Are you talking about the 'middle age' or for the entirety of the old regime? Since the 16th century when things are neatly codified, what an appanage is is beyond doubt.
I'm talking about the Middle Ages as the common historiographical concept and as represented in Crusader Kings (ended in the XVth century). Whathever happened in the XVI century and after doesn't apply. Also the concept Ancien Regime is quite unuseful as it takes for granted that things were the same for centuries as they were in 1789. We are not talking about the same thing here. In the Early Modern Period (XVI-XVIII) Primogeniture was quite stronger as Monarchies became stronger and more centralized, and appanages became more ceremonial than real. Those centuries do not represent well the system of the Late Middle Ages (XIII-XV)
Roland Mousnier's Institutions of France Under Absolute Monarchy states that "The appanage of a prince of the blood and son or grandson of France was what given to him so that he might live in a manner appropriate to his estate...The king made up appanages out of fief under the Crown's jurisdiction having at least the dignity of duchy or county."
You didn't quote the full title
The Institutions of France Under the Absolute Monarchy, 1598-1789. As with the thing before he topic is way out of the time period, even the Valois aren't kings anymore. Also the Absolute Monarchy of France is in the XVII and XVIII centuries, not the IX to XV that Crusader Kings represents.
Landed princes are in the position to act extralegally but unlanded don't. Is this a difficult concept?
There were not unlanded french princes so we don't know. However being unlanded didn't stop claimants of other kingdoms in their way to the throne, like Enrique de Trastámara, so we can suppose unlanded princes would also have te option of acquiring external or internal support to their claim.
If youd bother to read up even the secondary sources on the topic instead of simply espousing nonsense that you think is good sense, then you's realize that the Burgundy itself had ratified the act that make it a part of the crown lands--like all other territories would once they became crown lands--since John II. The contract that defines the legal condition of crown lands isn't new.
The distinction between fief and appanage started in the XVI century and in fact out of the conflict with the Burgundian Succession
Paul Saenger, "
Burgundy and the Inalienability of Appanages in the Reign of Louis XI",
French Historical Studies Vol. 10, No. 1 (Spring, 1977), pp. 1-26 (26 pages)
And about appanages being part of the crown land:
Page 4:
The power of the appanage princes grew, so that by the mid-fifteenth century the existence of mighty appanages even more than the English invasions posed the principal threat to the formation of a unified French kingdom. The great appanages of Burgundy, Bourbonnais, Orleans, Berry, Normandy, and Guyenne had become de facto and, to an ambiguous degree, de jure kingdoms within the kingdom. Building on precedents, the reigning dukes of the fifteenth century exercised royal prerogatives over justice, taxation, and ecclesiastical affairs and excluded the populations of their land from representation in the Estates General. As long as a direct or even a collateral male line existed, the lands held in appanage were unquestioningly accepted as effectively separate from the realm.
Doesn't seem like appanages worked as part of the Royal Domain.
Page 8:
The great appanage princes rebelled because they believed that they, as well as the king, possessed a share of the prerogatives of the crown. Their perception of their own status was at least a partially accurate reflection of the actual state of affairs which had prevailed in France during most of the first half of the fifteenth century. In a letter to the aldermen of Amiens, Charles the Bold, leader of the League of the Public Good, referred to the princes of the blood as "principal members of the crown".
So apanagees considered they shared the prerogatives of the crown with the king.
There's so much more so I would still advise to read the whole article.
Princes under primo don't get support when they complaint that their land is too small.
Actually Charles of Valois (1446-1472) got quite the support of the League of the Public Weal when he decided that the Duchy of Berry was too small and that wanted the Duchy of Normandy and rebelled in 1465. In fact he ended getting it.
Just find one source that says primogeniture wasn't formulated since the late middle age.
Primogeniture was formulated. Just not the strong primogeniture we have in the game where one heir gets everything while the other gets nothing. As an example a primary source: The
Fuero General of Navarra, kind of the "constitution" of the Kingdom of Navarra. The Fuero was compiled in the XIII century, around the middle of the century. Navarra at that time was under the French Dynasty of Champagne, their kings being also Counts of Champagne and Brie, and had a strong French influence consequence of people of French origin being an important part of the members of Cities' councils.
Pages 47-48:
TITULO IV
De heredat et de particion
[FGN, 2, 4, 1]. Capitulo I. Quoales de los fijos del rey o de richombre deve heredar el regno o el castieyllo, et quoales el mueble, et con consejo de quoales deve casar el rey.
E fue establido pora siempre, por que podiesse durar el regno, que todo rey que oviere fijos de leyal coniugio dos, o tres, o mas, o fijas, pues que el padre moriere, el fiyo mayor herede el regno, et la otra hermandat que partan el mueble quoanto el padre avia en el dia que morio, et aquel fijo maior que case con el regno, et asignar arras con consejo de los richos hombres de la tierra, o .XII. savios; et si aquest fiyo mayor casado oviere fijos de leyal coniugio, que lo herede su fijo mayor, otrossi, como el fezo. Et si por aventura muere el qui regna sen fijos de leyal coniugio, que herede el regno el mayor de los hermanos que fue de leyal coniugio. Otrossi, tal fuero es de los castieyllos de richombre quoando los padres no han sino solo un castieyllo.
[FGN, 2, 4, 2]. Capitulo II. Como puede rey o richombre partir regnos, villas o heredades de conquista a sus fijos, et si sen partirlos mueren como deven partir los fijos.
Establimus encara, que si algun rey ganare o conquiriere de moros otro regno o regnos, et oviere fijos de leyal coniugio, et lis quisiere partir sus regnos, puedelo fer et asignar a cada uno quoal regno aya por cartas en su Cort, et aqueyllo valdra, porque eyll se los gano; et si por aventura aviene cosa que aya fijas de leyal coniugio, et regnos, puedelas casar con de los regnos como li ploguiere; et si viene cosa que non los vuia partir et muere, deven los fijos ytar suert, et heredar et firmarse los unos a los otros, por fuero. Otrossi, assi es de todo richombre o fidalgo que aya castieyllos o villas. Et si muere el rey sin creaturas o sin hermanos o hermanas de pareylla, deven levantar rey los richos hombres et los yfanzones cavaylleros et el pueblo de la tierra. Et esto no es assi de castieyllos, nin de villas, nin de infanzones, que han a seguir fuero de tierra.
[FGN, 2, 4, 3]. Capitulo III. De quoales heredades pueden partir et dar padre o madre a fijos, et quoal es avolorio.
Mandamos que nuylla cosa non sea avolorio sobrinos, si ante non muere el padre et la madre que el avuelo; el si depues muere padre o madre de que muere el avuello, es patrimonio Quoal finca bivo non puede fer ninguna donacion nin vendida, nin padre, nin madre sin otorgamiento de los fijos, si ante non parten con eyllos, sacando heredat de conquiesta que ayan dado marido o muger, el uno con otro en casamiento; asi que de las otras heredades non deshereden a los fijos, que qui de todo deshereda de todo hereda; assi mandamos por fuero.
Here is a translation from navarrese romance so that it may be easier to understand:
TITLE IV
About inheritance and partition
[FGN, 2, 4, 1]. Chapter I. Who of the King's sons or of a lord [literal translation: wealthy man] has to inherit the kingdom or castle, and who the moveable property, and who has to counsel de king about marriage.
And was established forever that, so that the kingdom may endure, that every King who had sons of legitimate union two, three or more, or daughters, after the father is dead, the eldest son inherits the throne, and the rest of the children will divide the moveable property that the father had the day he died, and that eldest will marry with [the consent] of the kingdom, and to assignate the dowry with the coucil of the lords of the land or 12 wise men. And if this married eldest son had sons of legitimate union his eldest son will inherit it, as it had happened to him. And if the one that reigns dies without sons of legitimate union the eldest of the brothers of legitimate union will inherit. Also this custom is for the castles of the lords when the parents don't have but one castle.
Here we can see that primogeniture is clearly formulated. However in the next chapter...
[FGN, 2, 4, 2]. Chapter II. How can the king or lord distribute kingdoms, towns or lands of conquest to their sons, and if he dies without distributing them how should their sons divide them.
We establish now that if any king should get or conquer from the moors another kingdom or kingdoms and had sons of legitimate union and would like to divide his kingdoms between them he can do it and assign to each one the kingdom that has by charter of the Court, and that will be legal because he won them. And if he had daughters of legitimate union and kingdoms he can marry them with the kingdoms as he pleased. And if it happens that he didn't want to divide and dies the sons have to draw lots and inherit and sign one another by law. Also that is for every lord or noblemand who has castles or towns. And if the king dies without children or brothers or sisters of couple, the lords, the gentry, the knights and the people of the land have to rise [Means: elect] a king. This does not apply to castles, towns nor gentry, who have to follow the law of the land.
[FGN, 2, 4, 3]. Chapter III. About the lands that can be divided and given from the father or mother to the sons, and the inheritance of the grandfather.
We order that no thing be the inheritance of the granfather nephews if the father and the mother do not die before the grandfather. And if the father or mother die after the grandfather [the inheritance then] is inheritance of the father. That who remains alive can't make any donation or sale, nor the father, nor the mother, without granting the children. And if they do not distribute [their property] with them, taking out lands of conquest that may have been given to husband or wife, the one to the other in marriage. That way the sons are not disinherited from the other lands, for that who disinherits from everything inherits from everything. That we order by law.
And here we have partition and, in case of a succession crysis, elective.
As you can see in the same law is not strange to find primogeniture, partition and elective at the same time. What used to happen in the Late Middle Ages (XIII-XV centuries) is that primogeniture only applied to the title of king while the other sons took part in the possessions of his father and some of the other titles he may had apart from the kingly ones. This is what already happens when you have Gavelkind but only a king title, the firstborn gets the crown, the rest titles under them.
History corroborates this when you see that the Kings of Navarra distributed their titles on death, even the appanages that they had in France.
- Philip III of Navarra left the Kingdom of Navarra and the county of Evreux to his firstborn Charles. But gave the second, Philip, the county of Longeville, and the third, Louis, the county of Beaumont in appanage.
- His son Charles II "le Mauvais" also gave the county of Mortain to his second son Peter, as an appanage.
French kings never had another kingdom title apart from Navarra (that as we can see was already a primogeniture when they received it) so we don't know what they would do if they were kings of several kingdoms. But we do know they gave appanages to every son.