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If the Qing do attack Japan I hope Russia can stay neutral; defending that vast front would be a pain. I'd imagine Browder is currently planning a memo about "critical support to the Qing Dynasty in their struggle against imperialism"
I doubt the alliance would survive Russian neutrality in such a war. Besides, there is no guarantee they won't pursue their own claims on Russia in the future. I think that this is liable to give the alliance a new breath of life out of the mutual interest of containing China; or perhaps even deposing the current government there. Long term, Britain on the Atlantic and Japan on the Pacific gives Russia two Island bulwarks against Syndicalism that can each contribute their own naval component, that while probably not equal to what the CSA is liable to bring to the table, would certainly be sufficient together with Russian forces.
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The Qing being in power does put us in an awkward position regarding the postwar regime; can't install a monarch as a collab if the monarch declared war on us in the first place.
If there has ever been a place that is not short on suitable, native monarch candidates, in contrast with the Manchu dynasty currently in power, then it is China.
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Can Showa restoration Japan lend us some of that 1960s equipment perhaps? Just to help watch the borders.
What a glorious tank offensive that failed! I hate to see China pulled back under the Qing, but Kaiserreich is usually not a happy world
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If Showa restoration Japan is able to provide equipment through whatever time portal exists, then you can bet with a sure heart that it's trying to figure out how to invade that reality.
China, so meddlesome in international affairs, it's even mucking up with this AAR.
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Chapter 300: "The Bear" is Born
From "Rationalising Defeat - Internationale Military Strategy 1943-44" by Alexander Kempf
From "Rationalising Defeat - Internationale Military Strategy 1943-44" by Alexander Kempf
By the time Oswald Mosley arrived in Centroamerica, taking control of the extensive Republican military contingent in the region, Imperial Armoured forces were moving to encircle Glasgow where the last stand of Maximism on the islands would take place.
As desperate night-time operations to try and evacuate at least some of the stranded American air-units continued under heavy pressure by the Imperial navies, the recriminations had already begun flying in Chicago while the various powers that be began to formulate excuses to justify the scale of the disaster unfolding for global syndicalism.
By the time the battle for Glasgow commenced in earnest, with most of the landed Imperial forces concentrating on that last holdout, a united front of sorts was beginning to form between the UoB leadership overseas and the Americans in Chicago.
When the last representatives of the Troika and the now captive Risdon agreed to go on Radio to order all remaining UoB forces on the British isles to stand down, the need for a counter-narrative crystalised. For the exiles in Centroamerica and Africa, for the British troops preparing to drive the Japanese backed Hondurans out of Panama and the Communards battling away in the Congo, there needed to be an explanation. There needed to be some truth that could both explain the immense failures and losses while not leaving men lost in defeatist malaise.
There needed to be a reason to carry on, and a reason why so much had been lost. The Generals and military industry commissars too needed a narrative which would let them keep their heads, and their jobs.
Like a bad craftsman, they blamed their tools, and the scale of the task.
Before the onset of Operation Mercury, Russia had been largely dismissed in Red propaganda and military planning alike as a backwards reactionary state of frightened serfs tilling the earth with hand tools to feed aristocrats living 19th century lives.
After Neptune, Russia was now a dreadful and frightful enemy.
Russia was now often simply “the Bear” or “the Empire.” An opponent who, in Syndicalist military estimations had virtually infinite manpower and, importantly, superior equipment in astounding quantities. The Red Generals had done their best, and the soldiers of syndicalism had fought hard and long as united agents of revolution, but they had been buried under the bear’s steamrolling tide of tanks, guns, and airplanes.
The military coordination council of the revolutionary armies, now permanently headquartered in Washington along with many of the Internationale’s other organs, declared that Russian armour was ‘categorically superior in all performance categories, available in superior quantities, and was the primary factor in enemy victory despite the undeniable elan and skill of the revolutionary forces on the European continent.’
The Republican and American naval commanders cast blame on Imperial fleets which grew in their force estimations until even the Browder naval construction plan seemed like it would only be enough to match a fraction of enemy navies. They called for a new generation of ships and redoubled construction.
And in the air, Union survivors painted the battle of Britain as an effort by a noble ‘few’ who took to the sky everyday against an impenetrable cloud of marauding Russian aircraft. They demanded new planes to replace the many thousands that had been lost on the runways and airfields of Britain when they were overrun, lacking the range to make the trans-Atlantic crossing.
Every wing of the Internationale placed their own spin on this new story. Americans were quick to blame Russia’s newfound strength on American exiles. Edsel Ford, William Knudsen, and a legion of other Americans had made the flight to Vladivostok before earning new fortunes introducing American methods into the Russian economy. The Americans had surged into the Russian economy with gusto, mercilessly annihilating or absorbing firms which refused to adapt or change from more artisanal or outdated methods. In Chicago thinking, this contribution grew from being significant to total. Russia hadn’t gotten stronger, so the American argument went, it simply became more American.
Mosley’s mouthpieces instead blamed the Royalist exiles. American methods may have helped uplift Russian industry they conceded, but Canadian investments had begun in the thirties and it was asserted that every Russian advance in training and tactics could be traced back to the guidance of the exiles. Some even took the conceit so far as to claim that the Tsar was effectively a puppet of King Edward, through the frequently caricatured ‘puppetmaster,’ Sir Winston Churchill. The Russian reactionary army might be filled with Slavs, Central Asians, and others they claimed, but it was British in pattern, training, and thinking. A sword shaped by, and wielded by, a vengeful mob of devious reactionary exiles.
Whatever the spin was, the core was the same. Even if it had been created by, or controlled by some variety of Western European master, the bear was a colossus; hungry for revolutionary blood and armed to the teeth with modern weapons of war.
While some might be tempted to dismiss this change in narrative as a desperate exercise intended to protect the beliefs and status of leadership figures of the defeated red nations, the reality was that it quickly seated itself in the core of Red Orthodoxy. From there, it filtered down through the dictates of the central planners and was felt right down to individual workers on the factory floor.
The automotive industry, having nervously begun partial transitions to greater civilian vehicle production after the fall of Canada was now informed, in no uncertain terms, that it would be expected to furnish a new generation of armoured vehicles superior in quality and quantity to the Russian vehicles, suitable both for service in America in even of Russian adventurism and in Africa on the still active war-front there.
The air force asked for scientists, engineers, and strategic resources for its classified ‘high speed interceptor’ project. They were provided, stolen from sectors across the wider economy.
The navy wanted new ships...and so the list went on. American warmaking potential began a pankicked surge and re-prioritisation to match a Russian enemy who now took on an almost otherworldly capability in the minds of Red Leaders. Those who knew better, which likely included many in the higher ranks of the military leadership, saw it in their interests to perpetuate the narrative, both to excuse past defeats and ward off the pleading of the civilian wings of the party who were begging for tractors, trucks, and civilian goods to help carry on the thoroughly incomplete task of American post-civil war reconstruction.
The truth of Russo-Roman military strength and performance during the Solar offensives was somewhat more nuanced.
In some respects, its performance had been exemplary, thoroughly outclassing its Syndicalist opponent. The army had gone from the Oder to Gibraltar in weeks. And then, after a pause for extended air and sea fighting, had taken all of the British isles in a little less than a month.
It had inflicted a combined six million casualties on the red armies, including three and a half million against the Communard forces which had previously been considered to be perhaps the finest in the world.
In the course of those campaigns, Russo-Roman army casualties totaled 421,921 killed, wounded, or missing.
That lopsided loss ratio fed a perception of Russian military invincibility that permeated across international military establishments.
The truth of course was somewhat more complex.
Almost half of personnel taking part on the Imperial side of the Solar Offensives had not been Russo-Roman. They had been divisions drawn from the Tsar’s vassal states or from the Austro-Hungarian Empire. These divisions had provided the crushing bulk around which the Imperial armoured forces had maneuvered. When their casualties were likewise considered, Imperial losses increased commensurately.
A focus on manpower losses also belied the bargain at the core of this new Russian way of war.
Russia had lost fewer than one man for every ten opponents it made a casualty, but its losses in armour and vehicles had actually been far greater, and lossed were skewed by massive prisoner figures.
In total, Red forces had lost 5,826 armoured vehicles in Europe between the first day of Mercury and the final day of Neptune.
The Russo-Roman army alone had lost an astounding 31,215 armoured vehicles of all types, including more than 15,000 tanks, 7,000 self propelled guns, and 8,000 halftracks.
Losses to 17 April 1943
The situation in the air was much better, with 13,487 red aircraft losses compared to 7,000 Imperial alliance aircraft during operations, but many of those Red losses were accounted for by the dramatic spike when the Republican airfields were overrun by airborne forces on the first day of Neptune. When those are controlled for, Imperial air losses were comparable to their enemies despite technical and training superiority.
The losses, and the outcomes of the Solar offensives provide a more nuanced picture of Russo-Roman military capabilities in the 40s.
The new Imperial army was a sprinter, and one that spent steel to save on blood.
The army prepared offensives for months, carefully stockpiling supplies, establishing logistical plans, and honing its training and planning.
It then unleashed maximum effort operations, throwing tens of thousands of vehicles and millions of men into the fray. Its aircraft would out-sortie opponents by flying twice as many missions a day. Its tanks would catch the foe off guard with day and night advances that pushed man and machine to their limits. Every piece of equipment would be redlined and driven to destruction to maximise the shock and exploitation of the attack.
At the end, if all went well, the enemy collapsed. In 1942 and ‘43, the enemy did exactly as was required, and folded before the final blow landed.
But like a fighter who comes out of the gate throwing haymakers, the Russian army also managed to exhaust itself, or at least its equipment. It ended Mercury with a majority of its vehicles no longer serviceable. After the French campaign men were exhausted, aircraft required complete overhauls, and the armoured corps needed extensive maintenance at minimum, and outright replacement in many other cases.
It took the better part of a year for the Imperial Army to prepare for Operation Neptune, and the subsequent exertions essentially grounded much of the Imperial air-force as engines hit the service hour limits.
If the Internationale had been more grounded in their evaluation, they might have come to the conclusion that the Solar Offensives had in fact been closer than they appeared. That perhaps, if not for the ruinous decision to commit so much of the Internationale’s might to Central America, the Caribbean, or to Africa, they might have been able to endure the initial hammer blow long enough to throw the exhausted Russo-Romans back to a static frontline. That perhaps, with the right planning and efforts, the tank offensives of Mercury may have ended much as the KMT’s had, burned out, exhausted, and then cut off and destroyed.
That perhaps, if the Union’s army had been watching beaches rather than establishing near complete control over Centroamerica, the Damocles project may have turned out to be Britain’s salvation, rather than a discredited blue-skies project seen as a waste of scarce resources.
While Damocles lagged Russia in enrichment and other areas, they had been the first to achieve a chain reaction
But grief can be blinding, and the desire to maintain position and command resources were powerful motivators.
So there would be no cold evaluation. No measured examination of Imperial military strength.
There would only be “The Bear,” the bloodthirsty armoured avatar of the old order, with never ending legions of tanks and planes. And while the Reds could not agree on whether the Bear was an extension of the Exiled British order, an incarnation of the American Federalists, or a student of Prussian militarism, they could all agree on something.
If you were going to kill a bear, you would need something with a bit of kick.
Pre-production M43 "Reed" undergoing African trials
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A very good summary of the campaigns! It seems like there's some truth to the Red's analysis of the Russian's, and I look forward to seeing the next generation of equipment.
Where does Russia go from here though? More puppets obviously need to be made, but the continent seems secure at this point. I would think Africa makes the most sense, but I would not be in any rush to fight there.
Where does Russia go from here though? More puppets obviously need to be made, but the continent seems secure at this point. I would think Africa makes the most sense, but I would not be in any rush to fight there.
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I'm pretty sure that's one of the main issues to be discussed before/during/after the elections of '44. With the extensive losses sustained during Neptune, the need to restructure and rebuild post-Red Europe, occupation duties, resupply, reposition, and replenish the armies, no offensive actions can be undertaken. So Russia neds to reorganize and decide what to do next.
Ah, the good old Lost Cause, the only thing that unites Syndies and slavers.
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I'd actually leave Africa for the reds to die over. South America sounds like a much more tempting target while the Red navies are still weak. Operations in the Americas would also serve the dual purpose of intercepting supplies to and from Africa and thus weakening the theatre for Goering and De Gaulle to take care of.
With South America secured or at least divided into spheres, it would also contain Syndicalism to North America. That said, it would be rather risky; protecting transports and convoys all that way will be hard and the Americans will have the advantage of distance. That said, so long as the war is ongoing, I think it's merely a choice of do we let them muck about in our home turf or do we hit them on their home turf. Operations in South America would also be necessary to prepare the ground for operations against North America if some sort of accord is not forthcoming with them which at present it does not seem to be.
Even if both sides develop nukes before long, if the war is contained to the Americas then it will be the Russians who are in range of American shores and not the other way around at least until later in the day. That said, an invasion of North America seems like a pretty doubtful prospect, and if the goal is merely to contain the CSA in the interest of some sort of ceasefire then operations in South America assume the character of exacting pressure on them to get to the table. That said, operating in South America is likely to bring powers such as Brazil onboard with the Americans rather than splitting them off.
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Chapter 301: Finding Purpose
Tsar Kirill Hospital - Saint Petersburg
Tsar Kirill Hospital - Saint Petersburg
“You’ll split the Duma over this, Majesty.”
Vladimir put a hand on the end of the white hospital bed sheets. He had never seen Kokotsov in anything other than a suit. To see the old minister now, laid flat in a gown beneath a bedsheet in his little hospital suite threw him. The old Minister was another constant, another one who’d been there since the start. To see him like this now, hurt. “I have committed Russia to do what it must, the Duma should be consulted on what it now should do.”
The air of the room was saturated with the scent of strong antiseptics, the only sound was the gentle hum of wind through the open window. Kokotsov’s soft words carried well. “You may wish you hadn’t, this will split the part…” he coughed heavily, then continued “It will split the party, and the Duma. The Generals will want to carry on until the last reds are gone, the far right will want Vienna to kneel, Yusupov’s wing will want to consolidate.”
Vladimir feigned a smile, speaking clearly and deliberately. “Does democracy ever change Minister?”
Kokotsov laughed for a moment, a hacking laugh followed by a cringe as another bolt of pain ran through his body. “It will be your decision in the end Majesty, as it always will be.”
Vladimir picked up the pitcher of water on the bedside table and topped up Kokotsov’s glass. He levered the glass to the Minister’s lips so his Minister could drink. “I had hoped the unity of this great endeavour would last longer.”
“Then you wish to carry on, Majesty?”
Vladimir put the glass down and checked to make sure the door was still closed, free of any listening ears. The only shadows he could see were of the two guardsmen on the far side of the door, holding their positions. “I’ll admit, I can hear Brasol now. Telling me Napoleon, Alexander, all the great conquerors of history would never have left a battered opponent unbeaten. That all of the world should answer to Russia. That to stop now would surrender our opportunity, and dishonour our dead.”
Kokotsov smiled, his pain forgotten for a moment. “Majesty, they can talk all they want. Personally, this old man still hopes, still believes you’ll be able to do something Napoleon and Alexander never could.”
Vladimir leaned in a little closer. He could smell the tinge of death through the wafting antiseptic. “And what is that, Vladimir Nikolayevich?
Kokotsov closed his eyes and sunk back into the pillow.
“Stop”
Extract from “Briefing to members of the Duma Foreign committee on Imperial military capabilities and objectives.”
Current Balance of Forces:
“Stop”
Extract from “Briefing to members of the Duma Foreign committee on Imperial military capabilities and objectives.”
Current Balance of Forces:
The Imperial Army and Guard are currently in a state of consolidation and reformation following intensive combat operations against the British isles. The success of these operations have given over to the army an extensive series of responsibilities supporting governance and order in the temporarily occupied territories.
Accounting for the responsibilities the armed forces have assumed in occupation, reconstruction, and security duties, the number of frontline divisions suitable for rapid overseas deployment currently numbers twenty one. This number reflects the ability of the STAVKA to consolidate airborne and marine infantry forces from depleted units in order to bring others to immediate readiness. The deployment of armoured units overseas will require more protracted preparation, given the logistical requirements associated with supporting these units over long distances.
This figure also presumes the need to commence limited redeployments to the Far East in order to secure the border with the Qing Empire.
In naval terms, readiness levels are high, and current commitments are limited. Anti-submarine duties at the mouth of the Mediterranean and up the Spanish and French Coasts are the cause of constant skirmishing with the American navy, but the diversion of land based aviation assets from Operation Neptune to new coastal and island bases should help offset this threat, freeing our capital and submarine assets for expeditionary operations. Despite this, it is critical that American capabilities and aggression should not be underestimated.
At present, the Imperial Navy’s power projection capability is centred on the carrier and battlefleets. With the ability to provide its own air-cover, the carrier fleet should be considered the most suitable for independent overseas deployment.
In total, the Imperial Navy has nine fleet and six light carriers available for Atlantic operations, supported by nine battleships and battlecruisers of various types. Escort forces are sufficient and include a number of modern light anti-aircraft cruisers and destroyers.
On its Atlantic front, the American navy can be expected to muster four fleet carriers and approximately forty forty ‘escort’ carriers (the latter being suitable primarily for escort and anti-submarine duties.
Seven new American fleet carriers are in the final stages of construction or first stages of working up and are expected to come into service between December of this year and March of 1944. Further American naval constructions are expected to come online later in 1944 through early 1945.
For the purposes of the Committee’s recommendations, STAVKA believes it is sufficient to state the following.
For the remainder of 1943, the Imperial Navy is confident in its ability to control any seaspace on the US Atlantic front, including the Caribbean or off the US East Coast, with the primary dangers being American submarines and shore-based aircraft.
From March 1944 through to December 1944, The Imperial Navy should overtake the Americans in submarine capabilities, but the completion of new American capital vessels will mean that the viability of operations in the West Atlantic will rely heavily on whether the support of Japanese, German, or other allied navies can be assumed. American superiority in aircraft carriers and parity in battleship numbers compared to our own forces should be assumed during this period.
From December 1944 through the end of 1945, American naval superiority in the Atlantic must be presumed, barring changes to current shipbuilding plans. Both the Imperial German and Japanese navies are expected to have deployed a new generation of capital ships by this period however, and, if allied forces are considered in their totality, the resources available should be sufficient to hold the Americans to a defensive posture.
To illustrate these projected trends, by mid 1945, barring any losses, the fleet carrier strength of the major powers is projected as follows (details for other ship classes are contained in the Appendix).
America: 38
Japanese Empire: 18
Russo-Roman Empire: 18
German Empire: 7
Republican Fleet (in exile): 3
British Empire: 3
Hapsburg Empire: 0-1
Of these, those of the Japanese and German fleets are assessed as being more modern on average (the German ships having been laid down for the Republican Navy in the North German Federation), while the British Empire ships will be overwhelmingly obsolete.
At all times from December 1943 onwards, the presence of friendly land-based airpower will likely be decisive in determining which side enjoys local superiority and freedom of movement.
The Imperial air-force is assessed as currently being without peer on the world stage. Primary limiting factors include the availability of bases from which to operate the aircraft available, and production delays in the strategic bomber force.
In summary, we currently enjoy a period of ascendency at sea and may act with a degree of impunity until roughly December of this year.
Past that point, the viability of expeditionary operations will depend on a range of factors including:
- Support by allied navies
- Availability of bases and supporting land-based aviation
- Production planning and progress
- Losses and attrition
Prevailing Planning:
While STAVKA have prepared a range of strategic plans to meet a range of potential strategic objectives, details on two proposed operations have been contained with this briefing.
These operations should be considered mutually exclusive, as both involve the dedication of the bulk of our available expedition-ready forces.
Caribbean
Strategic Objectives:
- Assure the territorial integrity of the Caribbean Federation
- Secure air and naval bases in the Caribbean
- Establish control over Venezuelan oil-assets and secure shipping routes to Europe
Background:
The Caribbean and Central America are an active, multi-front warzone that currently engages forces from multiple powers.
American, British, and Communard forces have been pressuring the Caribbean Federation since the fall of Canada, and a number of islands, including Jamaica, have fallen to red forces in the last year.
Cuba itself however, has resisted three invasion attempts, and while the Island is suffering trade interdiction and air-attack, it is still actively attempting to resist the Americans.
The Federation is also under active pressure by the Venezuelan Junta.
Keen to avert domestic pressure by democratic forces unsatisfied with the management of the country since the 1940 coup, and perhaps keen to pacify the Syndicalist aligned parties as well, the Venezuelan Government declared war against the Federation once American victory over Canada became inevitable. Following a short war, the Federation agreed to cede the disputed province of Essequibo and the war ended.
Following another flare of domestic dissent, and the commencement of our invasion of Britain, Venezuela chose to renew the war, claiming all continental territories from the Federation. Georgetown is currently resisting, however the long term viability of the defence is doubtful without our intervention.
If no action is taken, it is likely that:
- Venezuela is likely to defeat the Caribbean Federation forces on the continent.
- The American and British forces will eventually accomplish the occupation of Cuba and the remaining Caribbean Islands.
- The Internationale will be in a position to exert increasing pressure on Columbia and Venezuela, and may be able to interdict Venezuelan oil shipments to Europe.
Operational Description:
STAVKA proposes the despatch of an expeditionary force of twelve divisions to Cuba, supported by a full commitment of the Imperial Navy’s carrier forces.
There, it is proposed that Imperial forces take lease of the Guantanamo Bay naval base and surrounding areas to establish an extensive air and naval base.
With Cuba reinforced, the expeditionary force would launch an air-land offensive against Venezuela, with the intention of forcing the Junta to abandon its war against the Federation, and to guarantee ongoing shipments of oil to Europe.
Following this, operational objectives would shift to the fortification of Cuba, the progressive reclamation of the lost Caribbean islands, and air and submarine operations against American shipping to Africa.
Africa
Strategic Objectives:
- Destroy the Syndicalist Armies in Africa
- Reestablish some portion of the former Belgian and Portuguese territories in Africa
Background:
Even before the fall of Britain, Africa was home to the largest concentration of Internationale troops outside of the United States. It is the home of the Communard Government in exile and combined American, Commune, and Local forces who are currently engaged in an ongoing conflict against the German colonial state and the Algiers Government.
While the future of this conflict remains uncertain, it is clear that, with the maximum application of naval and land forces at this juncture, the Imperial Government could shift the tide of this war if it desires to do so.
Operational Description:
Should Africa be made an objective, STAVKA proposes a campaign of interdiction by the full might of the Imperial Navy. This should be followed by the landing of expeditionary ground forces with the goal of destroying the Commune Government in exile to diminish its influence on the French Mainland, and to help establish a presence of allied nations (such as Portugal and Belgium) on the African continent.
Requested Guidance:
While either of the proposed operations offer a means to advance our strategic position in 1943, further strategic planning cannot proceed without clarity on the political objectives of our conflict with the Chicago Regime. It is on this point that the Tsar’s Government has sought input from the Duma.
In particular, the STAVKA require that decisions be made on the following points:
- Is a plan to occupy the American heartland to impose our will upon the enemy necessary, or is the intention to arrive at a negotiated settlement through the application of pressure?
- If the latter, what concessions are expected from the Americans, and how much military pressure must STAVKA expect to apply in order to secure such concessions?
- Will the army be expected to impose the will of the Tsar, by force, on any nations outside the existing Syndicalist alliance?
- Can it be assumed that the political leadership will maintain the existing military alliance with the Japanese and Germanic powers?
- What, if any assumptions should STAVKA adopt concerning potential austerity measures following the end of major combat operations in Europe?
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I moved this chapter up a bit to facilitate the Duma debate while i finish the Britain covering chapters. hope it provides enough info
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(please clarify what austerity measures mean in this context)
Minutes of the Imperial Democratic Party Leadership Committee
While it has been the policy of the Imperial Democrats to "outflank" the conservatives to the right on matters of foreign policy whenever possible, the leadership committee considers this policy no longer tenable along with advancing social reforms that would all require peace to pursue. It was, therefore, decided by unanimous vote to support policy aimed at discontinuing active hostilities against the CSA in the near future. This policy, however, is to assume the character of a ceasefire rather than a peace treaty with the aim of continued ideological struggle and no attempt is to be made to normalize the Chicago regime. While the Imperial Democrats view strategic concessions in the Americas as dependent on the development of the war, the extradition of Mosely was suggested as an appropriate price.
While Rutenburg supported pursuing the Cuban option as a means to exert pressure on the Americans, In view of the foe's increasing strengh at sea, others in the leadership committee expressed concern that any garrison deployed to Cuba may find itself cut off from the Empire should Washington refuse to negotiate. This could potentially leave the Empire with no option but to continue the war past the political purpose of a Cuban expedition. Savinkov stated that one should not forget the fate of the Athenian Empire when they sent their fleets and armies to Sicily and by doing so went from hegemony to defeat. In a 3-2 vote, it was decided to lend Imperial Democrat support for the African campaign instead as a means of finally defeating the Communard remnant active in the theatre, currying favour with our new allies in Europe, and reminding Goring and De Gaulle that the Imperial Alliance is fully capable of operating in their back yard.
Rutenberg expressed concern that leveraging territories presently claimed by Mittelafrika may unnecessarily compromise relations with Germany, but in view of the restoration of Germany's Western borders and the de-facto state of rebellion existing between Mittelafrikaand Berlin, it was decided to support the stated political objectives of the campaign so long as effective control over Mittelafrika is not restored to Berlin. This position ought to be made clear to both Goring and the German government so that they may either clarify the situation or face the consequences of the present political ambiguity. This policy should test the value of Germany as an imperial partner as well as its commitment to the alliance. As to the Japanese alliance, its maintenance and expansion received unanimous support. Future use of force in a political context will have to be reviewed on a case by case basis until a credible general policy can emerge on the subject.
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*Ernest John Evans speaking for the Kadets of Vladivostok (did I get that right?)*
I know, I know... I'm an American. "He's got skin in this game, and he's hungry for blood." Well, I'm gonna tell you something. You're goddamn right I do! But I'm gonna let you know something else. We fought our war over there and we lost. Those of us who made it here? Hell, we're cowards and runaways. We did what was right for ourselves and holding to our values: God and the God-Given Right to make a profit from one's own damn business! It was our war, though, and while I thank the Russian People for what they did for me and mine, I don't think any red-blooded American is going to ask someone else to die for his cause. Also, and I'm not ashamed to say it...I don't want another war on my home soil, nor blood between our peoples. We've all been through enough, and it's time to rebuild. I say we leave them across the Strait and the Atlantic and leave'em to themselves. Maybe one day they'll even come to their senses. Though if the Tsar is planning on invading America...going through Cuba is going to be a Hell of a lot easier than Alaska and Greenland.
What's more pressing to me and my interests is China and Africa. With the Celestial Kingdom having got itself sorted out, it seems they'll be looking for trouble soon, and I wouldn't blame'em. Whether we get Puyi to join us, choose'em a new Emperor or give it to the Chrysanthemum Throne is up to STAVKA (we think the Japanese run a tightship and make great neighbors is all), but there must be security.
With Africa...those three countries have done remarkable things in resource development. Truly impressive. If a war is going to be fought, I say one that secures the Eurasian Continent, shores up three reliably anti-syndicalist and trade and development-minded powers, and cuts the nuts off those French and British bastards who helped overthrow my country, then I'm a happy camper.
I know, I know... I'm an American. "He's got skin in this game, and he's hungry for blood." Well, I'm gonna tell you something. You're goddamn right I do! But I'm gonna let you know something else. We fought our war over there and we lost. Those of us who made it here? Hell, we're cowards and runaways. We did what was right for ourselves and holding to our values: God and the God-Given Right to make a profit from one's own damn business! It was our war, though, and while I thank the Russian People for what they did for me and mine, I don't think any red-blooded American is going to ask someone else to die for his cause. Also, and I'm not ashamed to say it...I don't want another war on my home soil, nor blood between our peoples. We've all been through enough, and it's time to rebuild. I say we leave them across the Strait and the Atlantic and leave'em to themselves. Maybe one day they'll even come to their senses. Though if the Tsar is planning on invading America...going through Cuba is going to be a Hell of a lot easier than Alaska and Greenland.
What's more pressing to me and my interests is China and Africa. With the Celestial Kingdom having got itself sorted out, it seems they'll be looking for trouble soon, and I wouldn't blame'em. Whether we get Puyi to join us, choose'em a new Emperor or give it to the Chrysanthemum Throne is up to STAVKA (we think the Japanese run a tightship and make great neighbors is all), but there must be security.
With Africa...those three countries have done remarkable things in resource development. Truly impressive. If a war is going to be fought, I say one that secures the Eurasian Continent, shores up three reliably anti-syndicalist and trade and development-minded powers, and cuts the nuts off those French and British bastards who helped overthrow my country, then I'm a happy camper.
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Russia's armies have achieved what will surely go down in history as the greatest victory in the history of the world. We have secured Europe for monarchism and good government by our defeat of Great Britain, and now the nations of Europe have the opportunity to join together in peace as they should have done after Napoleon. As far as I am concerned, this war is over. All that remains is making the Reds see that. We absolutely should not spend Russian blood and Russian steel invading North America; the Americans have no realistic capability of threatening us, nor we them, so the time has come for peace. Russian forces should begin operations in the Caribbean, to put pressure on the Americans and keep them fighting in their backyard. With this achieved, we should pressure the Americans to cease recognition of the exiled Totalist governments, and to end all operations aimed at spreading Syndicalism abroad. Perhaps a sort of naval treaty between the new leviathans of the seas would also be in order; it would not do to have the economy that should be rebuilding Europe preoccupied with building up still more carriers. Speaking of that rebuilding, while the navy for now obviously should be supported to the utmost, cuts to the army should be made in order to rebuild Europe and tie these new countries to our economy.
Regarding foreign policy, the alliances with Japan and the Germanic powers must be maintained. The old Empire fell because of pointless wars, and now more than ever we must stand arm in arm with the monarchies of the world and present a united front for a better tomorrow. Military deployments beyond those against America should be in support of our Japanese allies. Qing irredentism must be opposed, and operations against the Bharatiya Commune might also be in order. Besides that Russia should not act as the bully of the world; in particular we should secure our underbelly through detente with Egypt, Arabia, and Persia. Finally, we should release Tibet becausethe borders look bad the Dalai Lama is a natural ally against Syndicalism and we now have plenty of ground from which to strike at the Commune.
-Vladimir Dogsonov, Imperial Conservative
Regarding foreign policy, the alliances with Japan and the Germanic powers must be maintained. The old Empire fell because of pointless wars, and now more than ever we must stand arm in arm with the monarchies of the world and present a united front for a better tomorrow. Military deployments beyond those against America should be in support of our Japanese allies. Qing irredentism must be opposed, and operations against the Bharatiya Commune might also be in order. Besides that Russia should not act as the bully of the world; in particular we should secure our underbelly through detente with Egypt, Arabia, and Persia. Finally, we should release Tibet because
-Vladimir Dogsonov, Imperial Conservative
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Reductions in military spending, (which is currently only fully authorised at present levels out to the end of 1943) though longer tail acquisitions like some ships are authorised out to '45. In other words, does the military need to factor budget and force reductions into any plans it develops?