wanted the task of fighting in Haiti--as such, the young General Manuel Pavía was sent with 18,000 men with the task of occupying Haiti. The Dominican Pedro Santana was called to Cuba to command another 9,000 men from Spain's Caribbean possessions as well as several thousand of his own army consisting of native Dominicans. The general Spanish strategy was to occupy the major population centers and capture Jean-Pierre Boyer, Charles Rivière-Hérard, Jean-Baptiste Riché, and other Haitian leaders and politicians to force the surrender of the country and install a puppet administration. Propaganda would be key to this war--the Spanish had no intent to restore slavery to Hispaniola, and the locals must realise that.
Charles Rivière-Hérard, leader of the Haitian Army
Upon securing the coast from the small Haitian Navy, Spanish troops stormed the harbour of Port-au-Prince in the early morning of March 10, 1840. Minimal street fighting occured with the town garrison, which quickly surrendered. By noon, Port-au-Prince was occupied, with little sign of the Haitian Army. President Boyer had fled the capital presumably at the moment he received news of the declaration of war.
From there, the Spanish Army divided into several divisons, each enough to suppress local insurgencies. General Pavía remained the overall commander of the expedition, with Santana of the Dominican rebels commissioned as a Spanish general himself to lead his own army. The war also marked the first appearance and successes of General Leopoldo O'Donnell, an officer of Irish descent descended from the old Kings of Tyrconnell in Ireland. It was O'Donnell's forces that raised the Spanish flag over Santo Domingo--he would later use this event to further his military career that would bear him great fortune in the future.
While much of the war was fought dealing with poorly organised bands of insurgents and militia (as well as the deadly spectre of disease that claimed far more lives than the Haitians ever could), there was one true battle of the war. On August 23, the Haitian Navy--an assortment of old French warships stolen by the Haitians sometime during the Haitian Revolution. All dreadfully out of date, the fleet was nonetheless impressive for a nation as poor as Haiti. It was, however, no problem for the amassed Spanish fleet, consisting of the local Cuban squadran and several ships from the main squadron in Spain. Two Haitian ships were destroyed in the fight, while the rest were damaged and were later scuttled by the Haitians to prevent them from falling into Spanish hands.
By October, it was clearly over for Haiti, and all that remained was to find a Haitian general to negotiate peace with. The nation--already very disorganised and fraught with internal conflict--had completely fallen apart, and resistance was slowly ceasing as it became obvious the Spanish had no plans to restore slavery. It was learned that President Boyer had been murdered by his political enemies, and General Charles Rivière-Hérard had declared himself president. Rivière-Hérard was captured on October 2 near Cap-Haïtien in the north of the country, and was ultimately to be the last president of Haiti.
And so ends the story of the second independent state in the New World
In Havana, the peace terms were negotiated upon by the parties involved--Santana, Rivière-Hérard, and the Spanish representatives under Pedro Téllez Girón, Captain-General of Cuba, as well as General Pavía and General O'Donnell. The Spanish terms were just and simple, to prevent international anger as well as keeping the population peaceful. Spain would abolish slavery in Hispaniola, and divide the island into two captaincies-general: the Captaincy-General of Haití and the Captaincy-General of Santo Domingo. Pedro Santana was to rule in Santo Domingo, while Rivière-Hérard was kept as the Captain-General of Haiti for the time being. Both were given substantial amounts of self-government not seen in any other Spanish dominion. The Spanish government made promises that it would develop the island moreso than the French or any independent government could--the new Spain had learned from her mistakes in Latin America, and now would certainly have better colonial policy. And thus on October 21, 1840, the Haitian state was abolished after 36 years of independence and incorporated into the Spanish Empire.
The war hero (left) and one of his many political enemies, Prime Minister Evaristo Pérez de Castro (right)
Even before news of the treaty reached Spain, a new shadowy conspiracy was already in motion back in the homeland. Queen Regent Maria Cristina had become increasingly unpopular in recent years. She interfered too much in the operations of the Spanish government and dominating liberalism, and the succession of conservative governments that had followed the administration of Mendizábal and his ally José María Calatrava were similarly unpopular, and had made efforts to amend the Constitution of 1837. With her marriage to Agustín Fernando Muñoz y Sánchez made public, there was a more valid reason than ever to remove her. Evaristo Pérez de Castro, Prime Minister, had similarly made many enemies with his laws enabling the Cortes to appoint mayors of cities directly. This mode of centralisation was unacceptable--the cities began to form committees to organise against the government of Maria Cristina. When the Queen Regent ordered Espartero to suppress this, Espartero instead took up the cause of the cities--and liberalism in general--and seized control of the government. He dissolved the moderate Cortes and forced Maria Cristina to declare him Prime Minister. Maria Cristina soon left Spain, leaving Espartero Regent. This event came to be called the Revolution of 1840, as Espartero was now given free reign to pursue a radically liberal administration.
Spanish foreign minister Joaquín María Ferrer (left) and the President of New Granada, José Ignacio de Márquez (right)
Espartero sought to continue some of the policies of the previous administration, such as the rebuilding of Spanish power. Spanish influence was expanded in New Granada, as well as in the Empire of Brazil where Spain hoped to gain a strong ally in the region. The Viscount of Sepetiba traveled to Madrid to meet with the Spanish government--despite Sepetiba's conservative views, further cooperation with Brazil was likely to result in the future. In New Granada, José Ignacio de Márquez, a liberal with similar views to Espartero, agreed to Spanish assistance in the ongoing War of the Supremes, a civil conflict resulting over the closing of monasteries that turned into a struggle between federalism and centralism, deepening Granadine-Spanish relations.
It was also in 1841 that Spain faced her first entry onto the global stage. In the Pacific Northwest, the debate over control of the Columbia region began to break into open hostilities, often involving trappers recruiting local Indians to do their fighting. Neither side wished to give up their claims to the land, and it was suspected in the future that the United States might even go to open war over the issue. As such, the issue became a global debate, and was taken up by the Concert of Europe [1].
A contemporary British map of the dispute
Spain, of course, had significant stake in this as well. The terms of the Adams–Onís Treaty gave the United States control over the former Spanish land claims in this region. Supporting the United States on their claim in Columbia would yield better relations with the US government, which was always on shaky relations especially with the increase in Spanish imperialism in the Western hemisphere. However, the government of Regent Espartero felt that such a brazen declaration of support could be ruinous if the British took too much issue to it, and thus the Spanish chose to wait for others to declare support.
The nations of their world take their sides--Spain chooses to support the United States, a nation Spain had assisted in the past
And other nations certainly did. By February of 1842, all Great Powers of the world aside from Russia had taken sides: France and Prussia had chosen to back the United States, while Austria sided with the British. Thus on February 4, Spain announced their support for the United States, citing the Adams-Onís Treaty as legal justification. The British immediately protested, questioning Spain's legal right to join in such a major international debate, to which the Spanish gained support of the Prussians and the French. This essentially guaranteed Spain a place in the Concert of Europe, an important step in global recognition of Spain as a Great Power. Throughout February of 1842, the debates became ever more heated, as warhawks began to emerge on both sides--some in Spain sought to opportunistically use any upcoming war to seize Gibraltar back with the help of Prussia and France. But the balance of power (and with it peace) would prevail [2], and on March 7, the United Kingdom and the United States signed the Oregon Treaty. This treaty turned over the land south of the 49th parallel excepting the watershed of the Columbia River to the United States. This included the economically productive Okanagan Valley, and thus a flood of American settlers began pouring into this region at the news.
Belgium was a brave experiment, but it was not to last
And the world went from one crisis to another during Espartero's regency. The Belgians had continually refused to accept the terms of the Treaty of London which recognised their own independence--they wished to keep Limburg, Zeeland, and above all Luxembourg. Others in the Belgian government sought to press the Dutch for territorial claims, believing that the new state's future could be assured if they had a piece of the East Indies. This greed would prove to be their undoing--on March 17, 1842, the British, sick of Belgian demands, gave their support to the Dutch in their reconquest of Belgium [3]. Called the Flemish War, it was to rage for much of 1842 and 1843 as Belgium fought tooth and nail to maintain their independence against fierce opposition. The Flemish War ultimately led to the rise of the Netherlands onto the global stage, as Dutch king William II belatedly suppressed the Belgian Revolution of 1830 and re-annexed the Southern Netherlands with the signing of a new Treaty of London--that of Dutch proposal--on October 27, 1843.
Spain would become involved in a conflict of her own in 1842. The militarism of Espartero's regime (the Ayacuchos faction of Espartero supporters, so named because many of the top generals had all fought at the Battle of Ayacucho in the Latin-American Wars of Independence) needed an outlet, and with Spain committed to keeping the balance of power in Europe, the only option was to engage in further colonial pursuits. The most obvious was in the East Indies, where the Sultan of Sulu, a Spanish vassal, had recently lost control of some of the outlying regions in Sabah. Espartero, and above all the current Govenor-General of the Philippines, Marcelino de Oráa of Carlist War fame, saw a golden opportunity to expand colonialism in the region and produce more success for the Spanish Empire. And further, this would deny the British and Dutch the use of these resources if they so chose to expand in this corner of the Indies.
In the hot summer of 1842, Spain declared war on the Sultan of Brunei, seeking to restore order in Sabah. Brunei, one of the strongest states in the region, was allied to numerous other regional sultanates and kingdoms, the most noted being the wealthy Sultan of Johor, who honoured his alliance with Brunei. Spanish troops in the Philippines numbered only 21,000 total, over half being colonial recruits of questionable quality and loyalty. The local Philippine Squadron of the Spanish Navy was similarly understrength, and would have difficulties transporting this army around the many islands in the region. And above all, the Spanish state was rapidly running out of money to pursue these sorts of colonial activities. In order to ensure state resources were not being wasted, Espartero sent his ally José Ramón Rodil, famed for his dogged defense of Callao during the Latin American Wars of Independence, to the East Indies, with the promise that his success would win him appointment to Prime Minister [4].
The Spanish Navy off the coast of Palawan in the Malay War
Rodil prosecuted the war with excellence. As was predicted against this alliance of East Indies sultanates, no significant resistance was mounted. The concerned region in Sabah fell quickly, and a small invasion of Palawan was stopped by the Philippines Squadron of the Spanish Navy, who utterly destroyed the primitive ships of the Malays. The main obstacle to Spain was fighting in the jungles, which mired down the progress of the war significantly [5]. Brunei and their allies mounted few organised counterattacks--the war proceeded in much the same way as Haiti with attrition being the primary obstacle.
A battle long since coming
Oráa and Rodil wished to further expand the war on the part of Spain with permission from Regent Espartero--specifically to have Johor open itself to Spanish interests in return for the Spanish protection against further British aggression. Despite the heavy cost supplying the forces in the East Indies was, Espartero agreed to it, feeling Johor's resources could be easily exploited with Spanish aid. Thus, an invasion of the Malay Peninsula was needed to defeat Johor. On November 30, 1842, Spanish forces stormed ashore at Muar, routing the forces of the Sultan of Johor with minimal losses. The major cities of the country were slowly occupied throughout winter of 1843, despite heavy resistance. The young Sultan Ali of Johor continued to fight on, goaded by his vassals.
Ali (left) can have his luxuries, Rodil (right) his titles, and Spain that which is theirs
But spending so much time waging war against the Europeans from increasingly remote villages wouldn't suit one so extravagant as Sultan Ali. He wondered if Spain could help him out with his desire for money and riches more than the British ever did. As such, the Sultan surrendered himself to Spanish forces, and called for a peace conference. In exchange for a monthly stipend (in addition to what the British already offered him), Ali agreed to end the pointless war and grant Spain what they wanted. The ruler of Brunei, initially shocked at Ali's betrayal of their alliance, was to soon come to terms with losing the land--it was a marginal border region, with little income and value. And the effect of the war was Spanish corporations and businessmen became increasingly common in Johor in the years to come, sparking tensions with the British [6] over alleged violations of their sphere.
Despite Spanish success in the Malay War (as it came to be called), Espartero's regime was fraught with challenges, even before the Malay War and issues with funding of the government. He quickly grew unpopular in Spain, for his anticlericalism, for his suppression of republicanism and republican efforts, and for his brutal reaction against popular uprisings in the economic slump during the Malay War, which many Spaniards opposed.
Economic recession was a general trend in the early 1840s in Spain, hitting some regions such as Extremadura particularly hard, reliant on a collapsing and largely unprofitable wool industry. The Spanish economy still had not industrialised and adapted to modernity, and had difficulties competing with the modern agriculture and mining systems of France, Britain, and the German states. The slave-based plantation labour was weakening in Cuba and Puerto Rico as the soil became increasingly exhausted after many years of intensive cultivation of sugar, tobacco, and other goods--increased speculation was often put on new sugar mills in Cuba, some of which succeeded, many of which failed. Many people left Spain to try their luck in the Spanish colonies, and many more left Spain altogether to head for the United States, Chile, or Brazil. Other nations in the New World also drew many Spaniards, such as the breakaway Republic of the Rio Grande in Mexico, which upon the ascension of its second president Manuel María de Llano, strongly promoted immigration and drew thousands of people to what was once a sleepy region in northern Mexico [7]. It is estimated in the ten years from 1836 to 1846, over 100,000 people left Extremadura alone, the majority of them during Espartero's regency. And though Espartero had tried to be a great hero to the people, the state of the common Spaniard was still very poor during his regency--literacy rose less than 1% in the years of Espartero, and the true benefactors of many of his land reform programs (as well as Mendizábal's land reforms) were greedy nobles who already owned great amounts of land instead of the middle class he attempted to support.
A great evil ended in Cuba, but the backlash will be great
A vicious decision was forced upon Regent Espartero in mid-1843--mass criticism in Cuba over the brutality of the slavery practiced there threatened slave revolts and backlash by the Cuban landowning class. The "Ladder Conspiracy" incident was perhaps when the issue came to a head. When the Progressive goverment of the Regent heard of it, he had put restrictions on the slavery in Cuba after a lengthy debate in the Cortes on May 27, 1843 [8]. These acts, modeled on similar abolitionist laws in Chile and Uruguay and elsewhere, included the freedom of the children of slaves (free birth), the freedom of slaves who had served in the Santo Domingo War against Haiti, and the freedom of slaves who reached the age of 60, as well as strong restrictions against the slave trade. These acts would effectively abolish slavery in Cuba and make the institution moribund. Immediately, the backlash was fierce--Cuban slaveowners (who received minimal compensation) rejected this brazen act of emancipation, seemingly designed only to please the US government who continually sought to try and purchase Cuba on behalf of slaveowners in the US South (likely Espartero's main motive). Free of the threat of a slave uprising, Cuban leaders immediately began plotting Cuban independence. The upper classes in Spain were also furious at this violation of Spanish law, and though exiled to France, the craft pretender Don Carlos used it as one of many recruiting tools. News reached the slaves in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, who became ever more rebellious, as well as their owners, who likewise sought to protect their "property". Calls immediately began for Espartero's removal from power, and Espartero's liberal faction began to break apart as many felt he had overstepped his boundary in regards to the Ladder Conspiracy, other incidents where he brutally put down rebellions and protests, and the generally dictatorial nature of his rule.
It became increasingly obvious that Espartero's government wasn't going to last much longer. On June 27, the military under General Ramón María Narváez issued a
pronunciamiento against Espartero and his regency, compelling him to resign. Realising he couldn't possibly resist with so much of the military and upper classes against him, Espartero peacefully resigned on June 30 [9], and departed Spain for France. Isabella II was declared of age shortly after in July, and crowned Queen of Spain on July 20 at the age 12. For Narváez's role in this, he would later be granted the title "Duke of Valencia" and would serve as Prime Minister from 1844 to 1846.
Isabella II had maintained her throne through the turbulent regency, and most of all, Spain had begun to reassert her place in global affairs. Time would show if Isabella II's reign would prove as good for Spain as Philip II, or even Isabella I, but what could not be denied was that for the first time in ages, Spain was once again on the rise.
[1] - I don't think I've played a Victoria 2 game since Heart of Darkness came out in which the Pacific Northwest wasn't the subject of the first crisis in the game.
[2] - Six days away from war breaking out! I don't think I've ever seen a crisis get that close!
[3] - Also happens rather frequently in Victoria 2. But unified Netherlands looks very nice, I have to say!
[4] - Historically, Rodil was already Prime Minister in summer of 1842, but I have to find a reason for him to be in the Philippines.
[5] - Sieging provinces when you only have a few brigades takes forever.
[6] - Probably stupid of me and a waste of time to add Johor to my sphere, but I believe you can somehow form Malaysia as a vassal in PDM? Can someone help me out here on what's up with Malaysia?
[7] - I have never seen a
Republic of the Rio Grande as successful as in this game. It lasted almost a decade and drew a good deal of immigrants, and gave Mexico a hell of a fight when the Mexicans reconquered it.
[8] - A
tad out-of-character, I suspect, but slavery in Victoria 2 is a pain to keep around because you end up having to frequently put down slave rebellions.
[9] - Historically Espartero's removal was more violent. Here the coup is relatively bloodless, perhaps the represent the fact that this is more background flavour for the AAR rather than anything that happened in game.