Once a Satrapy: A Parthian Dynasty

[alpherbethegamer]

AAAUTHOR'S NOTE
​

Greetings! This will be my first ever AAR, and I hope to capture your attention with descriptions of court intrigue, cultural transformation, and bloody battles. My intent is to present the material as would a textbook, taking a holistic approach to the framing of historical narrative, by which the essential spirit, if you will, of a society is encapsulated. To that end, I purposefully eschew any gameplay objectives, and I intend that my decisions be informed by the traits and crafted personal stories of the characters. Suffice to say that, should something go terribly awry, this AAR will be shorter than I am hoping.

With regard to the presentation, I will be including images scraped from various internet sources, as well as some that I have created myself. I rely heavily upon historical sources, although, because this is the telling of an alternate history, I edit them to support the narrative I am crafting. For example, I may attribute the work of one writer to another, or combine works from each into a single source, or cite a work that is not extant but which presumable subject suits my purpose. Elsewhere, I include excerpts that are wholly, or partially, contrived, and may contradict our historical reality. In addition, there are many passages that I attribute to contrived characters that are, in actuality, the works of those early historians who have, by their dedication to the preservation of knowledge, endeared themselves to us. I mean no offense!

I will attempt to post weekly, but I write slowly, and despite that I am more than 50 years into my campaign, I have yet to account for the initial 5 years of gameplay. Fear not! I have not been idle, merely caught up in setting the stage and enumerating the dramatis personae, as would any textbook worth its weight.

With that, I submit, for your approval, or not, as may be the case, the story of the Agathoklids of Parthia...

Introduction:
Parthia & the Early Hellenistic East
Geography & Demographics
Origins of the Agathoklid Dynasty

A Formative State:
Policy & Economics
The Wider World
Crisis & Scandal
Spotlight: The Parthian Military
The Pissurian Conflict & the Path to Parthian Citizenship

 

[alpherbethegamer]

THE AGATHOKLID DYNASTY

AT THE CONFLUENCE OF CONQUEST & CULTURAL DIFFUSION


"Whoever sings my songs, whoever writes them, whoever keeps them for himself,
may he live long for each, may he see his enemies dead.
May he who bequeaths my songs and he who copies them
be renowned of person in the world of life and saved of soul in the world of thought."[1]


INTRODUCTION

PARTHIA & THE EARLY HELLENISTIC EAST​

The earliest historical reference to the region of Parthia, named for the Iranic inhabitants thereof, is a passage from the Inscription at Bistun, authored by Darayava-us I the Great, Shahanshah of the Haxamanish. It describes the victories won, in his name, against the rebellious Parthians, whose province was then incorporated into his empire (FIG. 1.1) as one of twenty-four satrapies:

Then was the province mine. This is what was done by me in Parthava.[2]​

Nikolaos of Damascus, in his Histories (c. 15 CE), claims that, under Arshtivaigah I, the final Shahanshah of the Madai, the Satrap of Parthia was Artasura, and that, in 559 BCE, at the conquest of the empire of the Madai by Kurush I the Great, the first Shahanshah of the Haxamanish, Artasura was permitted to continue in his governorship. The Histories of Nikolaos of Damascus is considered an unreliable source, based on an earlier, equally dubious work – the Persica (c. 397 BCE) of Ktesias of Knidos, in which it is claimed that Bardiya, youngest son of Kurush, was made “governor of [Parthia], free from tribute"[3] at the death of his father in 530 BCE. The Inscription at Bistun recounts the execution of Bardiya by his elder brother, Shahanshah Kabujiya II, and the impersonation of his governorship by the Magus, Gaumata. The pretender instigated a rebellion and, in 522 BCE, assumed the throne as Gaumata I, at which event the continuity of regional administration was briefly interrupted.

The following year, Darayava-us wrested control of the empire from Gaumata, and Vishtaspa, father of Darayava-us, was appointed to the Parthian governorship. Soon thereafter, as recounted in the Inscription at Bistun, Vishtaspa put down the Parthian uprising. The documentary record is absent information pertaining to the subsequent governance of Parthia until the fall of the Haxamanish.

FIG. 1.1: Domains of Darayava-us I the Great, c. 500 BCE​

In 331 BCE, after Alexandros III the Great (FIG. 1.2), Megas Basileus of the Temenids, had defeated Darayava-us III and subsumed the domains of the empire of the Haxamanish, the Satrap of Parthia, Fratafarnah, surrendered the province, but was permitted to continue in his governorship under Temenid rule, and furthermore served diligently in the armies of Alexandros, “executing all the orders which [had been given him]."[4] Fratafarnah was thus the first governor of Temenid Parthia, but little is known of him beyond that he was often sent, at the behest of Alexandros, to subdue the more rebellious Iranic governors.

In 323 BCE, at the death of Alexandros, the responsibilities of the empire were divided among his closest associates at the Partition of Babylon. Arrhidaios, his elder brother, was proclaimed Basileus of Macedonia and ruled nominally, as Philippos III, until the birth of Alexandros IV, the son of Alexandros the Great by Rauxshna, a daughter of Bactrian nobility, at which event, from 322 BCE, the two heirs ruled jointly over Macedonia, while the latter was proclaimed Megas Basileus and ruled nominally over the entirety of the empire. Perdikkas, who had been a thousandman of Alexandros III, was made Regent, in which title was vested the responsibility of the supreme command of the Temenid military. In this capacity he maintained the authority of Fratafarnah in Parthia.

FIG. 1.2: Alexandros III the Great​

After the First War of the Diadoki, in which Perdikkas was killed, the Partition of Triparadeisos convened, in 321 BCE, to redistribute the responsibilities of the empire. Antipatros, who had been Governor of Macedonia, Greece, Illyria, and Epirus, and thereafter maintained his authority as such, additionally was made Regent and Guardian of the Royal Family. In this capacity was Philippos, who had been Satrap of Bactria and Sogdia, made Satrap of Parthia. We know less of Philippos than of his predecessor, and no accounting of his deeds comes down to us before that of his execution, in 318 BCE, by the order of Peithon, who was Satrap of Greater Media:

"Peithon had been appointed Satrap of Greater Media, but when he became governor of all the Upper Satrapies, he put to death Philippos, the former Satrap of Parthia, and set up his own brother Eudemus in his place. At this all the other satraps joined forces, fearing that they might suffer a similar fate since Peithon was seditious and had included great undertakings in his plans. But they got the better of him in a battle, killed many of his supporters, and drove him out of Parthia."[5]

Of Eudemus nothing further is mentioned, and it is unlikely that he maintained his governorship. Following these events there is a vacancy of nearly four years in the historical record of Parthia.

By the end of the Second War of the Diadoki, Philippos III was dead, and Parthia was subsumed into the realm of Antigonos, who was Satrap of Greater Phrygia, Pamphylia, and Lycia. He appointed Nikanor, who had been Satrap of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, to the governorship of the Upper Satrapies, which authority he maintained until 311 BCE, when his forces were defeated by those of Seleukos (FIG. 1.3), who was Satrap of Babylon. It is likely that the persistent and rapid transfer of power in the Hellenistic East led to a chaotic disassembling of political structure there, explaining the dearth of available documentary evidence. It is accepted that Seleukos maintained his authority over the satrapies of the east, but no accounting of his policies during this time has come down to us.

FIG. 1.3: Seleukos (later, Seleukos I the Victor)​

When the Third War of the Diadoki had concluded, Kassandros, son of Antipatros and Commander of the Companions, ordered the execution of Alexandros IV, ending the Temenid dynasty. The strongest successors (FIG. 1.4) vied to assume the vacated imperial authority, and during the Fourth War of the Diadoki they began to style themselves with the titulary of royalty. Thus did Seleukos, as Seleukos I the Victor, become Megas Basileus and, in 306 BCE, appoint a certain Eurylokos to the governorship of Parthia. By 304 BCE, Eurylokos had, by the favor of Seleukos, assumed for himself a royal title, and reigned as Eurylokos I, Basileus of the Agathoklids. By court documents, correspondence, speeches transcribed, historical writings, and other evidence, the complexities of Parthian society are hereafter elucidated in detail sufficient to lend itself to proper historical analysis.

FIG. 1.4: Domains of the Diadoki, c. 308 BCE​

---

[1] from The Tree and the Goat (Parthian disputation), c. 250 BCE.
[2] Darayava-us the Great, Inscription at Bistun, c. 521 BCE. See Geography & Demographics.
[3] Saint Photios the Great, Library; excerpt from the Persica of Ktesias, c. 855 CE.
[4] Lucius Flavius Arrianus, Anabasis of Alexandros III, Chapter XXIII, c. 117-138 CE.
[5] Diodoros of Sicily, Historical Library, Book XIX.14, c. 30 BCE.

 

[filcat]

First you had the curiosity,

(...) [1] (...) (FIG. 1.1) (...)

but now you got the attention of this one, with that citation methodology.

Very good flow of the story, wonderful structure of the presentation, and extraordinary details neatly given with meticulous consideration. Kudos.

 

[HistoryDude]

Parthia is under Seleucid rule, but I imagine that will prove temporary. A native Parthian will yet rise to power!

 

[alpherbethegamer]

First you had the curiosity,

but now you got the attention of this one, with that citation methodology.

Very good flow of the story, wonderful structure of the presentation, and extraordinary details neatly given with meticulous consideration. Kudos.

That is high praise! Thank you. I tend to obsess over citation, but it's worth it, I think.

Parthia is under Seleucid rule, but I imagine that will prove temporary. A native Parthian will yet rise to power!

We can hope that Eurylokos will make progress towards that end!

 

[alpherbethegamer]

GEOGRAPHY & DEMOGRAPHICS​

It is necessary to distinguish the administrative region of Parthia from the provincial homeland of the Parthian people, to which end the latter will henceforth be referred to as Parthava, from the Ariya (Old Persian) endonym for such. From the time of the Haxamanish the political boundaries of the Parthian Satrapy extended to include the surrounding provinces of Hyrkania, Comisene, Traxiane, Tapuria, Siracene, and Parnia. However, at his ascendency, the domains under the authority of Eurylokos were significantly less than the entirety of the region (FIG. 1.5). Megasthenes, in his Indica, provides a superlative description of much of the lands, illuminating the peoples and resources therein:

FIG. 1.5: Domains of Eurylokos I, c. 304 BCE (within the Region of Parthia)​

"Hyrkania (FIG. 1.6) is all the lands that form the southern coasts of the Sea of Caspiane, known also as the Sea of Hyrkania, eastward of the plain of the Amardos, the river that divides the Taulish Mountains from the Hara Barazaiti, and the lands that form the eastern coasts of the Sea of Caspiane, southward of Parnia, which comprise the vast plain through which flow the rivers Atrak and Gorgan. The peaks of the Hara Barzaiti, along with those of the Aladagh, constitute the southerly terminus of the province, and there are, at some places, no more than fifty stadia of navigable lands between; but what lands! In the westernmost territories, the forested hills nearest the shore are each morning swathed in great banks of mist that linger until the sun clears the craggy horizon, and from the mountains run swift little currents partitioned by transparent pools and delicate cascades. The Kadousi inhabit the valley and bottomlands of the Amardos, trading in the bounty of the sea; their javelin-throwers are excellent, and in the most rugged places they fight dismounted, to their advantage. To the east, the docile Amardi, after whom the aforementioned river is named, populate the hills through to the plain of the Talaar, while those who dwell in the mountains are disposed to an implacable savagery, and travel thereto is discouraged. Upon the bank of the Talaar is located the magnificent and worldly city of Sari, renowned for its bountiful citrus orchards, and trading in honey and spices. Yet farther eastward, following the King’s Road from Sari, the city of the Chrendi, an amiable tribe of the plain, northward of the Aladagh, prospers also by trade in spices. Upon the southeasternmost shore of the Caspiane sits the Parthian city of Zadrakarta, its avenues bustling with the clamor of the sea trade. Visitors from the west will look first upon the parapets of the fortress, crowning walls twelve paces in width that intersect with those of the city, and at this junction rises a tremendous gatehouse of the Avestan style. Looking northward, fields of wheat and barley extend beyond the range of vision, and continue until they merge with the empty steppelands of Parnia (FIG. 1.7). The road persists eastward, congested with an interminable procession of camel-mounted merchantmen, heavy with the bounty of the East. Thereabouts, astride the river Gorgan, sits a village likewise named, surrounded by rolling pasturelands and well-supplied of woad and medicinal herbs. By its many beauteous charms it entices travelers to leisure within the Vale of Flowers."

FIG. 1.6: Province of Hyrkania

FIG. 1.7: Province of Parnia​

"The King’s Road follows the Gorgan upstream, into the province of Parthava (FIG. 1.8), to its origins in the territory of Kilaleh, whence it disengages and traverses the Aladagh northward to the Vale of Atrak. The river Atrak divides the Aladagh from the Kopedagh, and describes the northern boundary of Parthava. The road does not stray into the barbarous northern ranges, but clings to the slopes of the Aladagh. From the reaches, wild horses and camels can be sighted in abundance, and the mountain folk do a fine business by civilizing these beasts for all manner of purpose. Continuing eastward, the road emerges into the plain of Asaak, a grassy bowl that is constrained on all sides by the slopes of converging ranges, wherein wild camels proliferate. From the south, a well-worn path bisects the lateral ranges and, crossing the road, climbs northward, through the Kopedagh and through the Parthian Gates, into the deserts of Siracene (FIG. 1.9). It is occupied by the horsemen of the Dahae, who, possessing an uncommon command of their mounts, engage thus in combat, over crag and fissure, to the dismay of ill-advised travelers. While the road proceeds eastward unto its terminus within the plain of Tapuria (FIG. 1.10), the southward path traverses the foothills that divide the Aladagh from the Binalud Mountains, emptying into the idyllic grassland scenery of the provincial interior. Thereupon sits gold-strung Patigrabana, the City of Saffron, which prospers by that trade, exporting delicate textiles woven in the finest tradition, dyes, and aromatics. Wagons inumerable are laden with the raw thing itself, packed into great sacks, each heavy as a man, bound for the ports of Canaan, and thither to the bathhouses of Hellas. [...]."

FIG. 1.8: Province of Parthava

FIG. 1.9: Province of Siracene

FIG. 1.10: Province of Tapuria​

"Southward of the Nazargadagh lies the city of Vishpauzatis, capital of Traxiane (FIG. 1.11), so-named for the father of Darayava-us I the Great, who won a great victory upon the very spot. The city trades in livestock and derivatives of such, renowned for leatherwork and fine quality wool. [...]."

FIG. 1.11: Province of Traxiane​

"The Kavir Desert, through which only the wandering Agarti can plot a navigable course, comprises the southern boundary of Comisene (FIG. 1.12), while the highlands of the Aladagh, inhabited by the most villainous of the Amardi, constitute its western border. The many-gated city of Qumis, trading in lead and false silver, is beholden to the temperament of the desert, and business is concluded before noontime or not at all."[6]

FIG. 1.12: Province of Comisene​

Megasthenes rather deliberately does not address the religious landscape, but material evidence suggests that Zoroastrianism prevailed throughout, and that Hellenism did not penetrate into the more isolated rural communities on which commerce was dependent. Strict enforcement of the adoption of new religious traditions would likely have led to a disruption of social bonds, many founded in religious unity, which repercussions would have been detrimental to the functionality of the state apparatus.

---

[6] Megasthenes, Indica, c. 308 BCE.

 

[HistoryDude]

So... Parthia is the greater state, and Parthava is a specific province within it?

Do the Parthians pay tribute to anyone right now?

 

[alpherbethegamer]

So... Parthia is the greater state, and Parthava is a specific province within it?

For my purposes: Parthava is one of seven provinces that comprise the region of Parthia. The actual state of Parthia is only what is controlled by the dynasty of the Agathoklids - in this case, all of Parthava, and bits of the other provinces (excepting Parnia; Eurylokos has no authority in Parnia, as of 304 BCE).

In the game files, however: the region of Parthia contains a province called Parthia under the control of the state of Parthia.

Do the Parthians pay tribute to anyone right now?

Yes, the state of Parthia is a satrapy of Seleukos, and therefore pays tribute, while also being beholden to the politics of its overpower. In other words, Eurylokos cannot declare war (except against Seleukos), form alliances, nor can he withdraw from a war of Seleukos before three years' time. It is a difficult situation.

 

[alpherbethegamer]

ORIGINS OF THE AGATHOKLID DYNASTY​

The Agathoklids claimed descent from Agathokles of Pella, a Thessalian nobleman, via Philippos, his youngest son. Philippos had accompanied his elder brother, Lysimakos (FIG. 1.13), on campaign as a shieldbearer in the armies of Alexandros the Great. According to Hyakinthos of Zadrakarta, in whose Parthian History the narrative is recounted, Eurylokos was begat in Parthava by the dalliance of Philippos and Farnauz, a Parthian woman of noble birth, which tryst is portrayed as mutual and affectionate, but contracted under the influence of alcohol, and so went unmentioned among his compatriots:

"With the dawn they were afoot again, and Philippos, not recollecting the events of the preceding evening, would never look upon his son. [...] Amidst a vast plain to the east of the Jaxartes he fell ill of the heat and, in a great confusion, threw himself into the arms of Alexandros, but before the King could call for Lysimakos, poor Philippos expired.

Alexandros suspended the pursuit of Spitamana to hold funerary rites, for which they scoured the barren plain of Sogdia, securing scrub and hearty grasses, and turning up the earth for roots, until they had gathered materials sufficient for an immense pyre. It is said that Spitamana himself, at a great distance, beheld the flames before despairing to his commanders that such a blaze would fill the hearts of the Macedonians, and he ordered that they break camp at once, despite that they had the advantages of weather and terrain, and that the composition of their forces was favorable.

Ignorant that in Parthia there lived a child of the lineage of Agathokles, the Company commenced eastward, and Eurylokos, unaware of his heritage, for Farnauz wisely spoke naught of his provenance, was reared in the safety of obscurity."[7]

FIG. 1.13: Lysimakos (later, Lysimakos I)​

The Parthian History was undoubtedly commissioned by Eurylokos, and the story of the origins of the dynasty is replete with anecdotes of dubious authenticity, likely for the purpose of legitimizing the monarchy. Despite these shortcomings, it remains a valuable reference for an otherwise neglected history. Hyakinthos, a respected statesman and polymath, insists that his greatest passion is the pursuit of knowledge, and he remarks at length on the importance of ascertaining the truth. Furthermore, his work contains many details that are corroborated by contemporary evidence.

It is presumed that Eurylokos was born between 330-329 BCE, thus he would have been in his twenty-third or twenty-fourth year when he was appointed Satrap; the intervening years are only roughly chronologized. Farnauz was an attentive mother, insisting that he commit as much time to his studies as to activities of sport and leisure. Much of his youth was spent in Patigrabana where the family of his mother, despite losing its citizenship status by consequence of the Temenid conquest, maintained its wealth and influence through trade in saffron. Hyakinthos describes a diligent student, demonstrating an affinity for architecture and engineering, though his speech was characterized by a pragmatic bluntness, and tutors were dissuaded from efforts to mold a statesman of him. He was a capable warrior with a strategic mind and a sound comprehension of battlefield tactics, and by these attributes did he later distinguish himself to Seleukos.

In 311 BCE, Antigonos sought to recapture the city of Babylon, and sent Nikanor, Satrap of Media, whose forces greatly outnumbered those of Seleukos, into Mesopotamia. Among the defending force, Eurylokos commanded a unit of shield-bearers to considerable effect:

"But when Nikanor, the general in Media, gathered about him from Media and Persia and the neighboring lands more than ten-thousand foot-soldiers and about seven-thousand horsemen, Seleukos set out at full speed to oppose the enemy. He himself had, in all, more than three-thousand foot and four-hundred cavalry. He crossed the Tigris River and, on hearing that the enemy were a few days' march distant, he hid his soldiers in the adjacent marshes, intending to make his attack a surprise. When Nikanor arrived at the Tigris River and did not find the enemy, he camped at one of the royal stations, believing that they had fled to a greater distance than was the case. When night was come and the army of Nikanor was keeping a perfunctory and negligent guard, Seleukos fell on them suddenly, causing great confusion and panic. Despite his disadvantage, Nikanor had nearly organized formations when, by the valiant fighting of a group of Hyrkanians at the command of Eurylokos of Patigrabana, his flank was turned upon itself and his army put to flight."[8]

Soon after the Battle at the Tigris, Eurylokos was tangentially involved in repulsing the forces of Demetrios (FIG. 1.14), son of Antigonos, at the Second Siege of Babylon, having harried the approaching army as part of a series of feigned retreats, for which actions he was thereafter appointed to command a contingent of Parthian horse-archers at the Battle of Susa. According to Hyakinthos, his unit inflicted severe casualties on the forces of Antigonos while suffering none itself. For his military achievements, Eurylokos was promoted, in 306 BCE, to the position of Satrap of Parthia, after which Farnauz revealed to him his parentage, and he took the the name of Agathokles for his house.

FIG. 1.14: Demetrios (later, Demetrios I the Besieger)​

It was customary for the Satrap of Parthia to adjudicate from Zadrakarta, thus did Eurylokos relocate his capital from Patigrabana and establish a committee of advisors, liberally composed of men of no familial distinction, but who had endeared themselves to him in some manner, be it through personal acquaintance or by public renown:

"He was ever attentive to the will of the common people, having counted himself as one of them for much of his life. Indeed, Nikephoros, foremost of his councilors, was of such an unremarkable lineage that his family name was entirely forgotten to him, and yet his was the most eloquent oratory, and his sentiments were so aligned with those of the mob that when he had finished speaking they pleaded that he continue so that they might hear their own ideas so finely pronounced as to justify the hubris of them. Arrhidaios of Pydna, who had fought splendidly at Susa, was of a respectable name that nonetheless offered few opportunities for advancement and prestige, but which rewards he obtained for himself, initially by displays of bravery, and later by his aptitude for the principles of accounting. The Athenian exile, Sosthenes, long since disinherited for unscrupulous political machinations, was tolerated for his familiarity with a prodigious collective of informers, cutpurses, and deep-pocketed lenders, without which no authority can penetrate to the street. With these men and others did Eurylokos commit to the mastery of the Capital."[9]

His mandate, as governor, was to prevent any southward incursion by the tribes of the Dahae, and to safeguard the lucrative trade relations with eastern polities that, via Bactrian routes and the Royal Road of the Haxamanish, enriched the successor states. Eurylokos maintained order in accordance with the laws and policies of Seleukos for nearly two years, until the burden of unilateral administration of the empire of the latter became untenable, and Parthia was promoted to semi-autonomy. The authority of Basileus was accorded to Eurylokos, who thereafter assembled a court of statesmen from the most prominent local Macedonian lineages: the Alkimids, a merchant family, established in Zadrakarta from the time of the Temenid conquests; and the Andromenids, an Olynthian noble house, seeking renown to the east of overcrowded Greece. In addition, the Surenids of Patigrabana, the most influential of the ethnic Parthian families, were eligible to hold offices in his government, for he would not deny the prestige of his adopted culture, and it is probable that he foresaw the necessity of an inclusive court, being so far removed from Macedonia. Thus were the Agathoklids permitted to conduct their own affairs, insofar as they were not in opposition to those of the empire of Seleukos. Theirs was the first dynasty to exercise independent authority in Parthia since before the time of the Madai.

---

[7] Hyakinthos of Zadrakarta, Parthian History, Book I.III, c. 270 BCE.
[8] Diodoros of Sicily, Historical Library, Book XIX.92, c. 30 BCE.
[9] Hyakinthos of Zadrakarta, Parthian History, Book III.II, c. 270 BCE.

 

[HistoryDude]

I like the sources list. Makes it feel more authentic.

Eurylokos seems like a good satrap...

 

[alpherbethegamer]

I like the sources list. Makes it feel more authentic.

Thank you! I am definitely trying to make it read like a history text.

 

[alpherbethegamer]

A FORMATIVE STATE

POLICY & ECONOMICS​

At its inception, much of the court of Parthia, clinging to its Macedonian heritage, was characterized by an intensely xenophobic rhetoric. To protest the appointment of Eurylokos to the position of Basileus, Kremonides, Kyrios of the Andromenids, in a speech before the assembly, harnessed the Isocratic sentiments that prevailed in the Hellenistic East to exaggerate cultural differences, engendering in them a fierce resentment toward the indigenous populations of the region:

“Parthia must not be Parthian! These Avestan sympathizers sully the legacy of our ancestors. They would see us consigned to the margins of history, cast in the villainous role; barbarous, and lusting after the women of our many subjects. Do you, astute colleagues, resemble these? Do you dispense with civility in a mad scramble to power? Do you settle your disputes by violence? No! The rational propriety of our forefathers impels us to act justly, and our reward is the trust of our citizens. In these chambers, theses are met with antitheses until the truth has been gained, and that truth is then put into effect. Let us not succumb to depravity. For we are virtuous!”[10]

The citizens of reference were a small minority of Macedonian nobles and otherwise esteemed, of which only a fraction resided beyond the borders of Hyrkania, and the atmosphere at the capital differed considerably from that in the surrounding provinces. Bound by kinship structures, shared linguistic heritage, and a homogeneous spiritual cosmology, the Parthian majority continued to exercise agency despite that, in the view of the court, they had no legal rights.

It is presumed that Eurylokos, raised by a Parthian family in a household of that tradition, from the outset desired to elevate the Parthian people to citizenship. Hyakinthos suggests that it was impossible to forward such a proposal, and that the authority of Eurylokos was tenuous, beholden to the great houses of his court. However, as a tributary state, the appointment of Eurylokos was directed by Seleukos, thus the authority of the former in matters of domestic policy must have been absolute. There are plausible reasons for his hesitation; it is possible that he worried to precipitate the evacuation of Zadrakarta by the Alkimids, whose commerce was essential; perhaps he sought to forge more secure bonds with the Surenids to make certain of their loyalty; or maybe he feared the power of orators such as Kremonides to sway the favor of the citizenry. In any event, he would adopt an incremental approach to effecting social mobility, the subtlety of which surely contributed to the posthumous appendation of the epithet by which he is commonly known - the Patient.

It can be argued that, by promoting Surenids to positions within his court, Eurylokos began the process of integration with immediacy, appointing officials whose adeptness precluded protestation. His chief physician, Ariyabigna, applied a “vast knowledge of remedies, both herbal and aerobic”[11] to a series of treatises on public health, and he developed a tincture, prescribed against chronic inflammation, that would, after some refinement, be used in the treatment of the eldest son of Eurylokos. The process of meticulous record-keeping of the affairs of the court of Eurylokos was instigated at the behest of Marduniya, a philosopher and scribe, whose Dialogues focus on the struggle to attain vohu manah - a central tenet of Zoroastrianism, representing “the state of mind that best inclines man to righteous action”[12] - and were influential in convincing the priesthood to dedicate seasonal rituals to entice the favor of the Zoroastrian divinity of fertility, Tishtrya.

Despite his opposition to the authority of Eurylokos, Kremonides was not so fervent as to reject the offer to serve as chief hierophant to the court:

"Kremonides, at every opportunity, cried for the deposition of the King, but his own ambition to become the hand of power betrayed his capacity for placation by the slightest promotion, lingering upon every summit to which he was carried that he should be seen as having, by strength of character alone, realized the ascent. And Eurylokos, for his part, although he was ashamed of the appointment, considered it necessary that the Macedonians behave themselves at that time of uncertainty, and through this misdeed was his aim accomplished."[13]

According to Hyakinthos, this had the effect of temporarily silencing Kremonides, for it would have appeared hypocritical to condemn cosmopolitanism while acting as the foremost official of a dual-pantheonic institution. By removing his most outspoken critic, Eurylokos was able to focus on infrastructure and economic development.

Nikephoros, closest associate of Eurylokos, was made chief diplomat of the Parthian court, while Arrhidaios was promoted to the office of steward, and Sosthenes served, albeit unofficially, as spymaster. These men collaborated to establish a lucrative exchange with the empire of Seleukos, exporting fruits, spices, and leathercrafts, and taking in iron and other metals. They sought trade as far as Armenia, where modern excavations of Eruandid burial sites have yielded troves of Tapurian earthenware. Correspondingly, a cache of weapons, discovered along the southeastern coast of the Caspian, near to the presumed port of Zadrakarta, contained various blades and trilobate points of an iron isotope that exactly matches ores that were, in the Late Middle Ages, extracted from a vein in the province of Syunik. Such extensive commercial networks were essential to an economy that had hitherto relied almost exclusively on Hyrkanian agriculture and itinerant merchant caravans. Records indicate that, at the least, one half-dozen new trade routes were created within the first year of the reign of Eurylokos.

Eurylokos was the first to publicly recognize that the most valuable resource of the Parthian region - its camels and horses, valued by merchant and cavalryman alike, were being exported to the disadvantage of the state, and he was quick to outlaw trade in such:

"King Eurylokos speaks thus: the following animals are declared, by me, inviolable: the horses of the Lord of Wisdom [Nisaean horse], the horses of the plain [Zunghar horse], the camels of the desert [Arabian camel], the camels of the mountain [Bactrian camel].
If any man should trade in these beasts, or be party to the transport of them beyond the borders of this Kingdom, he shall be castrated and the whole of his face shall be disfigured."[14]

Despite these financial ventures, the economy of Parthia brought in little more than would cover its infrastructural investments, and the average citizen continued to engage with local markets that were far-removed from the mechanisms of foreign commercial processes.

---

[10] Hyakinthos of Zadrakarta, Parthian History, Book IV.I, c. 270 BCE.
[11] Hyakinthos of Zadrakarta, Parthian History, Book IV.I, c. 270 BCE.
[12] Marduniya, Dialogues, c. 300 BCE.
[13] Hyakinthos of Zadrakarta, Parthian History, Book IV.I, c. 270 BCE.
[14] Eurylokos I Agathoklid, Law Code of Eurylokos I, 304 BCE.

 

[HistoryDude]

It's good that the Parthians aren't being discriminated against - it will help the current elites stay in power. Of course, they'll probably go native...

 

[alpherbethegamer]

THE WIDER WORLD​

The history of Parthia must, naturally, be contextualized by the history of adjacent polities, as the history of those must likewise be contextualized, and so forth. A relativistic approach to history considers diffusion and innovation to be inextricable phenomena, and evidence for complex patterns of migration and extensive trade networks suggest an ancient world that was interconnected beyond the scope of traditional analysis. To the point, a broad summation of the circumstances in surrounding regions is essential for the comprehension of events within the sphere of direct Parthian influence.

There had been a lasting enmity between Antigonos I the One-Eyed, Megas Basileus of Western Asia, and Kassandros I, Basileus of Macedonia, and hostilities resumed in March of 303 BCE when the former sent his forces into Greece. Initially, numerical superiority provided Antigonos with a significant advantage, and Macedonia was made to surrender Corinth by the summer. However, Kassandros had maintained amicable relations with the other successor states, and in September, Ptolemaios I the Savior (FIG. 2.1), Pharao of Egypt, marched his forces through Israel, conquering into Syria by April of 302 BCE. Antigonos, rather than divert support eastwards, elected to aggressively pursue the campaign in Greece at the cost of his Asian provinces. Seleukos, taking advantage of the situation and hoping to extend his empire to the Mediterranean Sea, declared his own war against Antigonos, and pressed Syria from the east. The subsequent land grab isolated Antigonos, though he was able to maintain authority in Lesser Phrygia, Corinthia, and Boeotia. Much of his territory in Asia was parceled out between Ptolemaios and Seleukos, with the latter obtaining lands in Greater Phrygia, Galatia, and Syria, though he was denied access to the Mediterranean by Ptolemaic conquests in Lycaonia, Cilicia, and coastal Levant.

FIG. 2.1: Ptolemaios I the Savior​

In October of 302 BCE, Kassandros died of complications of gout, an inflammatory condition caused by elevated levels of uric acid in the bloodstream, typically due to dietary excess. His eldest son succeeded to the kingship, as Philippos IV, and quickly agreed to an amnesty by which the Fifth War of the Diadoki was ended. According to the terms of the truce, Philippos would retain his territories north of the Aliakmon, relinquishing all else unto Antigonos.

By October of 300 BCE, Philippos had succumbed to dysentery and his younger brother had assumed the kingship of Macedonia, as Antipatros II, to the protestations of Alexandros, youngest of the sons of Kassandros. By the challenge of Alexandros was the War of the Antipatrids instigated, forcing the neighboring polities into tenuous allegiances.

Antipatros allied with Antigonos, Lakares the Tyrant, Archon of Athens, Pyrrhos I (FIG. 2.2), Basileus of Epirus, and the League of the Islanders; while Alexandros sought the support of Lysimakos I, Basileus of Thracia. The Greeks were reluctant to commit their forces for the kingship of Macedonia until, in 297 BCE, Antigonos died of fever. Demetrios I the Besieger then inherited the title of Megas Basileus, at which event the provinces of Western Asia were so swiftly united in rebellion that an independent kingdom was established there without violence. Unable to simultaneously support campaigns in Greece and in Asia, Demetrios had no recourse but to yield to the new Megas Basileus of Lesser Phrygia and Paphlagonia, Mithridates I the Builder.

FIG. 2.2: Pyrrhos I​

A few skirmishes comprised the War of the Antipatrids until, in October of 296 BCE, Antipatros was murdered at the behest of Demetrios, who thereafter claimed authority in Macedonia and ruled there as Basileus. Disinherited, Alexandros retreated to his former territories along the Thracian border, from which he believed he could rally loyalist support, in addition to the agreed aid from Lysimakos, to press his claim. However, not a month after his brother had been betrayed, Alexandros was likewise murdered by order of his own ally:

"And so, when Lysimakos rose up from the table before supper was over, Alexandros, filled with fear, rose up also and followed close upon his heels towards the door. Lysimakos, then, on reaching the door where his own bodyguards stood, said merely, "Smite any who follow me," and quietly went out himself; but Alexandros was cut down by the guards, together with those of his friends who came to his aid."[15]

So ended the Antipatrid dynasty, at which event Demetrios and Lysimakos agreed to terms for peace, despite their mutual suspicions, though it can be assumed that efforts of intrigue and subterfuge persisted. Ptolemaios and Seleukos had turned their attentions inward, to the consolidation of their respective realms, each having made significant gains by the Fifth War of the Diadoki. The Hellenistic world was dramatically reshaped by the end of the first decade of the reign of Eurylokos (FIG. 2.3).

FIG. 2.3: Domains of the Diadoki, c. 296 BCE​

Given the considerable westward expansion of the empire of Seleukos, the Hellenistic East was all the more dependent on Parthia to guard against advances by the northern tribes (FIG. 2.4): the Dahae had warred among themselves since the fall of the Haxamanish, each tribe attempting to subjugate the others. They would, on occasion, raid across the Kopedagh into Parthava, or along the Caspian coasts into Hyrcania; North of the the Karakum Desert, the Khorazam had fortified their territories. The prowess of their heavy cavalry was well known, though they are not documented as having been expansionist; as the Skudata had been driven westward by the Sarmata, so had the Sarmata been displaced by the Saka. The nomads inhabited the cold desert between the Aral and the Caspian, but would conduct raids as far as Baktria.

FIG. 2.4: Domains of the Northern Tribes​

Hyakinthos mentions that intense fighting occurred in Siracene during the spring of 299 BCE, implicating two of the tribes of the Dahae, the Zanthi and the Pissuri, of which the Zanthi were thought to be the more powerful. To reinforce the principal theater of the war, located along the border between Siracene and Dahaea, the Gates of Parthia were evacuated of Pissurian forces. Eurylokos, ever the opportunist, would eventually seek to gain from this conflict, but he would be confronted with several crises of domestic administration before Parthia could consider expansion.

---

[15] Ploutarkos, Life of Lysimakos, c. 99 CE.

 

[slothinator]

Hurray an Imperator AAR! And in a very interesting style!
I've enjoyed how you've been building up the tale of Parthia and its surroundings. And I agree with @HistoryDude , the sources are a nice touch
Those are some pretty powerful Ptolemies there, I wonder if Seleucus not having access ot the Mediterranean might cause a greater shift of attention towards the east.

 

[HistoryDude]

Ptolemy is doing really well. I wonder if he will attack Seleukos soon?

If one of the other Diadochi does attack Seleukos, will Parthia take advantage of become independent? This sections makes it seem like a good time to do that might arrive soon.

 

[alpherbethegamer]

CRISIS & SCANDAL​

When Eurylokos was made Basileus, he was unwed and childless - precarious circumstances for any monarch with dynastic ambitions. The search for a suitable spouse began in earnest, an exhaustive process that involved the examination of genealogical records, a thorough vetting of potential relations, consultations with the priesthood, and significant financial expenditure. The greater part of a year had passed before the wedding of Eurylokos and Lysimake, daughter to an Andromenid merchant and a Parthian noblewoman, by which time the treasury was overburdened. Thus, it was, by all accounts, an anticlimactic affair, with no more pageantry than was demanded by tradition. By 302 BCE, a son, Nikokreon, was born, and anxieties about the future of the Parthian monarchy were momentarily quieted.

In the following years, intensifying drought conditions triggered crop failures and significant food shortages throughout the region, particularly in the desert province of Comisene, to which many shipments of Hyrkanian grain were diverted. The Macedonians were displeased at having to suffer for the misfortunes of the eastern provinces, and the familiar dissenting voices were raised. Additionally, subversives circulated the rumor that the Pythia of Delphi had prophesied the demise of the Parthian state “so long as sits upon the Eastern Throne the blood of he who made Jaxartia his eternal home,” an ambiguous oracle that, even if it were authored by the Prophet of Apollo, could have been in reference to any of the descendents of those who had perished in the Central Asian campaign of Alexandros the Great, including Antiokos, firstborn son of Seleukos, whose mother, Apama, was the daughter of the warlord Spitamana. Regardless of its source, the insinuation was, among the Macedonian population, tantamount to inevitable, and court records indicate a sharp decrease in tax revenues, much of which was likely withheld by those powerful families on which the state economy was, particularly during drought-induced scarcity, almost entirely dependent.

In addition to the upset caused by the agricultural crisis, Macedonians continued to bristle at the integration of the Zoroastrian divinity, Tishtrya, into the official pantheon. They were disposed to believe the rhetoric of the political adversaries of Eurylokos - accusations of preferential treatment of the Parthians, of a citizenship agenda. These resentments were exacerbated by the actions of Ariyabigna, chief physician and personal acquaintance of the Basileus, and the very public scandal surrounding his inquest and trial. Writing more than a century later, Farhad of Gorgan, in his Histories, briefly notes the civil disturbances of 300 BCE, though it is likely that much of the narrative is invention, as the only contemporary source, Hyakinthos of Zadrakarta, does not include an account of the events:

"Word had spread from the emporium at Asbana that Ariyabigna would purchase only Hellenic slaves, and that he delighted in inflicting upon them the most atrocious depravations. Eurylokos was reluctant to entertain gossip, and it was only for the appearance of diligence that he ordered an investigation, believing that nothing would amount of it, but when his jurists came before him and announced the truth of the claims, he was aghast and became concerned for the unity of his court.

His opponents would, daily, incite the mob to violence, but the King, in his wisdom, remained calm and sent attendants to collect the jurists and escort them, disguised and by routes out of the way, to his hall, wherein was determined the innocence of his physician and the plot for acquittal drawn up. Before the year was ended, Ariyabigna was exonerated, while his accusers were condemned to chains.

The Macedonian families refused to accept a verdict of innocence, and the leading figures persuaded the mob into the streets, encouraging the looting of Parthian homes and shops. Prominent native families fled the capital to refuge at Vishpauzatis and Patigrabana. It was a fortnight before exhaustion quelled the tumult, and it was not lost on those intellectual witnesses that those barbarisms that had precipitated the Macedonian temper were the same that had thereafter been directed against the Parthian-born."[16]

The riots had ceased by the end of that year, but a general antagonism and distrust of authority persisted through the winter months. A dearth of records for this time suggests that the state was unable to finance essential administrative functions, and that the Agathoklid monarchy was imperiled. In response, and for the purposes of uniting the people in pursuit of a common cause, Eurylokos sought for a foreign conflict. As a dependent of Seleukos, the authority to declare war was denied to him, and he must have appeared politically impotent, but Eurylokos delegated his capable inner circle to instigate the aggressions of the fractious Dahae:

"Having been informed of the northern disturbances, Eurylokos bid Sosthenes contract a group of minor brigands to reconnoiter the Parthian Gates, and report on the activities of the Pissuri, which tribe held those reaches. The mercenaries went thither and spied no warrior, tradesman, nor, indeed, so much as a beggar. Hearing this, the King dispatched Nikephoros to the fortress at Gathar, knowing that the chieftains of the Pissuri would be away on campaign, to engage the highest authority therein to negotiations.

Nikephoros, identifying the patriarch of an insignificant house, assumed, subtly, a highborn manner that, he well knew, would illicit reproach from the prideful barbarian, and rather demanded that the armies of Eurylokos be conducted across the mountains and through Pissurian lands to assist in the conflict. The patriarch, naturally, refused, and Nikephoros then played at outrage, at which the ire of the former could not be curtailed and he cursed the diplomat, swearing an oath that he would have Parthava for himself in recompense."[17]

His aim accomplished, Eurylokos set to mobilizing his forces “in response,” he conveyed to Seleukos, “to this terrible threat to the realm of Parthia and its people, by whose boldess are the Eastern trade routes safeguarded.”[18]

---

[16] Farhad of Gorgan, Histories, Book I, c. 120 BCE.
[17] Hyakinthos of Zadrakarta, Parthian History, Book V.I, c. 270 BCE.
[18] Eurylokos I Agathoklid, Letter to Seleukos, 299 BCE.

 

[HistoryDude]

It looks like the Greeks are getting annoyed.

Also, vague prophecies by the Pythia! That's not foreshadowing at all...

It's good that the king is married and has a son. The succession is secure.

 

[alpherbethegamer]

Hurray an Imperator AAR! And in a very interesting style!
I've enjoyed how you've been building up the tale of Parthia and its surroundings. And I agree with @HistoryDude , the sources are a nice touch

Thank you for the encouraging words!

Those are some pretty powerful Ptolemies there, I wonder if Seleucus not having access ot the Mediterranean might cause a greater shift of attention towards the east.

Ptolemy is doing really well. I wonder if he will attack Seleukos soon?

If one of the other Diadochi does attack Seleukos, will Parthia take advantage of become independent? This sections makes it seem like a good time to do that might arrive soon.

It has been theorized (albeit, with no credible evidence) that Eurylokos clandestinely provided support to the empire of Ptolemaios, possibly for the purposes of diverting the attention of Seleukos away from the East. We can only guess (haha!).

It looks like the Greeks are getting annoyed.

Also, vague prophecies by the Pythia! That's not foreshadowing at all...

It's good that the king is married and has a son. The succession is secure.

It is certainly a struggle to find a balance between fortune and misfortune!

 

[alpherbethegamer]

SPOTLIGHT: THE PARTHIAN MILITARY​

To the west, Seleukos maintained a permanent, professional fighting force that was supplemented with citizen levies. The absence of Hellenic settlers in the easternmost regions of his empire, however, precluded the establishment of a standing army there. Thus did Eurylokos, at his appointment to Basileus, inherit a system of military recruitment that, by strict adherence to a policy of admission on the basis of citizenship, necessitated significant contributions from mercenary armies.

From Hyrkania could be mustered a small force of pikemen, peltasts, and light cavalry, which comprised the core of the Parthian army. Polybios, in his Histories, describes the organization and tactics of pikemen in the tradition of the armies of Macedonia, offering a critical, if not entirely impartial, assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the phalanx:

"Many considerations may easily convince us that, if only the phalanx has its proper formation and strength, nothing can resist it face to face or withstand its charge. For as a man in close order of battle occupies a space of three feet; and as the length of the sarissae [pikes of cornel wood] are sixteen cubits according to the original design, which has been reduced in practice to fourteen; and as of these fourteen four must be deducted, to allow for the weight in front; it follows clearly that each hoplite will have ten cubits of his sarissa projecting beyond his body, when he lowers it with both hands, as he advances against the enemy: hence, too, though the men of the second, third, and fourth rank will have their sarissae projecting farther beyond the front rank than the men of the fifth, yet even these last will have two cubits of their sarissae beyond the front rank; [...].

And if my description is true and exact, it is clear that in front of each man of the front rank there will be five sarissae projecting to distances varying by a descending scale of two cubits.

With this point in our minds, it will not be difficult to imagine what the appearance and strength of the whole phalanx is likely to be, when, with lowered sarissae, it advances to the charge sixteen deep. Of these sixteen ranks, all above the fifth are unable to reach with their sarissae far enough to take actual part in the fighting. They, therefore, do not lower them, but hold them with the points inclined upwards over the shoulders of the ranks in front of them, to shield the heads of the whole phalanx; for the sarissae are so closely serried, that they repel missiles which have carried over the front ranks and might fall upon the heads of those in the rear. These rear ranks, however, during an advance, press forward those in front by the weight of their bodies; and thus make the charge very forcible, and at the same time render it impossible for the front ranks to face about. [...].

And what is it that brings disaster on those who employ the phalanx? Why, just because war is full of uncertainties both as to time and place; whereas there is but one time and one kind of ground in which a phalanx can fully work. If, then, there were anything to compel the enemy to accommodate himself to the time and place of the phalanx, when about to fight a general engagement, it would be but natural to expect that those who employed the phalanx would always carry off the victory. But if the enemy finds it possible, and even easy, to avoid its attack, what becomes of its formidable character? Again, no one denies that for its employment it is indispensable to have a country flat, bare, and without such impediments as ditches, cavities, depressions, steep banks, or beds of rivers: for all such obstacles are sufficient to hinder and dislocate this particular formation. And that it is, I may say, impossible, or at any rate exceedingly rare to find a piece of country of twenty stades, or sometimes of even greater extent, without any such obstacles, every one will also admit. However, let us suppose that such a district has been found. If the enemy decline to come down into it, but traverse the country sacking the towns and territories of the allies, what use will the phalanx be? For if it remains on the ground suited to itself, it will not only fail to benefit its friends, but will be incapable even of preserving itself; for the carriage of provisions will be easily stopped by the enemy, seeing that they are in undisputed possession of the country: while if it quits its proper ground, from the wish to strike a blow, it will be an easy prey to the enemy. Nay, if a general does descend into the plain, and yet does not risk his whole army upon one charge of the phalanx or upon one chance, but maneuvers for a time to avoid coming to close quarters in the engagement, it is easy to learn what will be the result [...].

Now, whether the phalanx in its charge drives its opponents from their ground, or is itself driven back, in either case its peculiar order is dislocated; for whether in following the retiring, or flying from the advancing enemy, they quit the rest of their forces: and when this takes place, the enemy's reserves can occupy the space thus left, and the ground which the phalanx had just before been holding, and so no longer charge them face to face, but fall upon them on their flank and rear. If, then, it is easy to take precautions against the opportunities and peculiar advantages of the phalanx, but impossible to do so in the case of its disadvantages, must it not follow that in practice the difference between these two systems is enormous? Of course, those generals who employ the phalanx must march over ground of every description, must pitch camps, occupy points of advantage, besiege, and be besieged, and meet with unexpected appearances of the enemy: for all these are part and parcel of war, and have an important and sometimes decisive influence on the ultimate victory. And in all these cases the Macedonian phalanx is difficult, and sometimes impossible, to handle, because the men cannot act either in squads or separately."[19]

The pikemen of the armies of Seleukos and Eurylokos were armed with a xiphos - a short sword of iron, roughly half of one meter in length and weighing not more than a kilogram; a response to vulnerabilities presented by close-quarters combat, for which situations they wielded also a modified Boetian-style shield, itself a modification of the thyreos - light wood in the shape of an ellipse, fitted with hide, and having a central spine embossed in iron. They were armored in a cuirass of linen, which would have allowed for reinforcement with plates of bronze; a konos, a derivation of the pilos - a simple conical helm of bronze with a thin brim along the base; only the wealthiest of soldiers would have been equipped with greaves of bronze or iron. By the weight of these additions was mobility much reduced, and the development of further tactical adaptations became necessary.

Deployed along the flanks in loose formations, peltasts were armed with javelins and a xiphos, and equipped with a pelte - a wicker shield in the shape of a crescent, fitted with hide - that could be alternately wielded or slung over the shoulder, as necessary. They were armored in a linen cuirass, but without the addition of reinforcements that might inhibit mobility, for which reason also they were unlikely to be equipped with greaves. The Phrygian-style helm prevailed among the ranks of the peltasts for its efficacy against blows from above, as they were more vulnerable to cavalry attack than were pikemen. However, their superior mobility posed a formidable challenge to more heavily-armored infantry, which would have been unable to engage the skirmishing troops in melee combat.

Traditionally, light cavalry was positioned on the wings of the line, beyond the outermost ranks. Assembled in wedge formations of roughly 250 men, they engaged via hit-and-run tactics, and were often given a free hand to pursue routed enemy forces. They were armed with a xyston - a spear of cornel wood, roughly 4 meters in length, and tipped, on each side, with an iron point - and a xiphos, and armored in a linen cuirass, likely without reinforcements of metal. Eurylokos mandated, for all cavalry units of Parthia, use of the Boetian-style helm, which “not only gives the greatest protection to all the parts above the cuirass, but allows free vision.”[20] Parthian cavalrymen were greatly advantaged by the availability of the Nisaean horse, which was native to the region and was sought, from the time of the Haxamanish, for its size and ability; Herodotos wrote that Xshayarsha I the Great was conducted to battle “in a chariot drawn by Nisaean horses.”[21] Cavalry had been the predominant fighting force on the eastern plains, and it was not uncommon for an army to have entirely forgone an infantry component. In the aftermath of the Macedonian conquests, however, as cavalry struggled to achieve victory against more disciplined heavy infantry units, strategists began to turn to mercenaries for support, incorporating combat methodologies that had hitherto been disparaged.

Mercenary armies, with regard to ability or specialization, were not standardized in their composition, though horse-archers and heavy cavalry were commonalities throughout the Parthian region. Their dependability was famously variable, and Aristotle wrote, generally, that they “turn coward [...] when the danger puts too great a strain on them and they are inferior in numbers and equipment; for they are the first to fly, [...] fearing death more than disgrace.”[22] Despite the risks, it is clear that the abundance of mercenary forces in the Hellenistic East, attested in numerous records of the court of Eurylokos, was a response to a significant demand, which demand was, in turn, an effect of the citizenship-based admission policies of Hellenistic militaries. Though the paradigm was shifting toward the establishment of standing armies, Eurylokos lacked sufficient manpower for such, and he struggled to maintain stability enough for the slow reform of citizenship policy. For the moment, he was dependent on mercenary support.

---

[19] Polybios, Histories, Book XVIII.28-32, c. 140 BCE.
[20] Xenophon, Cavalry Command, Book XII.III, c. 350 BCE.
[21] Herodotos, Histories, Book VII.40, c. 430 BCE.
[22] Aristoteles, Nicomakean Ethics, III.VIII, c. 335 BCE.