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RedRalphWiggum

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He has nevertheless suggested that they should have. The problem with this argument is that the 1918 GE wasn't a referendum. If you argue that the people of Southern Ireland had the moral right to resort to extra-parliamentary action in order to see the policies they voted for implemented, they you are in effect saying that any constituency who votes for any party has the moral right to resort extra-parliamentary action in order to see the policies they voted for implemented: Marxist councils have the moral right to forcibly seize the means of production, Fascist councils have the moral right to forcibly repatriate individuals because of their skin colour, etc.

But how can you just ignore the fact that most Irish people voted for a party who was explicitly pro-independence in a situation when independence was the only issue (no one in the UK would seriously have denied that)? Tanzhang just for one moment could you stop with the legal approach and admit that the overwhelming SF was a very good indication of a general will for independence in Ireland?
 

makif130289

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He has nevertheless suggested that they should have. The problem with this argument is that the 1918 GE wasn't a referendum. If you argue that the people of Southern Ireland had the moral right to resort to extra-parliamentary action in order to see the policies they voted for implemented, they you are in effect saying that any constituency who votes for any party has the moral right to resort extra-parliamentary action in order to see the policies they voted for implemented: Marxist councils have the moral right to forcibly seize the means of production, Fascist councils have the moral right to forcibly repatriate individuals because of their skin colour, etc.

If the majority of the people desires for socialism, then why not ? In fact, by disregarding the opinion of people you happen to be a fascist rule which you despise in your post. In your view, Stalin shouldn't be opposed either. All of his opponents were judged in courts and everything was according to Soviet constitution.
 

LordTempest

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Citizenship and nationality are two different things. There is no doubt Ireland was part of the UK (not Britain, as you state, as that is a geographic impossibility),

Oh, I'll happily concede that! :p

but that doesn't mean we were British people. If we had been, this entire thread wouldn't have been possible. That is not partisan at all, it's a simple statement of fact.

It would be chauvinistic to assume that there was no such thing as an Irish culture, but likewise to assume that there was no such thing as an Ulster culture or a Leinster culture or a Dublin culture or even a Trinity College culture. British culture likewise is a composite of English, Scottish, Irish and Welsh cultures, each of which are themselves composites of many different regional cultures.

In the end, one cannot arbitrarily put a value or weight on any particular culture without illustrating some kind of bias. For example, Spartanlemur might see my omission of Cornish culture in the above sentence as evidence of bias, and he'd be right to. Likewise one may see the inclusion of Cornish culture as evidence of a different kind of bias. Hence, if one is to argue objectively, one has to avoid any notion of "Well, so and so has the right to secede because of their culture but not such and such, because their culture isn't as strong or as prominent. In other words, you have to ignore cultural considerations altogether.

Tanzhang, if you stop and try your absolute hardest to be objective, can you see how in a general sense it is very difficult to say that in that era, a nationalist movement had a moral obligation to play by the legal rules of the country it wanted to break free from? As Gordy points out, Scotland 2014 is totally incomparable to Ireland 1918. Surely you can concede that the legal framework of the British Empire could not possibly have given Ireland true self-determination in the way the UK did to Scotland earlier this year?

Given the fact that the Liberal Party had in effect fought a political civil war over the issue of Home Rule for thirty years, had tried no fewer than three times to implement the Irish Parliament which their longtime coalition partners (the IPP) advocated, only to have each proposal scuppered by the Tories in the Lords, until finally succeeding to pass a Home Rule bill after the neutering of the Lords in 1912 which would have been phased in by November 1914 were it not for the Great War? No. I genuinely believe that just as an Irish Parliament was possible through the post-1912 constitutional framework, achieving Irish independence was also possible through the post-1912 constitutional framework. I have already stated (but will happily state again if I wasn't entirely clear) that I can totally understand why some people in Ireland may not have thought so back in 1916 and why they chose to resort to resort to extra-parliamentary action. This does not mean for a second that I believe that extra-parliamentary action was the optimal way of handling Irish nationalism, which is the question asked in this thread. Understanding why some Irish nationalists may have been impatient with British promises of Home Rule is not the same as accepting that violence was the optimal way of achieving Irish independence.

Also, how would you have viewed France keeping the parts of Algeria with large French populations in the 60s?

If I recall correctly, Algeria had an actual referendum on the issue, as Norway did.

The rest of your post is nonsense. It is generally accepted in the international community that nationwide ethnicities have more rights to do things (the extent of which is up for debate) than villages or local councils.

I'm merely taking that argument to its logical conclusion. I think mentioning Fascist or Marxist-held councils is more realistic than mentioning Marxist or Fascist-held constituencies, but the argument applies to the latter also. For instance, if a hypothetical Welsh Fascist Party won the majority of seats in Wales, would said party have the moral right to persecute non-Welshmen in Wales?

Wait, Tanzhang. Are you saying 1918 was a referendum, or it wasn't one? I'm getting mixed signals here.

That it absolutely, positively wasn't one, and that it's frankly silly to think that it was.

But how can you just ignore the fact that most Irish people voted for a party who was explicitly pro-independence in a situation when independence was the only issue (no one in the UK would seriously have denied that)? Tanzhang just for one moment could you stop with the legal approach and admit that the overwhelming SF was a very good indication of a general will for independence in Ireland?

I do not believe that simply voting for a separatist party gives a certain region carte blance to unilaterally declare independence. If I believed that then I'd also have to believe that Ian Smith was completely justified in his UDI, for instance. I don't, so I don't.

If the majority of the people desires for socialism, then why not ?

So in your view everything Hitler did was justified because "the people desired it"? Opposing Hitler makes you a fascist now, does it? :rolleyes:
 

marty99

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I'm merely taking that argument to its logical conclusion. I think mentioning Fascist or Marxist-held councils is more realistic than mentioning Marxist or Fascist-held constituencies, but the argument applies to the latter also. For instance, if a hypothetical Welsh Fascist Party won the majority of seats in Wales, would said party have the moral right to persecute non-Welshmen in Wales?
I don't believe anyone has a moral right to persecute anyone, so no, obviously. I think sometimes though, people have a moral right to freedom. And I think equating the two is silly.


That it absolutely, positively wasn't one, and that it's frankly silly to think that it was.
So it *wasn't* one? Got it. See that's what I'd have said too.
 

LordTempest

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I don't believe anyone has a moral right to persecute anyone, so no, obviously. I think sometimes though, people have a moral right to freedom. And I think equating the two is silly.

Fair enough, but I don't accept the principle that a constituency has the moral right in a liberal democracy to disobey the law just because it voted for such and such party. I don't believe that anyone has the right to resort to extra-parliamentary action (i.e violent overthrow of the state, unilaterally declaring independence, etc.) in a liberal democracy - that's might makes right as opposed to the rule of law.
 

marty99

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Fair enough, but I don't accept the principle that a constituency has the moral right in a liberal democracy to disobey the law just because it voted for such and such party. I don't believe that anyone has the right to resort to extra-parliamentary action (i.e violent overthrow of the state, unilaterally declaring independence, etc.) in a liberal democracy - that's might makes right as opposed to the rule of law.
I agree. But you can't really call 1918 U.K. a 'liberal democracy' though. It didn't have proper female suffrage, for one. (I think there was some limited suffrage for rich women over the age of 30 passed in the same year according to wiki, which may have been implemented in time for the GE, but that's tuppence.)
 

La Toscana

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Fair enough, but I don't accept the principle that a constituency has the moral right in a liberal democracy to disobey the law just because it voted for such and such party. I don't believe that anyone has the right to resort to extra-parliamentary action (i.e violent overthrow of the state, unilaterally declaring independence, etc.) in a liberal democracy - that's might makes right as opposed to the rule of law.
But what happens if you know a country refuses to allow a referendum in spite of all the constituencies of a region wanting a referendum? And this was the norm until very recently even in countries which would be considered democracies like pre-civil war USA.
 

LordTempest

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I agree. But you can't really call 1918 U.K. a 'liberal democracy' though. It didn't have proper female suffrage, for one.

It was certainly liberal by the standards of its day, and in my view the fact that women over thirty had been granted the vote in 1918 proved that further change was nevertheless possible through the system of the day.
 

LordTempest

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But what happens if you know a country refuses to allow a referendum in spite of all the constituencies of a region wanting a referendum? And this was the norm until very recently even in countries which would be considered democracies like pre-civil war USA.

Hold on. Are you trying to justify the secession of the CSA? :huh:
 

marty99

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It was certainly liberal by the standards of its day, and in my view the fact that women over thirty had been granted the vote in 1918 proved that further change was nevertheless possible through the system of the day.
'Liberal by the standards of its day' means nothing.
Hammurabi's Babylon was 'liberal by the standards of its day' but if it existed today we would abhor it, and we would not begrudge a people wanting independence not waiting for a bilaterally agreed referendum on the issue.
 

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'Liberal by the standards of its day' means nothing.
Hammurabi's Babylon was 'liberal by the standards of its day' but if it existed today we would abhor it, and we would not begrudge a people wanting independence not waiting for a referendum on the issue.

I'm rather curious as to how a referendum would be conducted in Hammurabi's Babylon.
 

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Saying that the Irish nation had the right of self-determination in 1918 is the logical fallacy of 'begging the question'. (In the actual sense of the phrase, not the way it's usually used. :))

Prior to 1922, the point at issue was not "Does the Irish nation have the right to independence?" but "Is there such a thing as an Irish nation?" Since Sinn Fein and the IRA won the war, the answer to both those questions became 'Yes', and in the way of things, it's now taught as an incontrovertible fact that the Irish are a nation. Nowadays people like Ralph or L.Y.N.C.H.Y. can't even conceive of anything else.

Back in 1918, though, there were plenty of people who thought that 'Irish' was not a nationality but a British regional identity, the same as 'Yorkshireman' or 'Londoner' or 'Welsh' or 'Cornish', or for that matter 'New Zealander' or 'Canadian'. There was a civil war between the people who said 'it's a nationality' and the people who said 'it's a regional identity', and the ones saying it's a nationality won.

And for the record, the name 'British Isles' is about two thousand years older than the political entity called 'Britain' or 'the UK'. As far as the Greeks and Romans were concerned, the 'British' were the inhabitants of the 'British Isles' (Πρετανικαι νησοι, Britannicae Insulae), regardless of whether they lived on the larger island to the east, the slightly smaller island to the west, or the many tiny islands. The fact that the UK has now claimed the demonym 'British' for itself alone is similar to the USA claiming the name 'American' for itself, despite the fact that Canadians and Mexicans and Brazilians are all technically or historically 'Americans' as well.
 

marty99

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I'm rather curious as to how a referendum would be conducted in Hammurabi's Babylon.
The chances of it happening are about the same as a referendum in 1918 Ireland. If you're wondering about the logistics, censuses were taken around that time and earlier so some attempt at it would have been possible.
 

StephenT

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I agree. But you can't really call 1918 U.K. a 'liberal democracy' though. It didn't have proper female suffrage, for one. (I think there was some limited suffrage for rich women over the age of 30 passed in the same year according to wiki, which may have been implemented in time for the GE, but that's tuppence.)
Eight million women and twelve million men had the vote in 1918, out of a total population of 38 million. Full equality for women was brought in ten years later in 1928. However, the 1918 election was the first in the UK carried out under conditions of universal male suffrage.

Ironically, the first woman MP to be elected was the Sinn Fein candidate for one of the Dublin constituencies, Constance Markiewicz.
 

La Toscana

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Hold on. Are you trying to justify the secession of the CSA? :huh:
I'm not actually but I am try to ask what happens when a democratic country refuses to grant a referendum because the said region can never get a majority in the legislature and cannot achieve independence. It was a poor example, what is going on Spain right now might be a better one.
 

LordTempest

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Ironically, the first woman MP to be elected was the Sinn Fein candidate for one of the Dublin constituencies, Constance Markiewicz.

St. Patrick's IIRC. There would have been two if it wasn't for the Labour Party. :p
 

makif130289

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I agree. But you can't really call 1918 U.K. a 'liberal democracy' though. It didn't have proper female suffrage, for one. (I think there was some limited suffrage for rich women over the age of 30 passed in the same year according to wiki, which may have been implemented in time for the GE, but that's tuppence.)

Could you call UK-1950 as "liberal democracy" ? During that time they were fighting to prevent Malayan independence, to seize Suez, to continue their oil priviliges in Iran etc.

The Irish saw themselves as a seperate national identity from the British and showed that clearly in 1918 Election. After that point, what is the difference between Irish independence war and other colonial independence wars after WWII ? I never thought not obeying the law of occupying force would be considered as something immoral or wrong.

BTW, how could the Irish have independence from parliament in London, by convincing ( or begging ) the MPs of other regions ?
 

marty99

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Eight million women and twelve million men had the vote in 1918, out of a total population of 38 million. Full equality for women was brought in ten years later in 1928. However, the 1918 election was the first in the UK carried out under conditions of universal male suffrage.

Ironically, the first woman MP to be elected was the Sinn Fein candidate for one of the Dublin constituencies, Constance Markiewicz.
Not sure how the last part's ironic. Republicans are pretty proud of that fact.

Also, there's a lot of other conditions for a 'liberal democracy' other than suffrage, I was just giving an example. I wouldn't be best qualified to talk about them, but I hear people in OT talk about them a lot and I'd imagine there's quite a few others the British Empire didn't fulfil* at the time.


*Apparently it's spelt "fulfil" and not "fulfill" according to not just the forum software but also the OED - news to me.
 

RedRalphWiggum

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Prior to 1922, the point at issue was not "Does the Irish nation have the right to independence?" but "Is there such a thing as an Irish nation?" Since Sinn Fein and the IRA won the war, the answer to both those questions became 'Yes', and in the way of things, it's now taught as an incontrovertible fact that the Irish are a nation. Nowadays people like Ralph or L.Y.N.C.H.Y. can't even conceive of anything else.

Setting aside your political views, do you believe nations (not nation-states) exist in any sense at all?