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If resettling British people into India were feasible, the British empire of old would have done that long ago.

Alas, India being a tropical country with unbearable climate, innumerable endemic diseases and a gigantic population, it wasn't and still isn't feasible.
 
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other than that, need to control the educational system in India, put them on some pro-colonialist, pro-empires curriculum, you know, just control the important stuff, an autonomous Indian parliament can control domestic stuff like social programs, starting the Indian equivalent of the NHS or whatever other token powers you allow them, but you hold the purse strings and syphon a decent bit of cash towards London from Delhi every year
That's not going to happen :) The Indians have a national consciousness of their own, and a political awareness of where their own interests differ from those of Britain. also, re-education of Indian youths would require more teachers than Britain has.
 
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That's not going to happen :) The Indians have a national consciousness of their own, and a political awareness of where their own interests differ from those of Britain. also, re-education of Indian youths would require more teachers than Britain has.
All things that (given enough time and money) can be grinder down to nothing more than empty gestures, token legislation and lip service, kinda like how all dictatorial regimes nowadays do with their countries, I’m not saying the Indian will be happy and fooled, but, pay them better than they are and keep them safe and well fed and you can pacify them into accepting the status quo.

I see your point though and yeah, maybe I’m too cynical to plan how to run a modern-ish day colony lmao.
 
If resettling British people into India were feasible, the British empire of old would have done that long ago.

Alas, India being a tropical country with unbearable climate, innumerable endemic diseases and a gigantic population, it wasn't and still isn't feasible.
I don’t know dude, I mean in this universe Americans, brits and Europeans went on to live in the frozen wastelands of Siberia after their own homelands fell to countless revolutions and counter revolutions.

so take an average Canadian, who lost everything when Canada fell, followed the royals first to Australia and eventually to the isles and is now after the war is done penniless, hope less and in a land still tainted by syndicalism and tell him “hey, do you have any skill, college degree or useful work experience ?, well then instead of bumming around bombed out London, why don’t you join us in the exotic lands of the Indian dominion ? We’ll give you a place to live, a good job with decent pay or maybe even seed money to start your own business there, all you need to do is commit to moving to and staying in India for at least the next 15 years, what do you say bud, wanna come help us relive the glory days of the raj ?” Lmao

Or, Britain could allow other entente citizens (maybe not Russians though) to also settle in India as long as they give up their former nationalities and become British citizens. But honestly I don’t know, because unless the Brits/Europeans take some drastic measures to hold the dominion after taking it back, then they’re just throwing money and lives at a useless conflict just to win the Indians their independence, and once that happens the Indians won’t even be friendly towards their European former colonisers, they won’t be syndies, sure, but they won’t be much better either, maybe they’ll even fall into Japan’s anti-colonial rhetoric and join the sphere, and that would mean that countless Europeans died just to win Japan another notch on her belt.
 
Emirate of Transjordan, 1950.

1651061238678.png

“Here’s your speech back boss. I decided to put more emphasis on India considering current events.” said Yakov. Ptyor’s trusted aid for the past decade.

Pytor went over the speech and frowned at certain specific redactions. He had hoped to use the event to garner support for what the other party bigwigs liked to disparage as his “pet cause” other than the Imperial Democrats. A questioning look in Yakov’s direction was met with a shrug of the younger man’s shoulders.

“Now that we’re in this war, it isn't the time to start trouble elsewhere. Especially not here.”

“We’re always in a war somewhere Yakov, that’s the reality of imperial power.”

His aid didn’t break eye contact, “without that imperial power you wouldn’t be able to do anything at all. Come on Pinhas, you know how this works. Russia and the party must always come first. I appreciate what you're trying to do here but there are far more Jews in the Empire then will ever immigrate to this shit hole. ”

Pytor flinched a little at Yakov’s casual dismissal of what had been such an important dream. It was sometimes easy to forget that the new generation didn’t have the same memories as his own. Things had been tense during the Kerensky years, even dangerous, but they hadn’t come close to the pogroms and depravations of the old empire and the civil war. The new empire was far from perfect, SRN and Rodina made sure to remind them of that, but younger Jews had lost the sense of urgency to find alternatives Pytor still took for granted. He was getting old both mentally but especially physically. At least the warm climate would be good for him.

“You forget all the American refugees and their lobbying but you’re right, now is not the time to rock the boat, though the Yishuv will be angry with me.”

“Pah! Let them be angry with you! Who’s paying for this power station? Certainly not those farming obsessed Kibbutz anarchists or the petty bourgeoisie of Tel Aviv.”

Pytor looked up at the newly completed facility and quickly summoned a mental list of the various donors, officials, and local leaders he’d spent years talking into it. While he was hardly wealthy, a not insignificant slice of his own savings had gone into the project for good measure and it was partially based on his design. The only thing he regretted was being unable to build the plant himself. In another life perhaps he would have, but this wasn't it. In the present he had a speech to make.

“His majesty the King of Transjordan, Honoured guests from the military administration, local friends and colleagues. Today marks a new chapter in the region’s development: the first power station on the River Jordan. With the power provided by this facility, we will be able not only light thousands of households but also accelerate the industrial development of Palestine, substantially increasing the prosperity of its present residents and future absorptive capacity. It is projects like this that hold in them the promise of the bible of a land of milk and honey. Bringing water to the desert, food to the hungry, and the modern miracle of electricity."

The warning look shot by Yakov didn’t escape Pytor notice though he pretended otherwise. He'd keep his peace but not at the expense of facts.

“But beyond the technical details of this project it represents so much more. This power station wouldn’t have been possible without the cooperation of his majesty and the support of the imperial administration as well as countless donations, big and small, foreign and local. Our ability to work together is as much a mark of civilization as any structure or technical achievement. If the first half of this century can say anything is that technical progress is not equivalent to a superior morality. How else can we explain the restoration of Tsar and Empire as the custodian of peace and order in Eurasia from the clutches of revolutionary violence and terror?

The contrast is only all too evident in India, where technically advanced chemical agents are being used to inflict savagery that has few precedents in the history of the world. What ought to have been an inspiration to us of unity despite seemingly irreconcilable differences has become a nightmare for solider and civilian alike. How could have months of compromise and good will fall apart? How can we reconcile any enlightenment achievement against such technical monstrosities? We well remember the red terrors of Europe, the fall of liberty in America, the horrors' of Africa, and what happened not far away from here at Ottoman direction.

The answer, as always, are the actions of a small uncompromising minority. In country after country, a small but well organized gang acted against the forces of compromise and moderation through violence to spread fear and anger amongst the populace in pursuit of power. Time and again, the people were fooled to surrender their liberties and happiness in pursuit of security to anyone who would deliver them from chaos. All too often into the hands of those who had unleashed the chaos upon them in the first place. They who systematically discarded 'obsolete' social forms and allegiance in favour of total obedience to the party line.

How many times must history repeat itself before we can finally laugh it off as a farce? How long shall we let such political banditry stand? I say no more! Friends, let us pledge ourselves not to repeat the tragedy of India but rather realize the potential of this land and all the people who care for it. May this power station stand as a testament of civilization both in technical means but most importantly of moral ends; of people working together for a better future however difficult present circumstances may be. For that is the founding vision of the Russo-Roman Empire; inspired by the lessons of history while looking towards the horizon [...]”
 
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Emirate of Transjordan, 1950.

View attachment 832979

“Here’s your speech back boss. I decided to put more emphasis on India considering current events.” said Yakov. Ptyor’s trusted aid for the past decade.

Pytor went over the speech and frowned at certain specific redactions. He had hoped to use the event to garner support for what the other party bigwigs liked to disparage as his “pet cause” other than the Imperial Democrats. A questioning look in Yakov’s direction was met with a shrug of the younger man’s shoulders.

“Now that we’re in this war, it isn't the time to start trouble elsewhere. Especially not here.”

“We’re always in a war somewhere Yakov, that’s the reality of imperial power.”

His aid didn’t break eye contact, “without that imperial power you wouldn’t be able to do anything at all. Come on Pinhas, you know how this works. Russia and the party must always come first. I appreciate what you're trying to do here but there are far more Jews in the Empire then will ever immigrate to this shit hole. ”

Pytor flinched a little at Yakov’s casual dismissal of what had been such an important dream. It was sometimes easy to forget that the new generation didn’t have the same memories as his own. Things had been tense during the Kerensky years, even dangerous, but they hadn’t come close to the pogroms and depravations of the old empire and the civil war. The new empire was far from perfect, SRN and Rodina made sure to remind them of that, but younger Jews had lost the sense of urgency to find alternatives Pytor still took for granted. He was getting old both mentally but especially physically. At least the warm climate would be good for him.

“You forget all the American refugees and their lobbying but you’re right, now is not the time to rock the boat, though the Yishuv will be angry with me.”

“Pah! Let them be angry with you! Who’s paying for this power station? Certainly not those farming obsessed Kibbutz anarchists or the petty bourgeoisie of Tel Aviv.”

Pytor looked up at the newly completed facility and quickly summoned a mental list of the various donors, officials, and local leaders he’d spent years talking into it. While he was hardly wealthy, a not insignificant slice of his own savings had gone into the project for good measure and it was partially based on his design. The only thing he regretted was being unable to build the plant himself. In another life perhaps he would have, but this wasn't it. In the present he had a speech to make.

“His majesty the King of Transjordan, Honoured guests from the military administration, local friends and colleagues. Today marks a new chapter in the region’s development: the first power station on the River Jordan. With the power provided by this facility, we will be able not only light thousands of households but also accelerate the industrial development of Palestine, substantially increasing the prosperity of its present residents and future absorptive capacity. It is projects like this that hold in them the promise of the bible of a land of milk and honey. Bringing water to the desert, food to the hungry, and the modern miracle of electricity."

The warning look shot by Yakov didn’t escape Pytor notice though he pretended otherwise. He'd keep his peace but not at the expense of facts.

“But beyond the technical details of this project it represents so much more. This power station wouldn’t have been possible without the cooperation of his majesty and the support of the imperial administration as well as countless donations, big and small, foreign and local. Our ability to work together is as much a mark of civilization as any structure or technical achievement. If the first half of this century can say anything is that technical progress is not equivalent to a superior morality. How else can we explain the restoration of Tsar and Empire as the custodian of peace and order in Eurasia from the clutches of revolutionary violence and terror?

The contrast is only all too evident in India, where technically advanced chemical agents are being used to inflict savagery that has few precedents in the history of the world. What ought to have been an inspiration to us of unity despite seemingly irreconcilable differences has become a nightmare for solider and civilian alike. How could have months of compromise and good will fall apart? How can we reconcile any enlightenment achievement against such technical monstrosities? We well remember the red terrors of Europe, the fall of liberty in America, the horrors' of Africa, and what happened not far away from here at Ottoman direction.

The answer, as always, are the actions of a small uncompromising minority. In country after country, a small but well organized gang acted against the forces of compromise and moderation through violence to spread fear and anger amongst the populace in pursuit of power. Time and again, the people were fooled to surrender their liberties and happiness in pursuit of security to anyone who would deliver them from chaos. All too often into the hands of those who had unleashed the chaos upon them in the first place. They who systematically discarded 'obsolete' social forms and allegiance in favour of total obedience to the party line.

How many times must history repeat itself before we can finally laugh it off as a farce? How long shall we let such political banditry stand? I say no more! Friends, let us pledge ourselves not to repeat the tragedy of India but rather realize the potential of this land and all the people who care for it. May this power station stand as a testament of civilization both in technical means but most importantly of moral ends; of people working together for a better future however difficult present circumstances may be. For that is the founding vision of the Russo-Roman Empire; inspired by the lessons of history while looking towards the horizon [...]”
Awww that was really uplifting!!

Such a beautiful ray of light, in a world of trouble (both in the story, and our world)

And it didn't end with a bomb blast.

Is Palestine still under Russian military administration? And what are the demographics?


Oh and... one out-of-context question... Are you the same native english speaking Perun whose slide shows on YouTube about the current war garner so many views? The style is so similar to the cool video about the syndicalist bomb project back last year :)
 
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And it didn't end with a bomb blast.

I was tempted to kill Rutenberg via assassination's or heart attack since he's already eight years over his death date. Amazing what giving up smoking can achieve. Does anybody have a candidate in mind for Imperial Democrat leadership in the future? Pretty sure they will go in a more autonomist direction once Pytor is gone. The party does no offer much in the way of opposition to the current government's policies. In welfare, it is matched by the Tsar's policies while in defense policy it can't afford to be seen as soft on Syndicalism but neither can it the sort of militarism the right-wing parties are in favour of. Catering to probable calls for self-government in later years seems the most obvious way for the party to maintain its new periphery voting base and latch on to an issue it can tilt most in favour of.

Is Palestine still under Russian military administration? And what are the demographics?

Firstly, this is all up to Perun's discretion. He decides what's "canon" or not. I just occasionally make posts when I feel like it. He could pop in at any time and say Herald's post isn't canon with what I had planned and I'd either change it or we'd just treat it as a fun interlude but otherwise a none-event in story. Palestine is still under some sort of Imperial Russian mandate though it isn't completely clear if as a military occupation or a long term constituent enclave like Constantinople.

I'd imagine the demographics are rather different though the Ottomans may have bullied the Arabs too (for example, they temporarily expelled the populations of Gaza and Tel Aviv during the First World War as the British advanced though both mostly remained in the territory and went back to their homes later. It wasn't intended as a permeant relocation. The British still temporarily took the territory in KR though so I don't have any reason to suspect any substantial change.

The Ottomans did and are as likely to have implemented such crackdowns against the Arabs... arguably even more so than the Jews ITL considering the main threat to the Ottomans were the Arab states of Egypt and Arabia from the 20s onwards. Its possible they might have even encouraged Jewish migration to strategically important areas and to increase development. They would not have wanted to rock the boat so immigration would have probably been capped under a rigid quota.

The Yishuv in TTL 50s would probably have remained close to its OTL 30s form of agricultural communes and coastal towns with a population of between 200-400 thousand. You could even expect a follow up on the 1905 migration of revolutionaries when Soviet Russia fell in the 20s. The KR lore suggests that National France may have been persecuting its Jews to the point they might leave (Germany, Italy, and the Ottoman Empire are all affected by that event if I recall correctly)

I suspect that Egypt may have been less than generous to its Jewish population as well because much of the resentment was as much to do with a desire to create nationally pure Arab states and the identification of Jews as a rather westernized population (and thus an imperial one) as it did with Israeli independence and the humiliation of defeat in that war. That said, it would be nowhere near the pressure in OTL though that could change over time depending on events.

Another big question would be how much the Jews have been implicated in places such as Germany, France, even Britain with Syndicalism as well as how many were terrorized by those regimes as symbols of the bourgeoise. There are also probably thousands of Jewish refugees from America wondering about. Take all those factors together and you could still see an even bigger influx then the one I suggested but it heavily depends on quotas as well which I'd imagine are quite limited.

There wouldn't be a Holocaust to push the populations out and provide them with a sense of urgency but at the same time neither would there be such a loss of people in Europe who could potentially immigrate. That said, it seems that in so far as the Russian Empire where much of the population is based in is concerned there probably is far less pressure on Jews to seek alternatives than OTL though how that applies to places such as Poland is also a question worth asking.

Lol, now that I think of it, those weird German templars would still be there (not banished by the British) There are at least 2,000 Germans there. Possibly more after the fall of Germany in the 40 not to mention German-Ottoman relations over the years. 5,000 strikes me as a good guess along with smaller other groups. There could be a larger Armenian community or a smaller one depending on the movement of the population during Ottoman control. Maybe as big as 10,000 TTL?

Oh and... one out-of-context question... Are you the same native english speaking Perun whose slide shows on YouTube about the current war garner so many views? The style is so similar to the cool video about the syndicalist bomb project back last year :)

I assume you are referring to Perun and I think you've already answered your question.
 
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373: The Highwater Mark


“We had been intermixed with a Russian unit in the trenches for more than a week by that point.

Most seemed like reasonably good sorts. Older chaps, by soldierly standards. A few spoke English and were keen to exchange war stories, all of them seemed keen enough to toast victories and our fallen over spirits at the end of a hard engagement. They also have a number of younger soldiers with them though. They struck me as altogether odd sorts. They don’t tell stories, don't touch alcohol. When they speak with us they’re polite enough, but always seem keen to get back to some other important task or another.

During attacks though, the kids come alive. Reds keep trying their same play on us, they’ll sneak close, lay smoke, and then come charging out of it from as close as they can get. They come at you at a run, screaming that “JAI HIND” warcry of theirs at the top of their lungs., bayonets charged as they storm through the concealing smoke.

And the Russian boys cut them down without blinking. The older Russians remind me of our own. They swear, they yell, and go about the bloody business of it all. The young ones take up firing positions like they’re on the training ground and then take one target at a time. *Pop* *pop* they would go, two rounds to drop a man, then a quick, mechanical movement to swing to the next target, *pop* *pop* and so on, both eyes open right up until the moment of close contact.

They don’t flinch, they don’t yell. When they’re hit, they go down quietly until they call for assistance. When they reload, every single man does it the same way. Drill standard, every time.

The reds scare me, but so do those boys.”

-British Marine, recalling combat actions alongside cantonists of II Guards Airborne outside Delhi

From “The Road to Lucknow”

Dominion leaders had pushed for an immediate counter-offensive the moment the first International contingent began to arrive, determined to win back some initiative and offset word of property looting and sectarian violence being perpetrated by red militias in the occupied territories. The Calcutta Government likewise feared that local spoiling attacks would materialise as they prepared for their own next great throw of the dice, before the paralysing onset of the monsoon season in June.

No such attacks would materialise, at least on any organised level. Command arrangements in the Imperial bloc remained confused, and would only be complicated further as new national forces arrived.

The British, standing outside the Pact’s command structure, saw themselves as the incumbents and experts on operations in India, and repeatedly sought to exercise control over not just their own units, but operational and strategic decision making.


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The Dominion’s Princes likewise continued to assert their own independence and local authority in a manner that often brought them into conflict with the new arrivals. A diplomatic incident was caused in mid-March when a number of Princes demanded that their royal trains be allowed to travel from Delhi due to the ongoing risk of aerial and artillery attack on the city. Russian railway troops informed them that there could be no change to the train timetable, so carefully choreographed were the timetables for locomotives along the allied front. The Princes retaliated by threatening to withdraw the cooperation of their armies (which were still the most numerically significant component of the allied forces by far) until they were provided with properly appointed air-transport to make the trip.

Some parts of the allied effort were running better. The shipment of materiel from the Black Sea ports and Europe shocked international observers with its speed. RRE pre-war plans for operations in India had been prepared with some diligence, and planners targeted a duration of twenty one days for a fast transporter to load, make the transit to Karachi, and unload. The result was that by the 20th of March, 4th Shock Army vehicles, basically brand new, were already unloading in India, while the air-bridge into Delhi was sustaining a steady buildup in air-power.


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But the lack of unified command and the long lead-time on the bulk of the planned European reinforcements presented an opportunity for the reds, and one that they resolved to exploit. Mosley, now in Calcutta with many of his closest followers, helped convince his Indian ‘comrades’ that now was the best, and perhaps only time to close out a final victory. Calcutta’s troops were exhausted, hundreds of kilometers from their jumping off points, units of militia and regulars now intermixed and de-cohered, but their final key objectives were in sight. With an understanding that the British Republicans would throw their own weight behind the offensive, Calcutta agreed to press on.

The red forces tried to make the most of the sometimes disorganised nature of their opponents. Away from the teeth of the Karachi and Delhi perimeters, Republican and Bharatiya forces probed and thrust, trying always to find gaps between adjoining allied units, exploiting slow communications and language barriers. The People’s Hussars would savage their kin of 2nd Division - Royal Marines south of Karachi, threatening to unseat part of the defence, while Bharatiya’s pilots would range as far as Tibet with bombing attacks aimed at disrupting the flow of men and materiel into Dominion territory.

The offensive would herald a series of military firsts amidst the deluge of human suffering and loss, particularly in the air.

The RRE had been slow to adopt jet aircraft, even as Germany and the USSA raced forward with their first generation designs. The VVS had been unsatisfied with the performance of these first jets, and focused its resources on obtaining refined designs. In 1950, the RRE’s air forces had finally stood up a number of jet-regiments, even as they waited for further refined designs. Sleek killers like the MiG-49 would come as a rude shock to the Bharatiya air forces with their primarily 1940s piston powered force, while the ground-pounding thunderjets would be a godsend around the Delhi and Karachi perimeters.



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A Seversky-Kartveli Thunderjet hitting a bridge behind enemy lines

Having had their air-superiority suddenly and dramatically challenged by the new arrivals, the red forces turned to their relatively small supply of American build jets, often flown by British exiles, in order to even the contest.

On April 2nd, a wing of USSA made F-80 jets flown by a mixture of British and Indian pilots sortied to attack the flights of the Seversky-Kartveli SeK-47 Thunderjets flying ground attack missions against Republican armoured units south of Delhi. Quick reaction by MiG-49s on combat air patrol converted the engagement into a furball of more than a hundred jet aircraft that continued to draw in responding aircraft from both sides, including particularly courageous Indian F-51 pilots who flew their American piston fighters straight into the next generation contest.


-KLKRyKamb7VKOyybMQ5uq9HRdd0lDiP6_kZ8EBBalKqnBKe_a8r1DFe5A17x_mpeBKQfORkqRPbtqoiYb0OLy7jckbLyM3wENOGRuHuoUetX9NrfO67QM97uWZRXJ04RAVpP3S_8kJubpO_CA

Losses from the engagement are still highly contested. Less controversial is the fact that Guards-Colonel Ivan Nikitovich Kozhedub would become the first ‘jet-ace’ shooting down his fourth and fifth enemy jets behind the stick of his MIG-50 on April 2nd. News would reach Saint Petersburg in the coming weeks, and by June, Kozhedub would be pulled off frontline flying duties.

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Kozhedub during operation Neptune

But those air-actions would prove critical in deciding the high-watermark of the red’s 1951 offensive. Long columns of American built tanks and trucks, lined up on the roads or strapped to railcars, would be the victims for merciless Imperial aviation strikes, be they land based sorties from Delhi, or naval aviation supporting the fighting around Karachi. The quantities still favored the reds, but the advantages held by veteran units, flying modern jets, over rookie pilots flying piston driven fighters and bombers were just too great.

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At its farthest extent, a vanguard of British Republican armour and Indian infantry would take Bulandshahr, approaching within artillery range of Delhi. The taboo against chemical employment, reimposed by threats of Imperial retribution against Commune cities, frayed in desperation as the Hussars and Indians pressed forward desperate to destroy the airbases and infrastructure of the opposing capital.

But for a tired force, hundreds of kilometers from its jumping off point, it was too much. Casualties from Imperial air attacks ran into the hundreds every single day as loaded locomotives or choked roads and tracks were bombed, strafed, or doused in incendiaries. Their opponents, content to dig in and resist, were being reinforced every day, and the Dominion’s own army, shattered by the initial offensive, was beginning to rally (no doubt in part as the fighting grew ever closer to the population centers housing soldier’s homes and families).

By May 3rd, still a few weeks out from the onset of the brutal Indian wet season, STAVKA assessed that the red offensive was running out of steam.

Issues with common command were being worked through, with British and other allied forces increasingly agreeing to be placed under a unified allied command.

There were calls in the Imperial camp for a counter-offensive, aimed to exploit the over-extended nature of the hundreds of Commune divisions now pressed up against the Imperial perimeter. Dominion politicians demanded the fighting be pushed farther away from their seat of power, while the tank Generals of the 1st and 4th Shock armies chafed at being left waiting behind the lines while supplies were amassed.

On May 8th, the word was given, and the May Counteroffensive began.


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Author's note: COVID is really kicking my ass at the moment, so please be understanding.
 
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373: The Highwater Mark


“We had been intermixed with a Russian unit in the trenches for more than a week by that point.

Most seemed like reasonably good sorts. Older chaps, by soldierly standards. A few spoke English and were keen to exchange war stories, all of them seemed keen enough to toast victories and our fallen over spirits at the end of a hard engagement. They also have a number of younger soldiers with them though. They struck me as altogether odd sorts. They don’t tell stories, don't touch alcohol. When they speak with us they’re polite enough, but always seem keen to get back to some other important task or another.

During attacks though, the kids come alive. Reds keep trying their same play on us, they’ll sneak close, lay smoke, and then come charging out of it from as close as they can get. They come at you at a run, screaming that “JAI HIND” warcry of theirs at the top of their lungs., bayonets charged as they storm through the concealing smoke.

And the Russian boys cut them down without blinking. The older Russians remind me of our own. They swear, they yell, and go about the bloody business of it all. The young ones take up firing positions like they’re on the training ground and then take one target at a time. *Pop* *pop* they would go, two rounds to drop a man, then a quick, mechanical movement to swing to the next target, *pop* *pop* and so on, both eyes open right up until the moment of close contact.

They don’t flinch, they don’t yell. When they’re hit, they go down quietly until they call for assistance. When they reload, every single man does it the same way. Drill standard, every time.

The reds scare me, but so do those boys.”

-British Marine, recalling combat actions alongside cantonists of II Guards Airborne outside Delhi

From “The Road to Lucknow”

Dominion leaders had pushed for an immediate counter-offensive the moment the first International contingent began to arrive, determined to win back some initiative and offset word of property looting and sectarian violence being perpetrated by red militias in the occupied territories. The Calcutta Government likewise feared that local spoiling attacks would materialise as they prepared for their own next great throw of the dice, before the paralysing onset of the monsoon season in June.

No such attacks would materialise, at least on any organised level. Command arrangements in the Imperial bloc remained confused, and would only be complicated further as new national forces arrived.

The British, standing outside the Pact’s command structure, saw themselves as the incumbents and experts on operations in India, and repeatedly sought to exercise control over not just their own units, but operational and strategic decision making.


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The Dominion’s Princes likewise continued to assert their own independence and local authority in a manner that often brought them into conflict with the new arrivals. A diplomatic incident was caused in mid-March when a number of Princes demanded that their royal trains be allowed to travel from Delhi due to the ongoing risk of aerial and artillery attack on the city. Russian railway troops informed them that there could be no change to the train timetable, so carefully choreographed were the timetables for locomotives along the allied front. The Princes retaliated by threatening to withdraw the cooperation of their armies (which were still the most numerically significant component of the allied forces by far) until they were provided with properly appointed air-transport to make the trip.

Some parts of the allied effort were running better. The shipment of materiel from the Black Sea ports and Europe shocked international observers with its speed. RRE pre-war plans for operations in India had been prepared with some diligence, and planners targeted a duration of twenty one days for a fast transporter to load, make the transit to Karachi, and unload. The result was that by the 20th of March, 4th Shock Army vehicles, basically brand new, were already unloading in India, while the air-bridge into Delhi was sustaining a steady buildup in air-power.


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But the lack of unified command and the long lead-time on the bulk of the planned European reinforcements presented an opportunity for the reds, and one that they resolved to exploit. Mosley, now in Calcutta with many of his closest followers, helped convince his Indian ‘comrades’ that now was the best, and perhaps only time to close out a final victory. Calcutta’s troops were exhausted, hundreds of kilometers from their jumping off points, units of militia and regulars now intermixed and de-cohered, but their final key objectives were in sight. With an understanding that the British Republicans would throw their own weight behind the offensive, Calcutta agreed to press on.

The red forces tried to make the most of the sometimes disorganised nature of their opponents. Away from the teeth of the Karachi and Delhi perimeters, Republican and Bharatiya forces probed and thrust, trying always to find gaps between adjoining allied units, exploiting slow communications and language barriers. The People’s Hussars would savage their kin of 2nd Division - Royal Marines south of Karachi, threatening to unseat part of the defence, while Bharatiya’s pilots would range as far as Tibet with bombing attacks aimed at disrupting the flow of men and materiel into Dominion territory.

The offensive would herald a series of military firsts amidst the deluge of human suffering and loss, particularly in the air.

The RRE had been slow to adopt jet aircraft, even as Germany and the USSA raced forward with their first generation designs. The VVS had been unsatisfied with the performance of these first jets, and focused its resources on obtaining refined designs. In 1950, the RRE’s air forces had finally stood up a number of jet-regiments, even as they waited for further refined designs. Sleek killers like the MiG-49 would come as a rude shock to the Bharatiya air forces with their primarily 1940s piston powered force, while the ground-pounding thunderjets would be a godsend around the Delhi and Karachi perimeters.



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A Seversky-Kartveli Thunderjet hitting a bridge behind enemy lines

Having had their air-superiority suddenly and dramatically challenged by the new arrivals, the red forces turned to their relatively small supply of American build jets, often flown by British exiles, in order to even the contest.

On April 2nd, a wing of USSA made F-80 jets flown by a mixture of British and Indian pilots sortied to attack the flights of the Seversky-Kartveli SeK-47 Thunderjets flying ground attack missions against Republican armoured units south of Delhi. Quick reaction by MiG-49s on combat air patrol converted the engagement into a furball of more than a hundred jet aircraft that continued to draw in responding aircraft from both sides, including particularly courageous Indian F-51 pilots who flew their American piston fighters straight into the next generation contest.


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Losses from the engagement are still highly contested. Less controversial is the fact that Guards-Colonel Ivan Nikitovich Kozhedub would become the first ‘jet-ace’ shooting down his fourth and fifth enemy jets behind the stick of his MIG-50 on April 2nd. News would reach Saint Petersburg in the coming weeks, and by June, Kozhedub would be pulled off frontline flying duties.

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Kozhedub during operation Neptune

But those air-actions would prove critical in deciding the high-watermark of the red’s 1951 offensive. Long columns of American built tanks and trucks, lined up on the roads or strapped to railcars, would be the victims for merciless Imperial aviation strikes, be they land based sorties from Delhi, or naval aviation supporting the fighting around Karachi. The quantities still favored the reds, but the advantages held by veteran units, flying modern jets, over rookie pilots flying piston driven fighters and bombers were just too great.

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At its farthest extent, a vanguard of British Republican armour and Indian infantry would take Bulandshahr, approaching within artillery range of Delhi. The taboo against chemical employment, reimposed by threats of Imperial retribution against Commune cities, frayed in desperation as the Hussars and Indians pressed forward desperate to destroy the airbases and infrastructure of the opposing capital.

But for a tired force, hundreds of kilometers from its jumping off point, it was too much. Casualties from Imperial air attacks ran into the hundreds every single day as loaded locomotives or choked roads and tracks were bombed, strafed, or doused in incendiaries. Their opponents, content to dig in and resist, were being reinforced every day, and the Dominion’s own army, shattered by the initial offensive, was beginning to rally (no doubt in part as the fighting grew ever closer to the population centers housing soldier’s homes and families).

By May 3rd, still a few weeks out from the onset of the brutal Indian wet season, STAVKA assessed that the red offensive was running out of steam.

Issues with common command were being worked through, with British and other allied forces increasingly agreeing to be placed under a unified allied command.

There were calls in the Imperial camp for a counter-offensive, aimed to exploit the over-extended nature of the hundreds of Commune divisions now pressed up against the Imperial perimeter. Dominion politicians demanded the fighting be pushed farther away from their seat of power, while the tank Generals of the 1st and 4th Shock armies chafed at being left waiting behind the lines while supplies were amassed.

On May 8th, the word was given, and the May Counteroffensive began.


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Author's note: COVID is really kicking my ass at the moment, so please be understanding.
oof, yeah take care dude and rest up, hope you feel better soon. Great work as usual and it looks like the imperials are finally starting to turn the tide. Their weakness is started to be more apparent when it comes to command, but the European alliance is still young, so it’s to be expected. Let’s just hope none of the Indian princes break formation at any crucial moment just to loot an enemy city or save themselves some losses or something like that.
 
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374: The Maestro's last production (Part 1)

Saint Petersburg

Marshal Markov sat, somewhat uncomfortably, where the Tsar indicated. Vladimir offered tea, as Markov sat ramrod straight and tried to tune out the sound of the television in the background, playing reports on air-operations in India in boisterous terms. The evening news loved focusing on the air campaign - news of ground retreats were not exactly a priority for the Imperial Broadcaster.

In all his years of service, and yet he had never been called to the Tsar’s private rooms, and never alone. “Your Majesty asked me to report immediately. How may I serve?”

Vladimir looked up from the teacups for a moment, then completed the pour, handing his Marshall a cup.

“And I thank you for coming so quickly and accepting this - rather unconventional setting.”

Markov took the proffered cup, bowing his head, as the Tsar continued. “In two days the Armed-Forces Committee of the Duma will sit. Felix has informed me that, with the makeup of the Committee as it stands, they’re likely to vote for two recommendations to put before me. The first, is a recommendation to proceed with the Golubev plan - funding the reactivation of decommissioned officers in particular to help free up strength for deployments to India. The second…” he paused for a moment “is a recommendation that you be appointed to one of the two vacant Senate positions, and retired with honours from the Command of our armed forces.”

Markov held his stance, but his teacup shook slightly in his grip. The years had caught up with the old Marshall. The shadows beneath his eyes had grown deep, and his steady hands often shook and tremored. Vladimir looked him in the eyes, trying to read him, then opened the floor “I asked you here that you might comment on those recommendations before they reach my desk, and without my opinion clouding your candour.”

Markov set the tea down. “With respect Majesty, the Golubev plan, it’s a conspiracy, not a contingency, and one that threatens the armed forces.”

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Vladimir sipped at the hot drink as the TV continued to quietly blare combat noise in the background. “There is considerable concern, even among the NKS, that the army is too small to sustain the kind of deployments to India we will need. They see us losing ground every day, and there are more than a hundred thousand officers who could be readily recalled. You do not see that as militarily sensible?”

In his earlier years Markov might have moderated his statements, but at seventy two, those tendencies had long faded. “Those men were retired for a reason. The Imperial Army is still the Russian army in its blood for better and worse. It has old memories, old habits; some good, some bad. It remembers sacrifice and bravery, but it also remembers corruption, and bloody mindedness. The war kept it focused, but the only way to maintain what it had learned, the only way to make it a Roman and Imperial army, was to throw out those who would go back to their old habits the moment peace allowed them to get fat.”

“So you do not believe there is a role to be played, perhaps in allowing them to staff support postings and training posts while current officers deploy to the front?”

“Majesty, the moment those men are reintroduced, it will be as if introducing cancer. They will train others, influence culture, and subvert practices. The men who we retained are either proven veterans, or men trained by them. They may be stretched, but they are the only men who can maintain the army you wish to have.”


Vladimir leaned back in his chair “I understand Krapotkin and Rodina see it rather differently.”

“They believe I have Germanised the army, that I have disrespected their service and Russian tradition. I am aware of what they say, Majesty.”

“And they are fools to say as such, but with the continuous retreats, and the mounting casualty figures in India, the President is not sure he can easily maintain the confidence of the Committee members. Losing ten thousand men in a victory is acceptable, losing them in retreat is harder for the politicians to accept.”


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Dominion troops on the defensive - Dominion troops lagged behind both their allies and enemies in the quality of their equipment.

Markov’s hands were shaking severely now, he placed them on his legs to steady them. “And, Majesty, I understand the political situation that puts the throne in, but remain convinced that the best way forward is the one we are currently pursuing. We must build up supply and organise while our foe exhausts the last of his strength, and then move forward to encircle and crush what forces we can before the wet season comes.”

Vladimir set his cup down, “How long until you believe this offensive of yours can show results, results definitive enough to validate a decision by the throne to disregard the recommendations of its Military Committee?”

“Four weeks.”

“Then you’ll have your four weeks. It’ll probably cost us some construction effort in the Levant or something of that sort, but Rutenberg will get the IDs to stall the motion if he’s offered enough to do it.”

“I didn't mean to ask your Majesty to consort with Leftists and Jews.”


Vladimir waved that off “He’s more reliable than half of the Conservatives Marshall! When he asks for something it’s uncomfortable, or expensive, but it’s never stupid.”

“And if he cannot resolve this matter?”

“Then I will disregard the advice, Sergei Leonidovich, and when you execute this last great offensive for your Emperor and Empire, it will become clear to the Public and the Duma that I was right to do so.”


Markov’s voice now was tinged with concern “I cannot ask your Majesty to expose yourself politically on my account.” Autocrat or not, there were those who would be all too keen to find an example of the Emperor overriding the Duma and bringing about disaster as a result.

“Marshall, the right to disregard stupid advice is among the few things that makes this post bearable, despite all of its pressures and trials.” There was a smile behind those words, one Markov believed was a genuine one. “Now, Sergei Leonidovich - India, where we find ourselves so badly outnumbered in a land far from our own. Show me again how you will do it.” With that, he motioned to the grand map of the subcontinent he had ordered installed in his private rooms.

Marshal Markov retrieved a pencil from his case, walked over to it, and began to reconstruct the sketch from memory.

His hands weren’t shaking anymore.

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4th Shock Army Jumping Off Point

Karachi Perimeter

Tank commander Krapotkin stared out over the long line of waiting vehicles as the sun finally broke over the horizon. His crew had done all they could, Colonel Kolobanov’s final orders had been clearly received and the crew had strapped as much spare food, fuel, and spares as possible to the outside of their factory fresh mount.

Now all he, his crew, and the crews of the hundreds of others of vehicles could do was wait the last painful minutes.

“How long until it starts raining?”

Sultanov, his driver, pointed at the sky from his hatch, a beaming smile on his face. He’d noticed that about the newer generation. Boboev, the gunner, was the same. They didn’t arrive at the unit with the thousand yard stare of a veteran, nor the beaten gaze of the conscripts Krapotkin had known in his early years.

In the new army, a driver learnt how to drive, not how to fear his comrades.

“Depends on what sort you’re talking about. The monsoon kind, a few weeks. The other kind.” He checked his watch, “any moment now.”

As if on cue, the horizon rumbled with booming and screeching sounds. They were followed by thousands of exhaust trials as hundreds of rocket projectors spoke in unison at the appointed hour. Tube artillery rumbled in the distance as shell stockpiles, painstakingly built up over the last fortnight, were loaded and fired.

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Beyond their view, the fields in the distance plumed with smoke and flame as the barrage fell. The earth itself rippled, pre-mapped strong-points identifying themselves as concentrations of blast and inferno amidst the wider barrage face.

“Button up.”

The crew dropped their hatches and took their stations. The radio sparked to life as the unit confirmed its comms one last time. Sultanov, that tiny joker from Almaty, crackled over the intercom in his patchy Russian. “How do the Germans say it again?”

How the Germans say it. God that made Krapotkin feel old. The Germans didn’t train Imperial tankers anymore, times had changed and there were enough veterans of the ‘41-42 campaign to take on the job. But to the newer recruits, especially those from Central Asia and the Far East, Germany and its role in the genesis of the Tank Corps had taken on a kind of mythological feeling.

Calls came in over the platoon level radio, Krapotkin acknowledged and flipped back to internal.

“Panzer Vor”

4th Shock Army rolled forward

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375: The Grandmaster’s Finale (Part 2)

“So, Comrade Ambassador, explain to me again how the Ruskies have ‘gone soft’ since the war.”
Chairman Browder, in discussion with the British Republican ambassador, June 1951


From “The Road to Lucknow”

Up until the May offensives, the Bharatiya armies had performed brilliantly, given their comparative lack of training and heavy equipment.

In part, this owed much to their training and operational practices. On the attack, the relative lack of combined arms experience and coordination could be somewhat managed. Commanders would pull together whatever units they could in their area, negotiate a plan and time for a proposed attack, and give their motivated but green infantry simple attack orders based on landmarks and time. Attacks set up in this way could take days to negotiate, even at a local level, but meant even a loosely organised force could launch massive short-attack rushes that caved entire sections of front.

Against a foe that obligingly sat in their trenches and fortifications waiting for the next assault, it was an approach that worked well enough, and the weight of infantry fire-power available to even the lowest rung of Bharatiya militia meant such tactics could be deadly at the point of contact.


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British troops await the next “short-attack” rush by their Bharatiya opponents.

But during the May offensive, the Imperial forces were done sitting in their trenches. The combined tank and mechanised infantry forces of the Imperial intervention forces, drawn together from nearly a dozen nations, unleashed a carefully planned and focused offensive against the Northern and Southern wings of the Bhartiya forces in Dominion territory.

As expected, losses were heaviest at the point of breakthrough, where Imperial armour and Warsaw Pact infantry needed to break through the depth of trenches, mines, and fighting positions erected by the British and Indian red armies. It meant fighting through men of the 2nd independent Republican Guard Infantry Brigade, some of Mosley’s favorites, and accepting fire from those long range artillery guns which the Air Forces could not fully suppress. But at a cost of nearly 10,000 killed and wounded, a major operational breakthrough was obtained and the offensive raced down the rail line.


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Air superiority over the front itself was total, as the outnumbered Imperial air force jets cut the older Bharatiya units to ribbons everywhere the limited supply of USSA made jets were absent, and as bombs and napalm rained down, it was the soldiers of the red army that paid the price.

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With the front broken, the carefully choreographed pincers raced forward. Compared to Europe, the operation was haphazard logistically, tankers and infantry strapping their vehicles with fuel and supplies while aviation, including the new Sikorski cargo-lift helicopters, had to work overtime to keep the vanguards moving down the primitive road and rail network.

But resistance was likewise limited as the masses of Bhartiya militia and infantry lacked the command, control, and training to marshal any kind of organised resistance. As rumours spread, retreat turned to rout in many places. Indian militia, equipped with, at most obsolete anti-tank guns and few American bazookas, found the modern Russo-Roman armour effectively impervious, and the pincers, outnumbered though they were, began to close.


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The great cauldron battles that followed stretch human imagination to the limit. On the Delhi front, nearly four hundred thousand red militia and infantry would be encircled alongside five thousand Republican exiles as First Shock Army completed its swing South, leaving reduction duty to the Dominion, British, UM, and Warsaw Pact infantry holding the long lengths of front around the great pocket. It was here that Hapsburg troops would see their first major fighting, battering the surrounded militia and compelling their surrender.

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To the South, 4th Shock Army, several Dominion infantry corps, Australasians and would fight off confused attacks at Ahmedabad, as they enacted their plan to drive the bulk of the Southern wing of the Bharatiya forces up against the ocean. Again, many of the bodies on the line would be the now predominantly Muslim forces of the Karachi front of the Dominion’s army, but it would be the Russo-Roman armour and mechanised infantry that delivered the shock and speed that the lightly armed Bharatiya units proved unprepared for.

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Casualties mounted, and equipment losses spiked, just as they had during the days of the Mercury offensive. Poor Indian infrastructure claimed entire fields of metal, as bogged machines were cannibalized in place by industrious support services determined to keep the offensive running.

But the objective, as in the North, was in sight. Fleeing Bharatiya peasants, many of whom had abandoned their weapons, trampled over the boundaries of dozens of distinct Principalities as they foraged for food and loot, hoping to make it to the sea where many offered up their loot, guns, or meager wealth to try and enlist the aid of fishermen or sailors who might carry them past the Imperial blockade to safety.

Few would find that safety they sought. Gambling that the Bharatiya army was incapable of orgnaising a massed counter-attack elsewhere on the front, the Imperial forces concentrated in the South, squeezing the cauldron as naval and land based aviation pounded the pocket day and night. Airborne reserves would be flown to the front, second line Dominion units barely out of training would be brought up, and every foreign troop that could be bundled onto a train would be pushed up or landed by the navy to confirm the final realisation of the grand offensive plan. With the reds now deafening with their backs to the sea, the concentrated mass of the exhausted Dominion and its overseas allies battered the Southern Liberation Army until, in groups of hundreds and thousands at a time, nearly three quarters of a million men deserted into the countryside or gave themselves up into captivity.


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As the wet season fell and both sides consigned themselves to a rapid decline in the tempo of operations, there was time to process the shock, and to count the cost of the sudden Imperial counter-stroke.

In the period to March 8th, before the solidification of the Imperial defense pockets around Karachi and Delhi, the Bhartiya forces had lost fewer than a quarter of a million men. For a force of four million, that was entirely acceptable, and did little to blunt the offensive confidence of the infantry and militia.


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By the time the monsoon rains came, a further 1.8 million troops loyal to the Calcutta regime had been killed, wounded, or taken into captivity. Imperial losses were far lower, dropping greatly after the initial breakthrough and collapse in enemy discipline and organisation. The Russo Roman army had suffered the worst, with more than fifteen thousand dead, roughly equivalent to the losses suffered by the Dominion infantry.

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But the Russo-Roman army and its allies had also made a powerful military statement. The Communards had not been pushed out of all of the Dominion’s pre-war territory, but vast tracts of territory had been reclaimed and the enemy badly battered. The wet seasons months would be used to ship in additional hardware, aircraft, and to prepare forward supply bases, none of which went unnoticed by Internationale intelligence services.

For STAVKA, the offensive confirmed the lessons of Europe, and the new theories developed since then. The May offensives had been cast in the Mercury style - a months long buildup of supply and units followed by a manic, maximum effort surge into the foe’s operational depths, lead by armour, mechanised infantry, and airpower. Firepower, training, and technology, had been enough to overcome the defender’s massive numerical advantage (though that advantage was rarely realised at the point of contact in any given battle).

At home, the counter-offensive electrified the European media. In Saint Petersburg, TV and press alike coined the term “Markov’s masterpiece” to describe what seemed to the public to be a near perfect validation of the Imperial army’s way of war. The already tremendous enemy loss figures were exaggerated again, until it seemed clear to the Imperial public that their soldiers, alongside their Warsaw Pact allies, had waded through human waves of red fanatics in order to accomplish their goals.

But elation and triumphalism in Europe would both drive and conceal the darker turn that the conflict was now taking.

Battered, angry, and under threat, the retreating Bharatiya forces and their allies would become increasingly desperate. Supply difficulties and losses had to be made up, and the often previously supportive populations of the occupied Dominion territories now became a target to provide both. Organised and disorganised looting and conscription became the order of the day, while attacks on Muslims and castes and groups associated with Dominion military service rose dramatically, giving the war an increasingly sectarian feeling. In a few cases, casualties and failures in discipline also led to gas being deployed against opposing white troops, in direct defiance of Mosley’s orders.


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On the Dominion side, the Dominion army would prosecute a harsh campaign against alleged collaborators in the liberated territories, with arrests and executions rising by an order of magnitude over pre-war levels. For their part, the European public, and particularly those in Moscow and Saint Petersburg, reacted with outrage to the deployment of gas weapons against their troops. Saint Petersburg and its allies had entered the war to preserve the territory of the Dominion of India, in exchange for an array of treaty provisions and concessions, but the combination of intoxicating military success and growing outrage now led to calls for more.

Voices on the right called for a drive on Calcutta to hold the reds to account for their crimes. In Vienna, papers demanded that Bharatiya cities be torched by bombers in retaliation for the deployment of nerve agents and the massacre of civilian populations (with the thin veil that such attacks should be intended to destroy the ability to produce and stockpile such weapons). Imperial air-attacks would indeed begin rising even as ground advances stalled during the early wet-season, with raids pulverizing infrastructure targets behind the frontlines and small numbers of long-range rockets being arduously relocated to firing positions in Tibet from where Calcutta itself would be in range but the threat still concealed from any enemy intelligence services or air-surveillance.


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All of this captured American interest and concern in a way the struggle to date had not. Browder’s hatred of Mosley was by now a matter of common knowledge, and American support for the British sponsored invasion of the Dominion had been tepid at best. American military forces were engaged in extensive preparations, though not for an intervention in India, and diplomatic back-channel communications had made clear to Saint Petersburg and Vienna, that Chicago could accept a limited offensive to preserve the pre-war status quo.

But discussions of regime change and strategic bombing were enough to leave the Americans compelled to act. Browder’s government would reluctantly accede to a new wave of shipments to India, including several intended to dissuade an Imperial escalation towards further unconventional weapon deployment should matters get out of hand. They also tapped the circuitous back channels of diplomatic communication to make sure the European capitals understood where Chicago stood.


The message was simple - Be careful how far you step.
 
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This seems more and more like TTL's Korean War IMHO. The Imperial Powers will drive towards Calcutta un til the USSA threatens to enter the war, which will end with a return to the status quo or little gains to the Dominion.
 
I was really hoping this would end with total Dominom victory, but it looks like you’ll have to leave at the very least a small Commune rump state over there.
 
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