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CyberianK

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you can now see how your titles would be distributed if you were to die. So if you keep and eye on that tab, you can see how granting your younger sons titles changes what they will get on your death.
Yes that sounds very helpful and potentially what a big part of the early game will be about :)
 

King Anund

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Are you talking about the 'middle age' or for the entirety of the old regime? Since the 16th century when things are neatly codified, what an appanage is is beyond doubt.
I'm talking about the Middle Ages as the common historiographical concept and as represented in Crusader Kings (ended in the XVth century). Whathever happened in the XVI century and after doesn't apply. Also the concept Ancien Regime is quite unuseful as it takes for granted that things were the same for centuries as they were in 1789. We are not talking about the same thing here. In the Early Modern Period (XVI-XVIII) Primogeniture was quite stronger as Monarchies became stronger and more centralized, and appanages became more ceremonial than real. Those centuries do not represent well the system of the Late Middle Ages (XIII-XV)
Roland Mousnier's Institutions of France Under Absolute Monarchy states that "The appanage of a prince of the blood and son or grandson of France was what given to him so that he might live in a manner appropriate to his estate...The king made up appanages out of fief under the Crown's jurisdiction having at least the dignity of duchy or county."
You didn't quote the full title The Institutions of France Under the Absolute Monarchy, 1598-1789. As with the thing before he topic is way out of the time period, even the Valois aren't kings anymore. Also the Absolute Monarchy of France is in the XVII and XVIII centuries, not the IX to XV that Crusader Kings represents.
Landed princes are in the position to act extralegally but unlanded don't. Is this a difficult concept?
There were not unlanded french princes so we don't know. However being unlanded didn't stop claimants of other kingdoms in their way to the throne, like Enrique de Trastámara, so we can suppose unlanded princes would also have te option of acquiring external or internal support to their claim.
If youd bother to read up even the secondary sources on the topic instead of simply espousing nonsense that you think is good sense, then you's realize that the Burgundy itself had ratified the act that make it a part of the crown lands--like all other territories would once they became crown lands--since John II. The contract that defines the legal condition of crown lands isn't new.
The distinction between fief and appanage started in the XVI century and in fact out of the conflict with the Burgundian Succession
Paul Saenger, "Burgundy and the Inalienability of Appanages in the Reign of Louis XI", French Historical Studies Vol. 10, No. 1 (Spring, 1977), pp. 1-26 (26 pages)
And about appanages being part of the crown land:
Page 4:
The power of the appanage princes grew, so that by the mid-fifteenth century the existence of mighty appanages even more than the English invasions posed the principal threat to the formation of a unified French kingdom. The great appanages of Burgundy, Bourbonnais, Orleans, Berry, Normandy, and Guyenne had become de facto and, to an ambiguous degree, de jure kingdoms within the kingdom. Building on precedents, the reigning dukes of the fifteenth century exercised royal prerogatives over justice, taxation, and ecclesiastical affairs and excluded the populations of their land from representation in the Estates General. As long as a direct or even a collateral male line existed, the lands held in appanage were unquestioningly accepted as effectively separate from the realm.
Doesn't seem like appanages worked as part of the Royal Domain.
Page 8:
The great appanage princes rebelled because they believed that they, as well as the king, possessed a share of the prerogatives of the crown. Their perception of their own status was at least a partially accurate reflection of the actual state of affairs which had prevailed in France during most of the first half of the fifteenth century. In a letter to the aldermen of Amiens, Charles the Bold, leader of the League of the Public Good, referred to the princes of the blood as "principal members of the crown".
So apanagees considered they shared the prerogatives of the crown with the king.
There's so much more so I would still advise to read the whole article.
Princes under primo don't get support when they complaint that their land is too small.
Actually Charles of Valois (1446-1472) got quite the support of the League of the Public Weal when he decided that the Duchy of Berry was too small and that wanted the Duchy of Normandy and rebelled in 1465. In fact he ended getting it.
Just find one source that says primogeniture wasn't formulated since the late middle age.
Primogeniture was formulated. Just not the strong primogeniture we have in the game where one heir gets everything while the other gets nothing. As an example a primary source: The Fuero General of Navarra, kind of the "constitution" of the Kingdom of Navarra. The Fuero was compiled in the XIII century, around the middle of the century. Navarra at that time was under the French Dynasty of Champagne, their kings being also Counts of Champagne and Brie, and had a strong French influence consequence of people of French origin being an important part of the members of Cities' councils.

Pages 47-48:
TITULO IV

De heredat et de particion

[FGN, 2, 4, 1]. Capitulo I. Quoales de los fijos del rey o de richombre deve heredar el regno o el castieyllo, et quoales el mueble, et con consejo de quoales deve casar el rey.
E fue establido pora siempre, por que podiesse durar el regno, que todo rey que oviere fijos de leyal coniugio dos, o tres, o mas, o fijas, pues que el padre moriere, el fiyo mayor herede el regno, et la otra hermandat que partan el mueble quoanto el padre avia en el dia que morio, et aquel fijo maior que case con el regno, et asignar arras con consejo de los richos hombres de la tierra, o .XII. savios; et si aquest fiyo mayor casado oviere fijos de leyal coniugio, que lo herede su fijo mayor, otrossi, como el fezo. Et si por aventura muere el qui regna sen fijos de leyal coniugio, que herede el regno el mayor de los hermanos que fue de leyal coniugio. Otrossi, tal fuero es de los castieyllos de richombre quoando los padres no han sino solo un castieyllo.

[FGN, 2, 4, 2]. Capitulo II. Como puede rey o richombre partir regnos, villas o heredades de conquista a sus fijos, et si sen partirlos mueren como deven partir los fijos.
Establimus encara, que si algun rey ganare o conquiriere de moros otro regno o regnos, et oviere fijos de leyal coniugio, et lis quisiere partir sus regnos, puedelo fer et asignar a cada uno quoal regno aya por cartas en su Cort, et aqueyllo valdra, porque eyll se los gano; et si por aventura aviene cosa que aya fijas de leyal coniugio, et regnos, puedelas casar con de los regnos como li ploguiere; et si viene cosa que non los vuia partir et muere, deven los fijos ytar suert, et heredar et firmarse los unos a los otros, por fuero. Otrossi, assi es de todo richombre o fidalgo que aya castieyllos o villas. Et si muere el rey sin creaturas o sin hermanos o hermanas de pareylla, deven levantar rey los richos hombres et los yfanzones cavaylleros et el pueblo de la tierra. Et esto no es assi de castieyllos, nin de villas, nin de infanzones, que han a seguir fuero de tierra.

[FGN, 2, 4, 3]. Capitulo III. De quoales heredades pueden partir et dar padre o madre a fijos, et quoal es avolorio.
Mandamos que nuylla cosa non sea avolorio sobrinos, si ante non muere el padre et la madre que el avuelo; el si depues muere padre o madre de que muere el avuello, es patrimonio Quoal finca bivo non puede fer ninguna donacion nin vendida, nin padre, nin madre sin otorgamiento de los fijos, si ante non parten con eyllos, sacando heredat de conquiesta que ayan dado marido o muger, el uno con otro en casamiento; asi que de las otras heredades non deshereden a los fijos, que qui de todo deshereda de todo hereda; assi mandamos por fuero.
Here is a translation from navarrese romance so that it may be easier to understand:
TITLE IV

About inheritance and partition

[FGN, 2, 4, 1]. Chapter I. Who of the King's sons or of a lord [literal translation: wealthy man] has to inherit the kingdom or castle, and who the moveable property, and who has to counsel de king about marriage.
And was established forever that, so that the kingdom may endure, that every King who had sons of legitimate union two, three or more, or daughters, after the father is dead, the eldest son inherits the throne, and the rest of the children will divide the moveable property that the father had the day he died, and that eldest will marry with [the consent] of the kingdom, and to assignate the dowry with the coucil of the lords of the land or 12 wise men. And if this married eldest son had sons of legitimate union his eldest son will inherit it, as it had happened to him. And if the one that reigns dies without sons of legitimate union the eldest of the brothers of legitimate union will inherit. Also this custom is for the castles of the lords when the parents don't have but one castle.
Here we can see that primogeniture is clearly formulated. However in the next chapter...
[FGN, 2, 4, 2]. Chapter II. How can the king or lord distribute kingdoms, towns or lands of conquest to their sons, and if he dies without distributing them how should their sons divide them.
We establish now that if any king should get or conquer from the moors another kingdom or kingdoms and had sons of legitimate union and would like to divide his kingdoms between them he can do it and assign to each one the kingdom that has by charter of the Court, and that will be legal because he won them. And if he had daughters of legitimate union and kingdoms he can marry them with the kingdoms as he pleased. And if it happens that he didn't want to divide and dies the sons have to draw lots and inherit and sign one another by law. Also that is for every lord or noblemand who has castles or towns. And if the king dies without children or brothers or sisters of couple, the lords, the gentry, the knights and the people of the land have to rise [Means: elect] a king. This does not apply to castles, towns nor gentry, who have to follow the law of the land.

[FGN, 2, 4, 3]. Chapter III. About the lands that can be divided and given from the father or mother to the sons, and the inheritance of the grandfather.
We order that no thing be the inheritance of the granfather nephews if the father and the mother do not die before the grandfather. And if the father or mother die after the grandfather [the inheritance then] is inheritance of the father. That who remains alive can't make any donation or sale, nor the father, nor the mother, without granting the children. And if they do not distribute [their property] with them, taking out lands of conquest that may have been given to husband or wife, the one to the other in marriage. That way the sons are not disinherited from the other lands, for that who disinherits from everything inherits from everything. That we order by law.
And here we have partition and, in case of a succession crysis, elective.

As you can see in the same law is not strange to find primogeniture, partition and elective at the same time. What used to happen in the Late Middle Ages (XIII-XV centuries) is that primogeniture only applied to the title of king while the other sons took part in the possessions of his father and some of the other titles he may had apart from the kingly ones. This is what already happens when you have Gavelkind but only a king title, the firstborn gets the crown, the rest titles under them.

History corroborates this when you see that the Kings of Navarra distributed their titles on death, even the appanages that they had in France.
- Philip III of Navarra left the Kingdom of Navarra and the county of Evreux to his firstborn Charles. But gave the second, Philip, the county of Longeville, and the third, Louis, the county of Beaumont in appanage.
- His son Charles II "le Mauvais" also gave the county of Mortain to his second son Peter, as an appanage.

French kings never had another kingdom title apart from Navarra (that as we can see was already a primogeniture when they received it) so we don't know what they would do if they were kings of several kingdoms. But we do know they gave appanages to every son.
 
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vnth

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'm talking about the Middle Ages as the common historiographical concept and as represented in Crusader Kings (ended in the XVth century). Whathever happened in the XVI century and after doesn't apply.

You didn't quote the full title The Institutions of France Under the Absolute Monarchy, 1598-1789.
I clarified very specifically the dates of all references. As I've said, things are codified from traditional practices. As the Saenger's paper makes clear, the unalienable concept had origin in the revertible clause of the 15th century. This, in turn, was informally practiced since the 13th century. The first recorded instance was when Louis the Lion's took back the fief of the dead Alphonse of Poitiers instead of letting his nearest relative inherit it. This was done through Parliament. To prevent more instances of this, Louis's son Saint Louis made it into law that direct female heirs can inherit princely fiefs, but not near relative. Philip III was able to get back Anjou by claiming it the dowry of Margeret of Anjou, even though this had no justification whatsoever as Margaret had brothers. Philip the Fair was the first to insert a clause that forbids all female heir to the fiefs of his sons.
And about appanages being part of the crown land:
I'm not sure you realize that even in your own quoted passage, it is mentioned the word de facto?
There were not unlanded french princes so we don't know. However being unlanded didn't stop claimants of other kingdoms in their way to the throne, like Enrique de Trastámara, so we can suppose unlanded princes would also have te option of acquiring external or internal support to their claim.
Yes. Which is all the more reason to limit the inheritance of princes, which is the point of primo. Unlanded princes would get support if their cause is just, which is why they legally were not owed peerage under primo.
Actually Charles of Valois (1446-1472) got quite the support of the League of the Public Weal when he decided that the Duchy of Berry was too small and that wanted the Duchy of Normandy and rebelled in 1465. In fact he ended getting it. And this was when primogeniture was quite strong.
I'm glad you mentioned this. This is primo working as intended. All princes wanted more land, but in this case, Berry couldn't actually claim this as his reason. The 'official' reason was the tyranny of Louis XI. Likewise, Berry received support not because of his rights being violated, but because the various vassals hated the centralize attempts of the Valois government.
Primogeniture was formulated.
I don't know why you bother to dispute this. I never said anything about how popular primo was at any given point.
 
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Battlex

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Decision to Unite Pomerania, Bohemia, and Poland into one kingdom. So it seems like all cultures get some unify decision so no primogeniture really isn't an issue for Kings, just dukes
 
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Notthemama

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May I ask what the sources actually say regarding your claim, that is, primo wasn't an actual thing?

You want sources because you don't believe what I'm saying. I give you sources, now you want are asking me about what they say when you are going to dismiss it anyway. Read or don't, whatever.
 
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vnth

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You want sources because you don't believe what I'm saying. I give you sources, now you want are asking me about what they say when you are going to dismiss it anyway. Read or don't, whatever.
It's not that hard to summarize the author's argument in a single sentence, especially if you are using it yourself to argue something, you should already know what it is. I only ask for a single source.
 

DreadLindwyrm

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It's not that hard to summarize the author's argument in a single sentence, especially if you are using it yourself to argue something, you should already know what it is. I only ask for a single source.
Summarising to a single sentence (especially as someone who isn't an expert in the field) can result in a weak or flawed representation of a whole book, and will inevitably leave out nuances and shadings of meaning.

It's not always easy to give a fair and balanced version of an argument in one sentence.
 
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vnth

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Summarising to a single sentence (especially as someone who isn't an expert in the field) can result in a weak or flawed representation of a whole book, and will inevitably leave out nuances and shadings of meaning.

It's not always easy to give a fair and balanced version of an argument in one sentence.
Then use more sentences. If a person can't do that, their argument is certainly questionable. I'm not begging anyone to have a conversation with me. If you can't articulate your view, how do you expect anyone to have a conversation with you?
 

DreadLindwyrm

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Then use more sentences. If a person can't do that, their argument is certainly questionable. I'm not begging anyone to have a conversation with me. If you can't articulate your view, how do you expect anyone to have a conversation with you?
Then don't demand single sentence summaries.
 
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Alerias

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Okay, I didn't read the whole thread but I came to comment on the specific point raised in the title. This was a really, *really* bad idea. Gavelkind for 80% of the game ruins the fun, at some point we want to feel like we earned some stability instead of plotting in various gamey ways to kill our second sons.

I can deal with it in 867, that's fine because that's the price you pay for the extra time. But Primo should be a High Middle Ages tech, NOT a Late Middle ages tech. I get why they tried it, it's fun to draw things out, but this is several bridges too far. It's both largely ahistorical and not fun, plus it removes a major incentive to play the second scenario. Please move primo to High Middle Ages techs.
 
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Okay, I didn't read the whole thread but I came to comment on the specific point raised in the title. This was a really, *really* bad idea. Gavelkind for 80% of the game ruins the fun, at some point we want to feel like we earned some stability instead of plotting in various gamey ways to kill our second sons.

I can deal with it in 867, that's fine because that's the price you pay for the extra time. But Primo should be a High Middle Ages tech, NOT a Late Middle ages tech. I get why they tried it, it's fun to draw things out, but this is several bridges too far. It's both largely ahistorical and not fun, plus it removes a major incentive to play the second scenario. Please move primo to High Middle Ages techs.
If you're not getting to the late medieval era until 80% of the way through the game (1337 from an 867 start), then you must have really made some mistakes with cultural innovations.
 
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Alerias

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Most people don't play till 1453. Locking something till after 1200 essentially means it'll never be available in many playthroughs, and only for a small amount of time in others. It's just not fun.

Besides Primo isn't that great, you still have to live with your first kid as heir. If primo was moved to 1066, there's still room for improvements to be available by tech in 1200, such as offering the option of disinheriting or a born-in-the-purple like mechanic to actually choose your heir among the kids. There's clearly a way to make this work better than this.
 
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I can deal with it in 867, that's fine because that's the price you pay for the extra time. But Primo should be a High Middle Ages tech, NOT a Late Middle ages tech. I get why they tried it, it's fun to draw things out, but this is several bridges too far. It's both largely ahistorical and not fun, plus it removes a major incentive to play the second scenario. Please move primo to High Middle Ages techs.
It IS historically accurate. CK 2 was historically inaccurate. Gavelkind/partition or whatever you name it was common throughout Europe and thoughout most of the medieval ages and finally led to so called feudal fragmentation. For instance feudal fragmentation of Poland ended in 1320(!) when Władysław Łokietek was crowned and the tradition of primogeniture started. Before it gavelkind/partition or seniority was in the force. And maybe gavelkind would have lasted even longer in Poland if Łokietek hadn't had only one son.

Most people don't play till 1453. Locking something till after 1200 essentially means it'll never be available in many playthroughs, and only for a small amount of time in others. It's just not fun.
Maybe it was because after adoption of primogeniture players became too powerfull with multiple kingdoms and an empire(s) and game wasn't interesting any longer? ;)

In my opinion restriction of primogeniture was an outstanding move by Paradox. It makes the game much more historically accurate, challenging and playable. I can finally feel a real king which must struggle to keep his authority. I hope Paradox won't change it!
 
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Most people don't play till 1453. Locking something till after 1200 essentially means it'll never be available in many playthroughs, and only for a small amount of time in others. It's just not fun.

Besides Primo isn't that great, you still have to live with your first kid as heir. If primo was moved to 1066, there's still room for improvements to be available by tech in 1200, such as offering the option of disinheriting or a born-in-the-purple like mechanic to actually choose your heir among the kids. There's clearly a way to make this work better than this.
If it "isn't that great," why is it an issue that it's not available sooner? ;)

Now if you start in 1066 you're 134 years from 1200. Considering how time flies in the early game, it's not really that long. Granted, it'll take a decade or two to unlock primogeniture after it becomes available, but I think most serious campaigns probably last a good bit past 1200.
 
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Okay, I didn't read the whole thread but I came to comment on the specific point raised in the title. This was a really, *really* bad idea. Gavelkind for 80% of the game ruins the fun, at some point we want to feel like we earned some stability instead of plotting in various gamey ways to kill our second sons.

I can deal with it in 867, that's fine because that's the price you pay for the extra time. But Primo should be a High Middle Ages tech, NOT a Late Middle ages tech. I get why they tried it, it's fun to draw things out, but this is several bridges too far. It's both largely ahistorical and not fun, plus it removes a major incentive to play the second scenario. Please move primo to High Middle Ages techs.
Oh come on, blobbing is already super easy in this game. And due to the primary heir inheriting all MAA, reuniting the domain isn't even a big challenge after an election. It's a minor inconvenience that provides a bit of variety.
 
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Basically no hereditary monarchy had a regulated succession before the Early Modern Period. Succession was determined by testament and tradition, most of the traditions were primogeniture, the proximity of blood and partible inheritance, while the Slavs were obsessed with seniority.
The transition of France is fairly interesting when Hugh Capet was elected, he crowned his oldest son as his co-ruler, so he would automatically succeed him upon his death, this tradition continued until Philip Augustus.

Yup, that is how the Capetians kept France from splintering the way the Carolingians allowed their realm to.

It would be nice if the game could model that in some fashion, but as it stands now, it explicitly blocks granting your heir such additional titles.
 
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r3xm0rt1s

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No more race for primogeniture is good. It means more dynastic characters of importance, more scheming, more cousin marriages, power struggles between houses, more ragequitting when you lose all your hard won extra duchies...

But! More dynasts who are independent of the player means more Renown too. So you can do more as dynasty head, get more Splendor and more Legacies.
Keeping dynasts under my power and making renown would be one of the easiest define mods to make, if it did not exist on the workshop already.
 
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