Ominous Century - Absolutism in Iberia

[99KingHigh]

Ominous Century: The Politics of Spanish and Portuguese Reaction

"It might naturally be presumed that the Spaniards never knew political liberty. That would be a mistake. Their political liberty has fallen into disuse, because a superior element has predominated." François-René de Chateaubriand, Congrès de Verone

TABLE OF CONTENTS

The Ancient State (1823-1832)
Chapter 1: Hundred Thousand Sons of Saint Louis (Spain)
Chapter 2: Vilafrancada, Abrilada, and Usurpation (Portugal)
Chapter 3: Ominous Decade (Spain)
Chapter 4: Liberal Wars (Part 1)
Chapter 5: The Sanction Crisis
Chapter 6: Liberal Wars (Part 2)

Peninsular Legitimism (1832-)

​

 

[99KingHigh]

Greetings, and welcome to Ominous Century. Due to my schedule, which prevents me from consistent IAAR posting until late spring, I am filling what creative free time I have with little feuilletons of historical narrative. Prone to boredom, I've resolved to fill it with one of the few things that holds my sustained attention, and you guessed it, that's far-right 19th century dynastic movements!

I'll be writing in a history-book style, and imitating the structure of @Jape (cheers!). The main premise of the AAR will be tracing the dynastic and ideological lineage of the major pretender movements—Carlism and Miguelism—after a POD assumption of power. I will endorse the point of least resistance and most historical realism (sorry, Don Carlos won't conquer Madrid in 1836) as we trace what is essentially an alternate history storyline.

I hope you enjoy the writing, because I certainly will enjoy the story.

 

[stnylan]

Will follow.

 

[loup99]

Subscribed!

 

[Telcharinogrod]

Sounds good.

 

[Shinkuro Yukinari]

Eh, would prefer it being HFM Carlists, but I'll follow

 

[Jackbollda]

Subbed.

 

[99KingHigh]

CHAPTER I
Hundred Thousand Sons of Saint Louis

​

For all the monstrous pride and false humility that glows in Mémoires d'Outre-Tombe, François-René Auguste, vicomte de Chateaubriand, inaugurated the new Iberian century. He proclaimed without modesty and without mendacity: “I have made history, and been able to write it...within and alongside my age, perhaps without wishing or seeking to, I have exerted upon it a triple influence, religious, political and literary.” Such a peculiar figure appears unlikely to have set Spain on its historic course—Chateaubriand was fiercely patriotic, liberal in his civil sentiments, conservative in his traditionalism, weary of fanaticism, scornful of radicalism, inept in politics, inimitable in literature—so to say he was not expected to possess the requisite qualities for diplomacy. He showed none of the sublunary traits of his government and party, who preached reaction but ruled in the Enlightened style of classical precision and empiricism. Chateaubriand foresaw in himself the potential for greatness; he predicted that his policies would restore France to the Rhine and return the monarchical principle to South America. But the legendary writer saw the immediate acquisition of his desires in Spain, where the rotating liberal and radical governments of the Trienio Liberal held the King hostage and marched blissfully into domestic anarchy. For most Frenchmen, the remote remembrance of the fate of Napoleon’s armies in Spain made even the boldest hesitate, and especially considerations of English assistance dampened confidence. As Wellington went on his way to Vienna and Verona, the Iron Duke did not conceal his intention of opposing French military intervention. Chateaubriand’s master and Louis XVIII’s Prime Minister, the austere M. Villèle, feared that a military effort would unsettle the delicate budgetary balance that had restored the French economy. But the writer himself feared not these obstructions, and prepared for the Congress of Verona, where he fixed his ambitions.

François-René (Auguste), vicomte de Chateaubriand, poet, author, soldier, politician, etc.
​

In spite of England’s objections, the Congress deliberated extensively on the manner of breaking relations with Spain’s government. Chateaubriand’s colleague, the famous Mathieu de Montmorency, made sure to guarantee France’s freedom of action by agreeing that this step would not be endorsed by collective action, but by separate notes. The terms, drawn up in concert, made the notes veritable ultimatums demanding the release of King Ferdinand VII. Montmorency asked for another delay to obtain the King’s approval of the French note, and left for Paris on November 12, leaving Chateaubriand with the matters of court. Back in Paris, Montmorency received the title of duke from Louis XVIII, and on December 5 the council of ministers agreed to ask the Allies to hold up the sending of their notes and to leave it to their ambassadors in Paris to decide, in agreement with the French government, on the most favourable time for such action. Russia, Prussia, and Austria agreed to wait, but they made it clear that they would not allow France to depart from the line of action decided upon at Verona. As soon as Chateaubriand returned on December 20, Villèle called a meeting of the council, where Montmorency defended his point of view; that a war was inevitable, and if it was destined, it was better to have it now before the Spanish monarchist forces were crushed. He had succeeded in getting the cooperation of the other powers; but if France refused to join in common action, she would risk confrontation with England. All the ministers came over to his support, except for the Prime Minister, who decided that the final choice rested with the King. Five days later, the definitive council was held in the presence of Louis XVIII. Villèle again found himself alone in thinking they should not join the collective action of the other three powers. To everyone’s surprise the King strongly supported the Prime Minister. Montmorency immediately tendered his resignation; he claimed that he could not support a policy contrary to the engagements he had made with Europe. Villèle had scored a pyrrhic victory, because it only helped the opposite position. Chateaubriand achieved what he had coveted, the portfolio of Foreign Minister, and Montmorency was happy to give him his support.

Mathieu de Montmorency, later duc de Montmorency-Laval, and Minister of Foreign Affairs.​

With the backing of Montmorency, Chateaubriand followed the course of his predecessor and got action approved in spite of England’s threats from abroad and the angry opposition of the liberals in the Chamber of Deputies. Soon afterward, Chateaubriand recalled the French representative in Madrid, and on January 28 1823 the King, in his speech, declared: “Madrid’s deafness to our appeals leaves little hope of preserving peace. I have ordered the recall of our minister; and 100,000 French troops commanded by a prince of my family...calling on the God of Saint Louisa, are ready to go into action save the throne of Spain for a grandson of Henry IV, to spare this fine kingdom from ruin, and reconcile it with Europe.” For several weeks the chambers debated the appropriations for the expeditions, which caused violent interparty conflict. General Foy, with the influence of his experience in the Napoleonic campaign in Spain, predicted disaster. Deputy Manuel raised a storm when he called the execution of Louis XVI a measure of public safety required by the earlier invasion of France. After his speech, the Ultra-Royalists expelled him from the legislature and the deputy was physically removed from the Chamber; other liberal deputies joined their colleague and departed for the rest of the session. All of this legislative noise did not stop the expedition; France was well prepared for action. A “protective buffer” or “observation corps” had been established near the border, and the old imperial generals were called forth for the fulfillment of their duty. Their observation was indeed a chaotic interior.

King Louis XVII of France and Navarre.​

Early the previous year (February 14 1822), amidst anti-clerical mob violence, extrajudicial killings, and rampant property destruction, the liberal Cortes was dissolved for election. Before it was recused the Cortes divided Spain into fifty-two departments after the revolutionary French. What returned from the reorganization, orchestrated to favor the radicals, were election results of a wholly novel category. Not a single bishop was elected among the deputies, and few representatives boasted title. The majority were lawyers and journalists who showed their principles by electing the radical instigator of the Trienio Liberal, Rafael del Riego, as President of the Chamber. Riego showed great audacity and greater stupidity; his weak head was turned by flattery and he adored the airs of dictatorship. His personal hymn was made the national anthem, and the primary opposition of constitutional moderates (known as doceañistas) were wholly excluded from the Cortes. But because the constitution forbade reelection and the selection of ministers from among the dignitaries; the doceañistas were called to serve on the Council of State. King Ferdinand chose one whom he admitted was the object of some personal contempt; Martinez de la Rosa, “little Rose the sweet-stuff maker” as he humorously called the honest but weary reformer. Rosa took the Presidency of the Council, alongside other liberal doceañistas, such as Felipe Sierra Pambley (Finance), Nicolás María Garelli (Justice), and Ignacio Balanzat de Orvay y Briones (War).

The doceañista Prime Minister, Martinez de la Rosa (left), and the exaltado Rafael del Riego (right)​

The Cabinet was faced with the impossible task of governing without a majority in the Cortes, which was dominated by the radical exaltados. Further complications were caused by the fact that the Constitution forbade the presence of the ministers in Congress; they thus dependent on spokesman, such as the faded patriot Agustín Argüelles. But these spokesmen were overshadowed by the exaltados leadership, including Alcala Galiano and the young liberal group under Angel de Saavedra. Under the inspiration of these radical movements the Cortes voted statues and monuments to the Comuneros and to the champions of the liberties of Aragon, whom they considered their political forefathers. Apprehensive of bribery and corruption, penalties were established for deputies to enter any government office, and bishops were ordered to demonstrate in pastorals the conformity of the Constitution to Holy Write, and to report monthly to the governors of provinces on the political attitudes of individual priests. The laws were not as oppressive as had been imagined, and many moderate newspapers endured, but the absolutist press was closed and speech of that variety was suppressed. The radical mob hunted those that dared condemn the new regime, and so the reactionaries plotted in secret and silence.

Parliamentary rivals: moderate Agustín Argüelles (left) and the radical Alcala Galiano (right).​

Reforms were expeditiously prepared and enforced over the objections of the monarchy; the accumulation of property by mortmain was made illegal; half of all entailed estates became the property of the actual holder and the other half was freed to his successor. An attempt was made to put in practice the elaborate rules laid down for self-government by the Deputations of the Provinces and the Municipalities in the Communes. Faced with these liberal dispositions, the King had abandoned his attempts to overthrow the regime by coup d'etat and assumed passive resistance, excluding when the interests of the Catholic Church were affected. Even as a stroke of policy, the combination of the causes of Catholicism and Absolutism was masterly. He represented himself to the Holy Alliance as a martyr to the cause of monarchy. His agents to Louis XVIII insisted that he intended to govern only with a moderate constitution like the French Charter of 1814; he supported this contention by pointing to the fact that moderates such as the Conde de Toreno and Martinez de la Rosa supported his cause against the exaltados. The programme of these moderates had indeed become reactionary—revolution carries the prudent but quickly becomes their enemy. And so the doceañistas supported an aristocratic senate, removal of all restrictions on the regal veto, abolition of the Permanent Commission of Cortes, and imposition of curbs on the press and the political clubs. But in private King Ferdinand regarded his true friends as Francisco de Eguía; the fierce soldier who had given at Valencia the first assurance that the King could count on the army during the Peninsular War, and also later had filled the prisons of Madrid with Liberals; and the other Ultra-Royalists plotting at Bayonne with armed bands of royalists. Whilst the Cortes pretested to the King against the "the slow progress of the constitutional system" on March 24, 1822, it was a lack of combination rather than zealotry which prevented a domestic liberation. Separate revolts at Aranjuez and Valencia were suppressed by the militia in May, but on June 21, the Apostolic Army of the Faith captured the fortified city of La Seo de Urgel, which became the capital point for royalist machinations. Under the protection of France, a regency was established, consisting of the Marquis de Mataflorida, the Archbishop of Tarragona, and Baron Eroles. It received from King Ferdinand secret authority to rescue altar and throne and declared every action null and void promulgated since the revolution of 1820. Soon thereafter, six battalions of the Royal Guard mutinied at Madrid and held the Plaza de Oriente, the square directly front of the palace.

The Regency of Urgel: Marquis de Mataflorida, the Archbishop of Tarragona, Baron Eroles, and secretary.​

Two battalions guarded the King and his ministers while the rest of the guards marched to El Pardo; the King could barely conceal his delight. When his moderate ministers attempted to tender their resignations, Ferdinand refused and threatened to hold them personally responsible for events. Meanwhile, the exaltados and other energetic Liberals prepared to resist the attempt of a corps to impose their will on Madrid and Spain. Buttressed by line regiments, the militia, and volunteers under Evaristo de San Miguel, the Liberals defeated the guards from El Pardo and retook control. At the request of the King the Liberals laid down their arms, but they insisted that the Moderate ministry should make way to a more “constitutional” one, implying that the time for a radical ministry had arrived. Accordingly the resignation of Martinez de la Rosa was accepted, and at his place Evaristo de San Miguel became the First Minister. A so-called “ministry of the Seven Patriots” assumed office, and immediately expelled the associates of the King from court. In order to stymie conspiracy in Escorial, San Ildefonso, or Aranjuez, the ministry refused to allow the monarch to leave Madrid, and the Municipal Council warned the King that his household was “believed to be composed of unwearing conspirators against liberty.” The Council of Castile urged the regal person of the necessity of disavowing any attempts by the guards, and this the King performed, for he was never scrupled to sacrifice his friends. Even Riego was listened to with perfidious grace when the revolutionary forced his unwelcome advice upon the King. Everywhere the Liberals triumphed, and held mighty banquets, conducting public funerals for those who had fallen on July 7 in the defense of Madrid.

Illustration of the combat of July 7 1822 at the Plaza of Madrid.​

Two royalist soldiers were executed, and this was considered commendable restraint, but in Valencia, General Elio (the late Governor) was put to death for false charges by the constitutionalists. He was executed as a felon, but his only crime was his royalist convictions; he died with a resignation that shamed his enemies. Exceptional powers were asked from and granted by the Cortes. Arbitrary arrests and domiciliary visits were instituted; lukewarm officials and anti-Constitution priests summarily deprived of their berths. There were projections that the prisons would be opened and massacres inaugurated. The situation was now clear—the doceañistas party had withdraw in contempt for both extremes, Radical and Royalist, who now faced each other. The exaltados held the seals of office and held the King, while the Royalist and Apostolic party in-arms had established an opposition base in Urgel. After a great military effort, the royalist regency was dislodged, and the Regents flew to France. But to take capital other districts were stripped bare, and Merino, the famous royalist soldier-priest of the Peninsular War, took to the plains of Castile, and defeated liberal troops sent against him, taking state artillery. The capital was panic-stricken by the prospect of falling into the hands of the ruthless Royalist volunteers.

Evaristo de San Miguel, the first exaltado Prime Minister (left), and Ferdinand's favorite General Francisco de Eguía (right).​

By early 1823 the news of invasion had arrived in Madrid. A theatrical and melodramatic reconciliation was facilitated between the Liberal leaders, both moderate and extremist. Few would dare miss such an opportunity for orations on patriotism and national independence; Alcala Galiano, Saavedra, and Arguelles were swift to ride the bandwagon. The Cortes rushed to approve a loan of £1,500,000 and conscripted thirty thousand men. Spain was divided into five military districts appointing General Francisco Espoz y Mina to command in Catalonia, General Francisco Ballesteros in Navarre, Pablo Morillo, Conde de Cartagena and Marqués de La Puerta (El Pacificador) in Galicia, Villacampa in Andalusia, and the Conde de La Bisbal in the Madrid district. Little confidence, however, was dispensed; the Government requested permission from the Cortes to quit Madrid if necessary. The Cortes agreed, but the King did not. As his liberators approached, he rebuked all measures that would prolong his captivity by the Seven Patriots, including participation in the ceremony of prorogation of the Cortes. In view of his obstinacy the radical ministry rendered its resignation; but the popular radicals were aroused by the resolve of the King to hinder defensive measures. News of the resignation sparked cries of “Death to the Tyrant” and murmurs of Regency. The outcry produced a change of sentiment, and the Cabinet consented to remain in office, but the King still refused departure, pretending illness, fomenting mutiny, and provoking riot.

Spanish Liberals skirmish with Royal French troops in the North.​

His ministers outlived his obstinance, and on March 20 the King set out for Seville accompanied by the great officers of State and the Permanent Commission of the Cortes. In his moods of anger he found relief in jotting down the names of those upon whom he trusted some day to wreak his vengeance. New quarters were established, but this had only just been achieved when the duc d'Angouleme crossed Bidasso, and easily took the heroic city of Saragossa without struggle. During this progress, some thirty-five thousand men of various classes, who had taken up arms in opposition to the revolutionary Government, added themselves to the invaders. The most enthusiastic demonstrations of a joy, deep-seated or superficial, everywhere hailed the forward march of these columns. The whole defense of Spain turned into fiasco as the Spanish army melted away; Ballesteros made no attempt to dispute the passage of the Pyrenees; La Bisbal surrendered Madrid without fight and fled the country. Spain’s national pride, fostered and hardened against Napoleon, had vanished. Without external assistance, and internal unity, Spain was doomed to succumb. Her shame was doubled as Spanish refugees under Eroles, Eguia, O'Donnell, Vicente Genaro de Quesada (marqués del Moncayo), and the conde de España marched with the French Duke; and when he reached the interior, he was joined by Royalist irregulars under the soldier-priest Merino, leader of the Catholics and absolutists of the north, and Bessieres, another royalist guerilla.

French soldiers campaign in the rural countryside of Castile.​

The main body of La Bisbal’s troops withdrew into Extremadura, but before doing so they left behind sufficient force to keep off the Royalist guerrilleros from Madrid until the arrival of the Duke. There was not insignificant fear of the champions of Faith and absolutism, and so the moderate French Duke was happily welcomed with open arms; he placed guards over the houses of known constitutionalists to prevent revenge. Stricter absolutists, denied personal vengeance, turned their fury upon the Constitution of Cadiz. Meanwhile, one Spanish city, Corunna, defended its frontiers. But the patriots were disgraced after a brutal massacre of Royalist prisoners. Mina also attempted his duty, and so the old guerrillero assumed indirect warfare. He baffled armies, but after overextension, he was driven back into the mountains and thereafter besieged in Barcelona. Honourable terms were eventually offered, and Mina, pride intact, withdrew to England. Back in Madrid, Angouleme presided over the state restoration with a moderate and conciliatory spirit. He called upon the Council of Castile, the traditional authority, to appoint a Regency to govern in the King’s name until he could be freed.

Louis-Antoine d'Artois, Duke of Angoulême, future Dauphin of France, and leader of the invasion.​

The Regency did not share the same conciliatory spirit as the Prince. Led by Pedro de Alcántara Álvarez de Toledo, Duque del Infantado, the Regency appointed an Apostolic Ministry under the Bishop of Tortosa, the King’s personal confessor. The two regiments that had protected Madrid from the fundamentalist disciplines of Bessieres were struck from the army list and disbanded. The liberal National Militia was dissolved, its members were prohibited from office, and it was replaced by the “Royalist Volunteers” including royal soldiers and their irregular allies. The Regency refused to recognise anything that had happened since March, 1820, and as far as possible reconstituted the circumstances of that date. The sales of national and Church property were ceased, and the clergy clamoured for the restoration of the Inquisition. Extreme fundamental and revanchist groups were formed, such as the “Juntas of Purification” and the “Society of the Exterminating Angel.” Loans contracted during the revolutionary period were suspended, much to the damage of the national credit. Whilst this was occuring in the capital, the Liberal Government at Seville passed its time in “bickerings and recriminations; and ministries rose and fell almost daily.” News arrived that the French were moving into Andalusia and this obliged the Government to seek new refuge. Unsurprisingly, the delegates chose Cadiz, the legendary home of Liberalism. But once again the King refused to quit Seville; no representatives could overcome his intolerance for the hostage government. Constitutional procedures had to be invented by Alcala Galiano, who convinced the ministry and the Permanent Commission that the King had shown himself to be in a state of incapacity. For incapable kings the Constitution demanded a Regency, and therefore an interim Regency was formulated on June 15 and the King was forcibly carried to Cadiz. Their departure was followed soon after by cries of “Viva la Religion!” and “Viva la Rey Absoluto!” as Seville welcome the French.

Union of Throne and Alter: Ferdinand VII receives Merino after his liberation.​

Three days after the Regency, the King arrived in safety, and the Regency restored his limited powers. Two months later, the French Army arrived before Cadiz. The siege was brief, despite the famous defensive position of the city, the Spanish garrison was no match for the French forces backed by the sympathies of most Spaniards. In order to save honour, the city resisted even after the Trocadero surrendered. By the end of September the fiction of a nation-in-arms was abandoned, and Ferdinand received his liberty from the Permanent Commision. The local populace, however, was not ignorant of the temper of King Ferdinand VII, so they refused hum liberty until there was a pardon of those liberal personages; a recognition of public debts; a maintenance of liberal officers; and the proper dispersal of the National Militia without molestation. Desperate to return home, Ferdinand hastened home, acquiescing to the demands, and on October 1 1823 he accepted the formal resignation of the ministry, joining his cousin the duc d'Angouleme. From the moment of its appointment, the Regency of Madrid had lent aid to the “Juntas of Purification” in sweeping away non-conformity and liberalism. There was general expectation that that the deputies who had deposed the King would be condemned by the Regency. But the banishments and imprisonments intended to prepare the way for Ferdinand's return reached such a number that the French prince felt bound in honour to interfere. He gave orders that all unconvinced prisons should be free from unlawful apprehension, and that no further arrests would be made without French consent. But this interference with national independence sparked such an uproar that the prince retracted his order, and left the Liberals to their fate. Then Ferdinand himself came to join in the work of vengeance.

King Ferdinand VII receives his cousin, the duc d'Angouleme, as liberator of Cadiz and his person. ​

 

[DensleyBlair]

Signing on now so I can catch up in April.

 

[Jape]

I'll be writing in a history-book style, and imitating the structure of @Jape (cheers!).

No problem, interesting topic to cover and ominous ending to the first chapter.

 

[stnylan]

Ominous a beginning indeed.

 

[Jackbollda]

Calomarde imminent?

 

[OtakuStrategy]

Subbed. I await your next IAAR so I can actually join this one before everyone else floods in.

 

[99KingHigh]

Calomarde imminent?

Right on.

Subbed. I await your next IAAR so I can actually join this one before everyone else floods in.

RaR boots back in May!

 

[der Kriegsherr]

@99KingHigh

So no glorious last stands in the name of la bandana de la santa Tradición? Aww...!
But you're surely not going to let the traitors, cowards, pinkos and reds have their way with Spain come the 20th century, right?

 

[Viden]

Subscribed!

BTW, it is "¡Viva la religión!" and "¡Viva el rey absoluto!".

 

[99KingHigh]

Subscribed!

BTW, it is "¡Viva la religión!" and "¡Viva el rey absoluto!".

It is indeed. I cribbed the phrases from a pompous English memoir of a traveller in Spain, which I believe was titled The court and camp of Don Carlos; being the results of a late tour in the Basque province, and parts of Catalonia, Aragon, Castile, and Estramadura and his inaccuracies make me giggle.

 

[A.R.G..I.S..W.H.T]

Subbed

 

[volksmarschall]

Bookmarking an AAR during a seminar. Surely I have better things to be doing right now!

Lux et veritas!

 

[99KingHigh]

Chapter 2: Vilafrancada, Abrilada, and Usurpation

​

When Maria I passed in March 1816, and the Prince Regent assumed the title of John VI, the Portuguese monarchy had been established in Rio de Janeiro for almost a decade. A nation loyal at heart had not forgotten how they had been deserted by the Brigantine Dynasty. Sacrifice and duty had prevailed over Napoleon’s legions in the Peninsular, but victory failed to produce spoils. Remittances to Brazil continued to be made, not only for the court, but also for the households of a number of territorial magnates, whose absence impoverished the lower orders. The agricultural classes could, for some years, but look with despair upon their denuded fields and stripped homesteads. In Lisbon a councilor regency was discredited; every order was opposed to its existence, not least the army, who had crossed the Pyrenees with Wellington and returned indigent at the comparative liberty of a nation so confused with war. Liberal ideas had animated their spirits. During the Peninsular War the political situation was affected by the miseries of the populace; discontent was expressed with the sojourn of the royal family, and revolutionary tensions bubbled despite censorship even amidst the extremes of warfare. Portuguese newspapers, printed in London, assisted the liberal doctrine, especially the Correio Brasilerio and the Portugues. The growth of liberalism in Spain, reaching a climax in the Constitution of 1812, also attracted Portuguese liberals, particularly freemasons, through whom new ideas circulated with the most expediency. The harbors of Brazil had been thrown open to the ships of every country alike; but an innovation which thus attracted all manner of foreign flags was producing consternation in the chief trading houses of Lisbon and Oporto, thus heightening the clamour that Brazil must be relegated to its former subordinate position as a colony, and raising an outcry against Great Britain in particular as the most enterprising of the nations now enriching themselves at the expense of Portugal. But since 1815, when the council of governors had requested the regent to return to Portugal without delay, and the future King gave no indication of his intention to return, Brazil had procured equal status and enjoyed the fruits of happy prosperity.

​

But this wealth was not attended by an absence of grievance. The Royal Family had sailed to Rio with the accompaniment of an immense following; unlimited hospitality seemed to be the imposition of the leadership. Wealthy citizens made great personal sacrifices to accommodate, but soon the Brazilians realized not only that the establishments of the grandees had to be insured at exorbitant cost, but also that the most lucrative state posts had become exclusive to these grandees. Court favoritism became an obstruction to the colonial elite and this fostered antagonism between the Portuguese and Brazilian camps, with the local forces divided into two hostile factions, often compelled to put down agitated uprisings. The enmity was unlike the cries for emancipation and republicanism that verberated in South America. Contrarily, Brazil struggled for possession of the monarch—he was the standard of the fight. Portugal’s discontent was certainly justified, but so too could Brazil prophesize great fear at the eclipse which must follow the departure of the Crown. A kingdom of such tense unification required a Sovereign with extraordinary capacity. John VI was in the possession of many good qualities. He was generous, kind-hearted, humane, paternal, and disposed to constitutional governance. But he was also indecisive, jealous, and sometimes too submissive to his religious councillors. Factions and intrigues belonged to his nearest relatives. The Queen, Doña Carlota Joaquina, was ambitious and grandiose. Sometimes she plotted for Regency positions, and sometimes desired principality over rebellious colonies. Their eldest son, Pedro, never hesitated to place himself in antagonism to his father when he found it advantageous. Their second son, Miguel, who was an Atlas to some, and a worthless reprobate to others, played a similar game of politics.

John VI dressed for his acclamation as king.​

The last line of political defense in Portugal was General William Beresford; Baron Beresford in England and the marquês de Campo Maior in Lisbon. At Albuera, Beresford had proved a match to Marshal Soult, and with Wellington, the Duke and the Baron had saved the independence of Fátima’s country. After Napoleon, Beresford retained his position as marshal of the Portuguese army in the service of the regents and thus, as a foreigner, become a good target for all complaints. In August 1815 he sailed for Brazil, and returned later with absolute powers over the army, a measure rendered necessary by the possibility of a conflict with Spain, but viewed with distrust by the localities. Just before his departure, General Gomez Freire de Andrade, who was a former Portuguese officer of Napoleon, and grand master of the freemasons, returned to Portugal, and featured as the prominent disseminator of liberal values. Early in 1817 two Spanish officers, Francisco Javier Cabanes and Jose Valls, appeared in the capital as emissaries of the Spanish liberals to Gomes Freire These emissaries appeared as the Kingdom swirled in activity. Two million cruzados were contradicted in loan by the treasury, and four million more were raised with the purchase of stocks at reduced price. In March a republican movement broke in Brazil and was only completely suppressed after three months. Portugal reflected Brazil; in May an attempt to depose Beresford was traced in Lisbon. Beresford, accused of attempting to influence the council of regency and enforcing extraordinary conscription, was informed of the plot personally by an indiscreet officer who boasted loudly in a cafe. Through state espionage and infiltration, Beresford discovered these revolutionary intentions and laid his information before the Marquis de Borba, who served as president of the governors. Various arrests were conducted, including against General Freire. Cruelty was not spared in imprisonment, and the torment was only ended with capital condemnation. Beresford exerted himself in the suspension of the sentence, but the Regency asserted that the sentence was to be conducted without delay. The twelve foremost conspirators, led by the general, were put to death. The liberal movement had gained new martyrs.

General William Carr Beresford, (later) 1st Viscount Beresford, 1st Marquis of Campo Maior​

The Regency’s repression drove revolutionary forces under the surface, but did not extinguish that flame of disaffection. Popular vexation against the Regency and Beresford continued while the economy struggled from the loss of privileges to Brazilian trade; agriculture remained in the pitiable state that the wars had left it; and the army was supported at war strength in peacetime. Five million curzados marked the extent of the annual deficit. Manuel Fernandes Tomas, taken by the constitution of Bolivia, and stirred by the sad condition of the Portuguese state, formed an organization known as the Sinédrio, which established in January 1818 a liberal movement. Two years later in January 1820 the revolution of Quiroga and Riego reimplanted the constitution of 1812 in Madrid. These neighboring events encouraged Oporto, where the Sinédrio grasp was strongest. Three months later, when Beresford departed again for Brazil to attempt to raise money for the army, the Sinédrio expedited their work, attracting higher officers in command of garrisons and depots in the Portuguese North. The date of insurrection, August 21, was prepared, but when its programme was ready, divergences between the conservative military and liberal civilians from resolving a comprehensive digestible manifesto, except on the elementary points that the municipal chamber of Oporto should be called upon to propose to the nation the names of a provisional junta, whilst envoys were despatched to the King with entreaties for the court restoration. With assurances from the military governor of Oporto and the police, and the Regency fed misinformation, the revolution was launched with the proclamations of Colonel Sebastio Drago Valente de brito Cabriera and Bernardo Correia de Castro e Sepulveda. The same afternoon the Junta Provisional de Governo Supremo de Reino was formed—the proclamation to the nation announced the character of the revolution. The cortes was to be revived to serve as the legislative mouthpiece of the people; the Iberian project was denounced; “English tutelage” was condemned; and the monarchy of the Braganzas was preserved. The governors hurried to convention in order to react, and condemned the “hideous crime of rebellion.” Their first impulse was to send forces northbound to suppress the revolution, but inview of its military nature a secondary course was adopted, which sponsored the summoning of cortes, an act which, as a prerogative of the monarchy, would steal away the best “cards” of the revolutionary Junta. But the revolution proved contagious; Coimbra and Braganca rallied to the revolution, and put to field an army worthy of the cause. In vain the governors convoked the cortes, inviting the Junta to dissolve since its programme was fulfilled, and on September 15 the governors forbade the annual celebrations of the departure of Junot, fearing further rebellion. But the garrison of Lisbon gathered in Risso and declared an interim necrocracy with the dead Gomes Freire as its “Principal Elder.” Great popular rejoicing and protestations of devotions to the King covered the capital city in revolution.

Scenes from the Oporto Revolution in 1820.​

There was an immediate fear that the conflicting Junta of Oporto and the interim ministry of Lisbon would clash. The Lisbon representatives advocated a Monarchy not unlike that of Great Britain; those from Oporto were committed to radical change. But the two interests were amalgamated by the Agreement of Alcobaca on October 27 1820 into two bodies; one kept its original title for the purposes of governance while the other prepared the cortes.Two committees, one to organize the convocation of the legislature, and one to provide material for them to work on, continued the synthesis of interests. Apart from raising Portugal from Brazil’s shadow and the conclusion of subservience to English military rule, little bound the parties together. Fernando Tomas intended to substitute national sovereignty through the cortes for absolutism with the absence of John VI as the prerogative. But the army distrusted the regime of lawyers and civilians, and tried to dissolve the Junta at Leiria, while General Cabreira (Count of Lagos) attempted the same of Alcobaca. But the influence of Sepulveda was sufficient enough to procure the entrance of the Junta into Lisbon on October 4 as delirious ovations provided a mask of unity. Loyalty to John VI was almost unanimous, but the nobility, clergy, and magistry were demanded for an oath of loyalty to the Junta, John VI, the cortes, and the future constitution (whatever it might be) in that order. Practically all concerned sank their pride and took the oath. Beresford had arrived on October 10 in the Tagus from Rio de Janeiro where he was granted the rank of marshal-general with immediate authority over the regular army and militia. The Junta forbade him to land, and a week thereafter he diverted to England; his deposition from power accomplished the only adhesive policy of the new government.

For the Cortes, much was left unresolved. There were those who preferred the traditional separation of the three estates, essentially absolutist in design, and those who favored the conversion of the traditional model into a vehicle for popular sovereignty. Facts favoured the revolutionary view—the absentee king had lost his prestige and the effacement of the social distinctions on which the traditional model was constructed. Commentary on the matter pervaded social boundaries, and the Academy of Sciences declared the necessity of summoning the three orders as the exclusive body legally capable of changing the government. It proposed in view of the variable composition of the Cortes that thirty noblemen, twenty three ecclesiastics, and one hundred and fifty commoners, nominated by the municipalities, should represent the convoked legislature. In spite of the majority conceded to the third estate, radicalism was ripe, and a vociferous section of the radical elite demanded suffrage. In November, instructions were issued for elections. All heads of families could declare their choice of electors to local committees. As there were no electoral lists it was decided that concelhos of “600 hearths might choose one elector, of 1,200 two, and so forth.” The electors were charged with the election of future deputies if they were of a “scientific or legal mind,” which naturally attracted the ire of the military. Certain officers wanted to imitate Riego. Thus on November 11, the military forwarded an ultimatum, known as the Martinhada, and demanded the Spanish Constitution of 1812, changes to the Junta, and the confirmation of Comandante de Exército Gaspar Teixeira as commander of the armed forces. Some civilians were forced to resign, but after a military council they were reinstated, while the two opposing streams of army politics, advanced liberalism and military conservatism, united against the legal clique in order to put the military orders in the forefront. But their demands undermined their desires; the new Spanish electoral system blew over the Martinhada and new paper democracy swept inexperienced middle-class liberals into power. The great majority was for constitutional monarchy, fluent in French phraseology and classical reference. They assembled for the first time on January 24, 1821 and selected a new regency. Afterwards came deliberations on the new constitution, carried by the general radicalism of the legislature. Article 18 declared “sovereignty resides in the Nation” and this caused division between radicals and moderates. What followed was a delicate trade of nomenclature and conditionals until there was a general compromise, and the constitution was asserted by the delegated representatives.

The General and Extraordinary Cortes of the Portuguese Nation that approved the first Constitution.​

The Cortes of 1821 rushed to legislate, and hastily legalized the revolutions of August 24 and September 15 lest the King should pronounce them illegal and demand reaction. Equal fear of such reaction incentivized the deputies to hastily push through extreme reforms and abolitions in the springtime. All political offenders condemned for the last thirteen years were amnestied, unauthorized salaries and pensions were abolished; the Inquisition and personal obligations inherent in the seigniorial regime were swept away. The ultimate measures injured the livelihoods of many Portuguese as Revolution showed itself too quick for reflection. Ecclesiastes and those who depended on its charity were damaged by the disappearance of the Church privileges, most of its seminarists and the Inquisition. When the Patriarch of Lisbon refused to take the oath and the nuncio, his windows were smashed by the crowd. His refusal led to forced retirement to the monastery of Bussaco. All those who refused the oath were denied Portuguese citizenship and banished from the country.

The news of Revolution had reached Brazil on October 17 1820. After delay, John VI approved the convocation of the Cortes, although he expressed displeasure that his official sanction was not sought by the Portuguese leaders. The publication of the royal message of convocation in the Gazeta de Lisboa (December 19 1820) strengthened the legitimacy of the Juna, which was already fortified by the sheer distance between Court and Lisbon. The King was too frightened of revolutionary implications—1793 loomed in his mind—for any definitive step. But on February 26 Rio de Janeiro gave insurrectionist noise, and a liberal ministry was appointed in Brazil. The new ministry immediately supported return to Portugal, despite the reluctance of the King (who would have preferred to send Pedro). News of the imminent return reached Lisbon on March 26 and stirred excitement, since the King’s acceptance of the parliamentary regime became paramount; various diplomats had refused to represent it without John’s order and courted the interventionist Holy Alliance. English diplomats informed Portugal of the resolution that Austria, Prussia, and Russia had assumed against revolutionary Naples, and promised to use her weight to prevent intervention provided that the constitution was a mild one. The suggestion was not heeded, and in haste, as mentioned, the congress assumed all the elements of extreme liberalism. A month later it was learned that the King would swear to the constitution. A eulogy was heard from Jeremy Bentham and popular rejoicement followed. But the undercurrent of criticism and opposition hardened as the government tended towards extreme anti-clericalism and revolutionary rhetoric. An unhealthy apprehension was assumed by the legislative decrees of June 3, which prevented the King from landing until the following day, and prohibited all exclamations except vivas for Religion, the Cortes, the Constitution or the Constitutional King. The moderate conservative grandee and veteran minister who had tried to persuade the King to return, the Count of Palmela, was forbidden to disembark. These stipulations concerned the King, who remained fearful of regicide, despite the enthusiasm of the street populace; he mumbled out the oath and listened to his reply to the address of welcome as it was read by its author. Its contents stirred tumult because they alluded to the exercise of legislative powers by the monarch; Congress met and declared that the bases of the constitution were infringed by this reference, and the King was forced to proclaim the purity of intentions through his ministry. The estimated constitution of 217 articles was published on June 30 1821 and the debates lasted until September 23 1822. John VI dutifully took the oath to observe the constitution. Various political errors affected the final draft; ministers were not allowed to belong to the chamber, so they had no chance of contact with the parliament except in the press; the unicameral composition denied admission to the majority of the upper clergy and nobility, who almost exclusively had administrative experience; the Cortes could not be dissolved by the King, so there was no mechanism to overcome deadlock. These constitutional mechanisms succeeded the constituent congress on December 1 1822 and there was a noticeable decline in the quality of deputies. Dubious figures with vociferous voices and empty minds dominated the legislature.

Pedro de Sousa Holstein, Count of Palmela, an important constitutionalist conservative adviser to the King.
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Don Pedro was left in Brazil as Regent and representative of the King. Those who favoured complete Brazilian independence—a not insignificant cadre of ministers and politicians who disliked the court return—found no trouble in finding a sympathetic ear in Don Pedro. Shortly after the departure of the court, the speculative collapse of the bank of Rio de Janeiro spread poverty and anger. In June 1821, the Regent was forced to grant a constitution. Hereafter he appropriated the regalia and form of monarchy. Lisbon was not happy with this apparent usurpation of authority and ordered D. Pedro to resign the Regency of Brazil and return to Europe to complete his education with a continental tour. Fernandes Tomas declared: “We can oblige the first citizen of the nation to have the education necessary for the position he is to hold; as the first citizen he ought to go, and if not, lose his position.’ Already a declaration of independence seemed inevitable, and the attitude of the constituent congress did not smooth the way for reconciliation. A commision of Brazilian deptues formed in June 1822 to frame the additional articles of the Portuguese constitution applicable to Brazil was presented on June 17, but the congress refused to vote on the measures. The measures that the deputation invented were excessively legalistic, involving a three cortes system for Portugal, Brazil, and combined assemblage, but the Portuguese deputies were no more realistic in their designs. In reaction, a large party, animated by the Brazilian freemason movement, moved towards complete independence. On the celebrations of John VI’s birthday, May 13 1822, Pedro received the title of “Perpetual Defender and Protector” and called together the representatives of Brazil. He was on the bank of the Iprinange on September 7 when he received the order from Lisbon to return to Portugal. The Regent and his associates adopted the motto of “Independence or Death” and on October 12, Pedro was acclaimed the constitutional Emperor of Brazil. The war that followed was without serious contest, and the Brazilian state extricated the Portuguese presence within two years.

Pedro is acclaimed beside the river Iprinange on September 7 1822.​

Independence in Brazil left Portugal in critical condition. An annual deficit of 3,000 contos was only satisfied with serious austerity, the dismall of numerous officials multiplied dissent, and the navy had been reduced by sweeping defection in Brazil. Diplomacy was complicated by the imposition of an additional fifteen percent duty on woolens from England, who was the only protection from the Holy Alliance. Reactionary elements scornfully reviewed the sorry condition of the liberal regime. Queen Carlota Joaquina had refused the oath and accordingly been denied her Portuguese citizenship; if she had not been declared unfit for travel on account of her ill health, she would have been banished. Instead, she established herself at the Ramalhão palace at Sintra, which became the headquarters of counter-revolution. Manuel da Silveira Pinto da Fonseca Teixeira, Count of Amarante, headed an insurrectionary counter-revolution movement at Vila Real, attempting to free the country from “the yoke of the Cortes, religion from its enemies, and the King from his bondage.” Legislation in Lisbon came to a screeching halt; the legal term of the legislature was due to expire but a special convocation was made for May in view of the threatening situation. The insurrection failed to cause instant counter-revolution but several military regiments were plainly showing an anti-regime disposition. Ministeries rose and fell, and the counter-revolution, in sympathy, if not in reality, appeared near the gates of Lisbon. Abbot of Medroes proposed a national plebiscite to decide the type of national government. Such a proposition was considered perjury by loyal liberals, who scurried to save the state. Prince Miguel, John’s younger son, joined the insurrection—bound by ardent affection to his mother. Three thousand men left the garrison of Lisbon for Vila Franca. A moment of disaster was seemingly obstructed by a regal condemnation, in which the King condemned his son’s actions and asserted his loyalty to the constitutional Cortes. Miguel declared: “In place of the primitive national rights which they promised to recover on August 24, 1820, they gave you their ruin and the King reduced to a mere ghost; (...) to which you owe your glory in the lands of Africa and the seas of Asia, reduced to the abasement and deprived of the brightness that had once obtained from real recognition; the religion and its ministers, mocked and scorned (...). I find myself in the midst of courageous and spirited Portuguese, determined as I am to die or to restore to His Majesty their freedom and authority. Do not hesitate, ecclesiastics and citizens of all classes, come help the cause of religion, royalty and you all, and swear not to return the royal hand, unless after His Majesty is restored to his authority.” A fear consequently consumed the King that his Queen’s party would enforce his dethronement. Just a few hours later, the King left to join the rebels, accompanied by a numerous crowd whose anxiety not to be on the losing side guided them to Vila Franca. He returned to Lisbon on June 5 with the soldiers of D. Miguel. A rump of 61 deputies and substitutes capitulated under protest.

Don Miguel pronounces to the army his popular opposition to the Constitution.​

The counter-revolution was no great surprise; few factors persisted that had once unified the nation in 1812. Too many interests and ambitions had been imprudently infringed for grand philosophies. The nobility was irritated by the loss of governmental influence, its ancient privileges, and its sinecures. Clergymen had been subjugated and reduced by the secular ideologies, the army was denied its promised clout, the magistracy had been criticized and insulted, public officials were driven out of office without pension or salary, merchants were ruined by the loss of Brazil, and the common people suffered under the economic depression. These domestic grievances were assimilated into the international atmosphere of counter-revolution; when the 100,000 Sons of St. Louis entered Iberia, Amarante had already made his pronouncement at Vila Real. On May 24 Fernando was returned to Madrid, and Portugal pretended to play defense. The cortes’ attempt to man the frontiers played into the counter-revolutionary aspect; the unpaid army instantly joined Don Miguel. The young prince cried viva for the absolute monarchy, and shrewdly enunciated the pitiful state of Portugal. John VI’s defection, although treacherous for liberals, saved much bloodshed, and his wife was satisfied with the restoration of her powers. She became Queen again, and the King re-entered Lisbon amidst scenes of regal triumph, attending a Te Deum in the cathedral to celebrate the recovery of his “inalienable rights as absolute king.” Constitutional governance, greeted with the jubilation by the masses, was waved goodbye with the same popular ebullience. Amarante was rewarded for his loyal services with the distinction of Marquis de Chaves.

Queen-Consort Carlota Joaquina, the informal leader of the absolutist faction.​

The counter-revolution of May 1823 became known as the Vilafrancada, and Prince Miguel found the spoils in his appointment as Commander-in-Chief, which gave the second son considerable powers over the executive. After the counter-revolution the functionaries of the overthrow devoted themselves to the destruction of the liberal's work. But the broad-base of the counter-revolution meant that anti-1820 constitutionals were not excluded from the government. John had promised to grant a constitutional charter from his own prerogative, and this was supported by the now elevated Marquis de Palmela, who served as Minister of War, and the Prime Minister, the (also elevated) Count of Subserra. In fact, despite the counter-revolutionary philosophy of the new ministry, it was marked by an ideological moderacy, disposed to enlightenment principles. But the more extreme absolutists were not satisfied that John VI was set to commit another defection. On April 30 1824 the garrison of Lisbon came out and hailed the popular Don Miguel as King of Portugal. The prince took command of the revolt and in a proclamation that followed his assumption, the prince alleged a plot to assassinate the royal family. He made this the pretext of his repression; moderate ministers, such as Palmela and Subserra, were arrested and thrown into the dungeons. The Viscount of Santa Marta, José de Sousa Pereira de Sampaio Vaía, joined Miguel in the insurgency, and Miguelist figures were placed in military positions. On May 3 John VI sanctioned his son’s action, but three days later, aboard the Windsor Castle, the King summoned his son, and deprived him of command. The prince conceded his position and went into unofficial exile; Miguel traveled to Brest, Paris, and later Vienna. This episode, succeeding the Villafranca, became known as the Abrilada. Its results included the summoning the the “traditional” cortes, the dissolution of the commision at work on the constitutional charter, and an amnesty, which however was not extended to those responsible for the revolution of 1820.

Don Miguel is idealized during his failed Abrilada. ​

Foremost in the public mind after the departure of Prince Miguel was the question of Brazilian independence. The character of the situation was indisputably peculiar—the heir to the throne of the mother country occupied the throne of the insurgent one, who in turn rebuked all association with the modern country. In September 1823 the Portuguese Ambassador in London had requested British mediation, but Canning could not accept the proposed conditions. A conference was held the next year which submitted the Brazilian and Portuguese cases to Anglo-Austrian arbitration. But the conference was cut short when the Brazilian commissioners refused any possible provision for the restoration of Portuguese dominion. For various reasons, including the possibility of French recognition of Brazil, Canning was compelled to seek agreement with Brazil, if necessary without waiting for Portugal. The Portuguese refused every reluctance to acknowledge Brazilian independence, if only because, on the death of John VI, the succession of D. Pedro seemed likely to bring back the subordination of the mother country to the colony. King John refused this patience, however, and by two acts (May 13 and November 15) recognised independence of Brazil. The first declared that the succession of the two crowns belonged exclusively to Don Pedro and that full sovereignty of the Empire of Brazil was yielded to him. The second document recognized the category of an independent and separate empire, transferring the succession to his son, and retaining only the imperial title for himself. Before John died on March 10, 1826, he appointed a council of regency under the presidency of his daughter Maria Isabel, in the absence of his two sons, but left the question of succession unsettled. The regency was merely ordered to continue until new directions came from the legitimate heir and successor to the crown. Whether Don Pedro could inherit would be the impetus for imminent civil war. The first acts of the Regency indicate that there was initially no doubt that Pedro was to be King; documents were established in his name and a deputation was sent to Brazil to recognize his succession. Pedro did not hesitate to accept, and ordered the Cortes to take the oath to a constitutional charter of his own design (perhaps inspired by Sir Charles Stuart, British representative in Brazil), an act which custom forbade until he swore to preserve the rights of the nation. Pedro, who was privately committed to Brazil, devised a three-pronged plan for resolution. The first would be his acceptance of the crown as King Pedro IV; second, imposing a new constitution (the Constitutional Charter); the third, abdicating the throne in favour his daughter. On May 2 1826 Pedro made an abdication in favor of his daughter Maria de Gloria, conditional on the acceptance of the Cortes to the oath of the constitutional charter and the marriage of Prince Miguel to the young queen.

Pedro I, Emperor of Brazil, and King of Portugal, in 1826.​

Miguel would act as regent until Maria was 14, and they would rule jointly until their children succeeded to the throne. Pedro’s reign as King lasted two months; in this spain he proclaimed an amnesty, wrote the Charter, named the new nobles who would form the composition of the upper chamber, and conditionally abdicated. The charter was not revolutionary, but exhibited the admiral qualities of pragmatic liberalism offered from the legitimate authority of the king. It was brought to Portugal on July 7 1826 and caused some surprise by the regency. The Charter was based on the Brazilian constitution which had been in place since March 1824. But in a very real sense a king like Pedro was needed to sustain the charter and shape its institutions. Nonetheless, the Charter became operational, and on 29 October Don Miguel and Maria exchanged betrothal vows by proxy. Maria (still in Rio de Janeiro) assumed the throne as Maria II, the interim regency was dissolved, and Princess Isabel Maria became sole regent. Discontented Absolutists, many of whom believed that Maria was not the rightful heir because Don Pedro had forfeited his inheritance rights as citizen upon Brazilian independence, scoffed at the new arrangement, or took to self-exile in Spain. The nobility was divided in this regard between the old grandees with large estates and the newer nobility based on service, commercial success, and recent land investments. Europe was less split; Austria support Don Pedro in the expectation that Maria would become Queen, for she was a granddaughter of Emperor Francis I. Even Miguel wrote to his sister and brother, declaring that he was no impediment to the succession. Carlota Joaquina was naturally absent after the charter was pronounced. On August 1, D. Maria Isabel appointed a ministry, who carried out elections, while Don Miguel swore his observation of the charter, and signed contracts of betrothal, from Vienna. But in spite of the immediate unity, the government was weak and unrest persisted. Absolutists gained by the day, and Spain’s government armed them without reservation. In October 1827, Don Miguel reached the age of 25, and claimed his regency. But as Pedro’s abdication was conditional; on Miguel’s marriage to his daughter, which had not yet taken place, there was no need for a regent on the grounds of her minority, but merely on the grounds of Don Pedro’s absence. Metternich ordered a deputation to Brazil in order to complete Pedro’s abdication, but Maria Isabel and the minister Saldanha urged the emperor to maintain the present arrangement, and Don Pedro consented. Both Metternich and Canning hopes that Don Pedro would sent D. Maria de Gloria to Europe and settle the inconclusive situation. Saldanha feared a Miguelist rebellion, and having failed to guarantee that the English troops support his party, was prepared to compromise. In September 1827 Don Pedro proclaimed his brother as lieutenant, and simultaneously urged George IV and Francis I to obtain the continuation of the charter. To the joy of the absolutists, D. Miguel left for Paris and London, where he took transport for Lisbon. Already the center of politics had moved in the absence from Maria Isabel to Carlota Joaquina.

Regent Maria Isabel, liberal executive, and opponent of the absolutist coup.​

Miguel landed on February 22 1828. Four days later, he gave his oath to Don Pedro IV and the charter, and chose a new ministry under the absolutist Duque de Cadaval. Reaction was immediate; those suspect of liberalism were insulted and maltreated, and wild and cruel disorders took place in the provinces. Vivas for Don Pedro, Don Maria, and the charter were forbidden, and the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved. Orders were issued to all municipalities to send petitions for Don Miguel to assume the crown; those who refused to petition were dismissed. On March 3 1828 Don Pedro at last abdicated, leaving his party in a sorry state. For some this was a blissful time—the Duque de Cadaval, the Conde de Basto (Foreign Affairs), the Conde de Vila Real (War), and the Conde da Lousã (finance)—ruled without dispute or contention over the Kingdom. In April, D. Miguel was persuaded to call the “traditional” cortes to settle the legitimacy of his claim to the throne. Orders were issued to satisfy the ancient legislature; municipalities were bid to sent well-affected Miguelists, although it is quite true that Don Miguel was popular with the popular majority, if only because he had not “lost Brazil” like his brother. Despite the semi-anarchy in the Kingdom, torn between liberal and absolutist insurrections, the three-orders assembled in Lisbon at the end of June 1828, and asserted that D. Pedro’s succession was illegitimate, declaring his brother to have been “rightful King of Portugal.” Don Pedro accepted their decision on 7 July and was acclaimed king on 11 July 1828. All the foreign diplomats in Lisbon except the American and Mexican (but including the Spanish) refused to recognize the usurpation.

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And so, in that moment, all of Iberia came under the banner of absolutism. But everywhere the liberal ideas were in great abundance, and so peace was not.