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Merrick Chance'

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The idea of 无为 (Wu Wei) is really quite interesting, and extremely hard to translate at the same time. In my opinion (granted, I haven't read the whole thing, just selected passages, and my classical Chinese isn't that good), "without struggle" fits best. It is not about not interfering, it is about interfering in a way that feels completely normal and natural to everyone involved and making your will reality without being noticed. In short, don't make a fuss. The English should be familiar with the concept. :)

Yeah my idea of it is that, applied to the person it signifies purely doing an act to the extent that it comes intuitively without conscious intervention, like someone who's really good at martial arts can just act without it being an action, if that makes sense. And yeah as applied to society (I'm no Chinese expert but my dad is a Zen priest so we have a lot of translations) it seems like a society where, again, the desires of the government are acted on without action; the ruler does not intervene and yet the ruled act in that fashion themselves. This idea could have a lot of different interpretations, while the obvious one to us is free market capitalism it could also signify totalitarianism, anarchism, direct democracy, etc. Hence the term becoming the center of a lot of conflict as time goes on.

Nothing at all. (Except perhaps the connotations of ineffectuality can bring.)

Another very interesting update. The development of this sort of proto-liberal philosophy is intriguing to watch – and I'm beginning into see how conditions from which a revolution could be born will come into being. As you allude to in one of the captions, one doesn't imagine that the country's rulers bickering about various freedoms without actually acting upon them would greatly please the masses.

Yeah we're going to see increasing disconnect, increasing poverty (as the traditional 'multi-faceted' economy of France wherein a man is a farmer during the day, a spinner in the evening, and a dairy maker at night collapses), and as France becomes increasingly secularized it will become harder and harder to justify absolutism via a reference to 'natural orders' (the subject of Franceau Robb's controversial article on Absolutism which will get him into a lot of trouble). But in the end, orders don't fall on their own, and it requires a conscious action by some force to take down a system of rule. NOT TO SPOIL THE REST OF THE AAR THOUGH.

Next up I'm going to write a short biography on Henri III, then Franceau Robb will take us into the age of Enlightened Despots!
 
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GulMacet

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Enlightened Despots! We had one of those, too - Joseph the Second. People really didn't like him at the time, but he is seen as a modernizer and reformer now. He was the exact opposite of Wu Wei, really. I'm looking forward to how your Enlightened Despots will fare!
 

Merrick Chance'

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That's an irony I'm gonna end up harping on a lot, an irony we can see in the early 19th century: just how many state interventions were required for the creation of a laissez faire economy
 

Merrick Chance'

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Also can I say that like, I've been considering writing other segments that take place in the modern day but I decided otherwise when I realized that too many aspects of the 80s seem like an unrealistically dark dystopia when they're un-domesticized.
 

Merrick Chance'

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lof23_zps2dc4bf4f.png


Henri III, the cleverest man in Europe


Jean d’Ancelle’s France In The World of the Enlightenment, published in The University of Sacremont, 1985

Who was Henri III? He was the great tyrant who dined with Voltaire, the greatest diplomat in Europe who expanded the French army into the hundreds of thousands, the maritime proponent who set the stage for the collapse of the first overseas empire. Henri is a sea of contradictions, a man who’s allure takes us in even now, two and a half centuries later. He stands as the greatest example of the Absolute Monarch, a man with the capabilities to lead a nation but who allowed it to develop on its own. And, I say lovingly, on the 250th anniversary of his birthday we have seen a resurgance of love for the man, and calls for a return of a man of such genius to control our great nation.

All good and well, but who was he? Unlike his grandfather and great-granduncle, Henri III did not keep a journal after his ascension to the throne. Thus we have little access to the internalities of this great kings life, and must rely on his childhood journals and the descriptions of his friends to understand the kind of man he was.

deer6.jpg

”What man was cleverer, more intelligent, more capable in body or mind? Each conversation with him a playful enlightenment, each dance he held a transcendence.”-Voltaire
Henri III began his life being trained in the specifics of warfare, horse riding, fencing, by his sickly grandfather, Louis XIII. From Louis’ journals we can see that Louis already knew that Henri would be a recreation of his cousin and predecessor, Henri II. “He takes to his studies egregiously, focusing almost entirely on the colonies and the Orient, recent articles on economics, and political philosophy. He has not even taken the time to study Latin” Louis wrote in his journal, and while he feared that Henri III would recreate his great granduncle’s disconnected personality, Louis insisted to “make a man of the south out of him”, taking many horse riding lessons and warning him that “a king of France ignores the south at his own risk”. Louis’ lessons would stick, and Henri would treat each province of France with care, avoiding the total focus on Flandres which had ended up unseating Henri II.

The worsening of Louis XII’s condition occurred when Henri was 11 and led to his disappearance in Henri’s life, “a shame”, as Henri called it, “for he was a great man whose virtues have renewed our kingdom”. After that, Henri became the first student of the Princely Program (or Prince’s Syllabus), and his independent studies were ended. He took to his task with gusto, blazing through discussions of Plato’s Republic, interpretations of Tacitus, and discussing the flaws in Grotius’ work. Overall, however, Henri retained his youthful obsession with East Asia, and it was by his request that a series of Buddhist, Daoist, and Confucian texts were translated into French and added to the Prince’s Syllabus. He appeared deeply influenced by these texts, and he in fact wrote an extended essay on Laissez Faire as “a substantial alternative to all previous political philosophies, an idea of the public as ordering itself rather than being ordered externally”. He even wrote lovingly on the British parliament in an essay which was only discovered in the 19th century, and was reportedly discussing the Parisian parlement when the coup attempt of Du Berry occurred.

hogarthtyburn.jpg

The mob during Du Berry’s coup attempt
The mob had ravaged Paris multiple times over the course of the 1670s and 1680s. While neither of the later riots came close to the bread riots of the 1679 caused by Louis XIII’s ban on Jansenist charity organizations, each ended up posing a direct threat on the young prince’s life; during the 1679 bread riot the mob took the prince hostage, during the bread riot of 1684 during the Franco-Dutch War they attacked the Louvre, and during the coup attempt of Du Berry the mob was easily mobilized against the King. While none of these events were on their own as traumatic as the events leading up to nearly every other French King’s ascension, they gave Henri a deep impression of the flaws of the French mob, and the necessity to detach the Monarchy from any potential rival institution.

The month after Colbert’s death left Henri sullen, enraged, and bitter. His journal entries railed against nearly every organization in France; attacking the weakness and fecklessness of the military, the backwardsness of French culture, and the idiocy of the peasantry. “In such a kingdom”, he wrote “what can one do, but lead? What can a wise man be, but a tyrant?” He then participated in his first Counseil meeting as leader, and became further infuriated by the self-centeredness of his ministers. When his logging and colonial ministers got into an argument about whether France’s newfound surplus should go towards better paid foremen or better paid colonial offices, Henri left in a rage. “You care not for the general commonwealth of this kingdom” he shouted “only the common wealth of your employees!’. For the rest of the month, barely anyone in the kingdom saw the King, besides his friend de Savoie who said “I have not ever seen him in such a state, he is like a man consumed by his shadow”.

Cooped up for two months in his office in the Louvre with no one but his siblings, his tutors, and his friend Eugene de Savoie, Henri spent every day in his office, voraciously reading the last books in the Princely Syllabus. The last journal entries show him steadily planning a way to both break the self-interestedness of his government and reform the entirety of the French economy, together with quotations from de Houssaye’s Rules for a Courier.

eu4_8_zpsvoiqzrfd.png

The Reign of Henri III would be one of the greatest periods of progress in French history to this point, with a king who was both willing and able to push her institutions and peoples as far into the present as he could
When Henri exited his office, he was no longer the ragged man who entered it. A man who rarely cared for his appearance and who often spoke his mind (perhaps too bluntly), came out dressed in the most elegant and new clothing available in Paris, his face covered in makeup, and his behavior more like a dancer or actor than the King of France. Rumors that he had taken a mistress (or several) during his absence, one which he furnished by holding a week long banquet in the Louvre on the week of his ascension, during which he was seen with several young countesses as well as the well known libertine and salon mistress the Duchesse de Tourraine.

Henri’s party led to a massive amount of property damage to the Louvre, with drinking on each of the banquets beginning at four in the afternoon and going until three in the morning. After a week of this, Henri treated Paris to one of the greatest parades it had ever known, ending with the Arch-Bishop of Avignon (and future pope Urban XVI) crowning Henri de Bourbon-Olreans King Henri III. And, publicly announced in front of the crowd, Henri made his first order as king the creation of a new palace outside of Paris, a palace that would be the envy of the world.

2015-03-31_00002_zpsijzb3brl.jpg

The creation of Versailles became the first aspect and physical manifestation of Henri’s great project, to build a monarchy able to act independently of society
And after this event, for the rest of Henri III’s life, he never wrote a single entry in his journal. He actively suppressed his earlier writings, and in many ways, suppressed his very self. Reading his journal entries and the descriptions his friends gave of him, Henri was a shy and introspective young man before the coup attempt. What he turned into later is something of a cypher; while Henri was perhaps the most powerful and centralizing King France ever possessed, he acted with a degree of finesse and capability that made him deeply popular amongst the aristocracy, gaining him the nickname “le Bien Aime” (the beloved).

But, although he had crafted a persona for himself which was beloved and sociable, the state that Henri spent his life building was a deeply disconnected one, a product of his inherently introspective personality. And for a few decades, France possessed the ideal state, capable of acting upon society because it existed separately from society.

eu4_23_zpsezkffpyb.png

Henri III le Bien Aime
 
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Merrick Chance'

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Indeed, though I'm coming up against a difficulty in metafiction which is having any sort of lasting narrative or theme when the characters have wildly different perceptions of the situation.

Needless to say the next entry is going to be by Robb who's going to have a different view than d'Ancelle
 

DensleyBlair

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If d'Ancelle's view is sympathetic and one of a capable king, I'm looking forward to seeing Robb's (I assume counter-)interpretation. The king's keen interest in progress is certainly something that goes in his favour as far as I'm concerned – though naturally the march of progress is seldom either smooth or universally desired. A focus on his less admirable qualities will be intriguing, I'm certain.
 

Merrick Chance'

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If d'Ancelle's view is sympathetic and one of a capable king, I'm looking forward to seeing Robb's (I assume counter-)interpretation. The king's keen interest in progress is certainly something that goes in his favour as far as I'm concerned – though naturally the march of progress is seldom either smooth or universally desired. A focus on his less admirable qualities will be intriguing, I'm certain.

Less that Henri was a bad guy, more a direct criticism of the idea Henri represents.

lof23_zps2dc4bf4f.png


The Impossibility of Absolutism

Franceau Robb, New Zeeland times


Henri III has become something of an icon in recent years. A series of popular biographies written on the tricentennial of his birth. For a time, I and other historians became deeply excited with the sudden passion for this King, who represented so much about the age and era we studied. But as 1975 came and went, what Henri the Third represented became clear: not a passion for the past, but a twisted nostalgia for a ‘simpler time’. We live in a period where mass unemployment has led to mass movements, where politicians are being held accountable by renewed civil rights, union, and gay movements who have been making new and previously unheard of demands upon politicians. The urban poor are destroying our cities, ‘the mob’ attacking our allies to the South, and if degeneracy is not everywhere in fact the term degeneracy seems to be on everyone’s lips.

And so some elements of our society have turned to nostalgia for a simpler time. This is understandable, though just how far backwards our nostalgia has gone is troubling. Worse yet it is beginning to be taken desperately seriously, with the bicentennial of the Quebecois Revolution leading to an argument between a return to the Estates General and an outright return to a monarchy. While at first these debates were held as a joke, in the last two years they have taken a very serious turn, and the Party for the Restoration has gone from a joke amongst certain circles to one of the major forces in the conservative coalition.
quebecois%20elections_zpsl8vknvmf.jpeg

Quebec’s Parliamentary Elections, 1984
The question remains though, why has Henri III of all people emerged as the centerpiece of this political movement? Why not Francois or Emile Bonaparte, why not Ferdinand Foch or Charles du Gaulle? All of these figures have similar attributes, all were paternalistic and militaristic figures who existed ‘above’ politics. Of all the figures then, why would these Restorationists pick a figure from, of all places, the 18th century?

Certainly, Henri has been a politically expedient symbol for the Restorationists. Unmarred by recent controversies on the Empire and by criticisms of the over-long du Gaulle and Foch governments, modern day supporters of Henri have been able to expect, at worse, ridicule for the symbolization of such a relatively obscure figure. At the same time, however, Henri acts as a perfect symbol against everything the Restorationists are against: he predated syndicalism, socialism, feminism, and even democracy and yet because the real never interacted with those things he can be seen as ‘enlightened’ despite the fact that he is, as a symbol, constructed as being against those things. And because he is an obscure 18th century symbol his use as a figurehead has gone relatively unchallenged by politicians who haven’t taken the Restorationists seriously, his career unchallenged by an academia afraid of seeming partisan.

However, because Henri III represents an idea as much as a man, criticisms of the man and his actions have fallen flat. Many of the chiding remarks made the the Restorationists in the 70s fell flat for this reason; the speech of Francis d’Expury, then head of the Liberal Party, is a prime example of this. His patronizing argument, that the Restorationists were based on a figure who had expanded the slave trade, who had established autocratic rule over the colonies, and who by the way possessed sexual mores which were far more in line with the position of the liberals, wholly missed the point, and brought up a series of factually spurious but effective counter-arguments.
Pierre_Elliot_Trudeau-2.jpg

Francis d’Expury, who had been one of the greatest proponents of the civil rights movement through the sixties, is now remembered mostly for the patronizing ‘Alberta Speech’ he gave against the Restorationist party, which led to him losing his seat in the elections of 1978
And, as of late, few have commented on the odd place of Henri III as a modern day political figure; the electoral success of the Restorationists in the last six years has led to the idea that criticisms of Henri III went too far in the late 70s, and that they should be moderated as the Restorationists become a major faction in parliament. In fact the opposite is true: none of these criticisms went far enough because they failed to see Henri III as a symbol. Henri does not, to the Restorationists, represent early 18th century France as it actually existed, rather he represents 18th century France as it is remembered, and so their desire to restore the monarchy comes from a desire to, in the words of Jean McQuirter, “Abolish politics itself”, to return Quebec to a simpler time where rulers “rule[d] not via some reference to an erroneous and people, but for the immortality of history”.

What we need is to go further, to go further than attacking aspects of Henri’s personality and policies and strike directly at the image. Even considering all of Henri’s personal failings, even considering the troubling implications for our democracy, the idea that Henri represents is a failed one. Absolutism was not, and never has been, feasible or even possible. Those who seek an end to politics via the reimposition of the monarchy do not understand that each era has its own form of politics, that even during the time of ‘Enlightened Absolutism’ Henri regularly had to fight his ministers, his army, and that there were no less than forty three conspiracies within Versailles to replace one minister or another via assassination.
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The era of Henri was no more stable than ours, no less filled with connivances
And while the Restorationists would argue that the ministers and aristocrats of the Ancien Regime fought each other in the name of the common good, the details and facts of the major conspiracies suggest differently. The Case of the Marigolds ended in the assassination of two Minister Lieutenants who were working against the expansion of the South Sea Company, while the Avignard Conspiracy ended with the restructuring of the new Justice Ministry when it began looking at the Parisian police force’s corruption. That’s not to mention the hundreds of revolts that passed through the Ancien Regime or the fact that it indeed ended.

To go further, politics existed under absolutism. Squabbles, petty and major, existed under the ancien regime; this activity characterizes every regime made by man up to now. The idea of a nation marching in lockstep under its ruler was just as impossible to achieve in the 18th century as it is in the 20th, and this fantasy, born of a horror at the unwashed masses pressuring the government, has produced ahistoric analysis. The ‘simpler past’ never existed, and its proponents are leading us in a direction that is at once disheartening and unproductive.​
 
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DensleyBlair

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A very interesting modern-day interlude! Les Restaurationistes are (were?) definitely quite the intriguing force in Québécois politics – not in the least because of their strange deification of Henri, but also because their rapid rise, conservative outlook and all-at-once impeachable and untouchable position means that they resonate strongly with certain political groups in our own time. I suppose I should be grateful that we Brits don't have any 18th century monarchs for whom we can be massively nostalgic!
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Yes really very interesting. I'm a little worried for alt-Quebec, its clear its far from a bastion of stable democracy from all the hints you've already dropped and the Restorationists sound like horrible people cloaking themselves in fake idealism.

Though nothing quite so malign (in fact arguably an inversion) , Expury's fate reminds me of the current crisis in British politics with the mainstream parties butting their heads against a wall in dealing with the nationalist and populist parties, seemingly missing the point as they sink so much effort into the PR for little gain.
 

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Yes really very interesting. I'm a little worried for alt-Quebec, its clear its far from a bastion of stable democracy from all the hints you've already dropped and the Restorationists sound like horrible people cloaking themselves in fake idealism.

Though nothing quite so malign (in fact arguably an inversion) , Expury's fate reminds me of the current crisis in British politics with the mainstream parties butting their heads against a wall in dealing with the nationalist and populist parties, seemingly missing the point as they sink so much effort into the PR for little gain.

Yeah the traditional problems in Quebec are having a far worse version of the problem that's facing pretty much all the mainstream European parties right now; they don't know how to engage with a mobilized electorate because they're used to a model of politics as bureaucratic management. Expury succeeded to some degree in managing the people when they were arguing for things he could sympathize with, but fundamentally could not understand this populist yet reactionary movement.

A very interesting modern-day interlude! LesRestaurationistes are (were?) definitely quite the intriguing force in Québécois politics – not in the least because of their strange deification of Henri, but also because their rapid rise, conservative outlook and all-at-once impeachable and untouchable position means that they resonate strongly with certain political groups in our own time. I suppose I should be grateful that we Brits don't have any 18th century monarchs for whom we can be massively nostalgic!
laugh.gif

The whole point about the criticism of Henri actually came from a point I've repeatedly made about criticisms of other certain historical figures who, despite our unearthing a whole series of unfortunate facts, just won't die (because the point isn't that they were perfect people, it's that they are symbols for something else). But yeah, this was kind of a tough entry because despite Quebec being in a position we'd understand now or that we'd to some degree recognize in the 80s, Quebec has a deeply different political culture than anything we could see in the modern West.
 
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lof23_zps2dc4bf4f.png


A Call to Arms

Article in l’Express by Admiral Jean de Hautville, published 1772

I am writing in response to a crisis. Budgets are scant, our situation is changing, and many have written on the state of the Royal Navy with a jealous eye to our treasury. What they do not realize is how important the navy has been to the rise of our great Kingdom; how necessary it is to the continuation of that greatness. The return of a navy built around coastal defense is the return of a poverty of glory. It is the final acceptance of the end of our Empire. It is satisfaction with mediocrity.

France was in such a position in the 17th century, it accepted itself as a single power among many, strong on the continent but reliant upon allies in the colonial areas of the world. Henri II went so far as to downsize both the navy and the army, leading to disastrous consequences, the loss of Bresil, the Lorraine, Louisville, and our African trade posts. As the 17th century turned to the 18th, the navy had accepted an almost entirely ancillary role, defending the coasts of France from piracy and remaining in dock during major wars. And the reason for this is quite clear--there simply weren’t enough French ships to offer an equal battle against any but the most minor foes. Among the great European naval powers, France was barely in the top five, and had a fleet nearly half the size of the top three.

fleets_zpsmlebtdoo.jpeg

Naval powers in 1693

France was only able to conduct the naval campaigns required of her during the Franco-Dutch war due to a heavy leaning on the Swedish fleet, and the utilization of one of the only naval capacities France excelled at; the massive force of privateers from Brittany. Brittany, traditionally a fishing region, had become a highway for all kinds of crime as their traditional economy (based on small landholding and a largely absent aristocracy, incapable of extracting rents) became replaced by a new system (as Henri II appointed new nobles who gained their wealth through rents). Furthermore, the area, with its numerous bays and broken terrain, became a perfect nesting ground for piracy. While they were viewed as a foe to the crown during Henri II’s reign, under Louis XIII the pirates were utilized to attack English and Dutch trade.

French%20fleet%201_zps99fy9z8e.png

French Fleets, 1693

Thus the French navy was comprised of two parts, a small fleet used to defend French shores, and a larger but illicit arm of privateers, who mainly acted against French shipping. This privater arm was the only thing that allowed France to continue her trade with the colonies during the Franco-Dutch War, and even then trade and tariff income petered off to the smallest point they had been since the 16th century. The debt crisis of the later 1680s came largely from this destroyed revenue, and it took France a decade to recoup her losses in the East Indies.

Henri III’s first goal was to rapidly expand the navy in order to regain the hold she once had over colonial trade. Using the new funds the crown had gained from Colbert’s reforms, Henri presented the Council with an astonishing plan, for the expansion of the navy from 100 ships to 300 by 1710. This required a simple increase of ten ships per year, but had numerous second-order effects. For one, the major port cities of Bordeaux, Bruges, Caux, and Marseilles were now mostly commercial ports, and even then were quickly moving to full capacity (for the month after the Franco-Dutch war, it could take as much as eight hours to dock in Marseilles, the queues were so long). An admiralty would need to be formed, and men trained for higher levels of command.

Henri’s plan also called for the creation of a ‘Royal Fleet’, comprised of 30 heavy ships, which would protect French shipping during a presumed war against the Holy Coalition of the Saxon-Anglo Union, and a galley fleet of 20 squadrons which would defend against pirates on the Mediterranean coast. Together with five colonial fleets of twenty ships, and five ‘home’ fleets of 30, the French Navy would be transformed from a merely defensive force to one able to influence trade from the shores of Hudson’s Bay to the shallows of the Yangtze. It would change the French merchant class from a subservient one to the vanguard of French conquest, winning markets in Antwerp, Lima, Malacca, and Constantinople. The French navy allowed French merchants to act far more aggressively, and French merchants steadily cornered the slave, cinnamon, silver, sugar, and porcelain trades, making these all common goods in France and the colonies. They also allowed France to take the offensive after the collapse of the southern Mughal empire.

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Plan for the ‘navy of the kingdom’s waters’, including the new military ports which would become the centers of those fleets which was successfully implemented in 1705, with the last 10 heavy ships sent to defend the slave trade.

But how would the navy be expanded to such a degree? Personnel grew by ten thousand as Henri created the Royal navy, and this was just the personnel of the ships, a corps of shipbuilders was also created within the military’s Engineer Corps. A new rank was created (grand admiral, who was in charge of the maneuvers of multiple fleets), and the officer corps of the navy was expanded by three times. What men joined this institution?

Early on, Henri expanded the navy by a process he called ‘assimilation’. That is, the assimilation of Breton privateers into the professional navy via buying the ships and promising higher wages for the crews. While this was an expensive process, it immediately gave France an experienced class of crewmen and officers who would no longer turn on the Crown for the promise of a higher pay. While there were some defections (the Courrant Defection in 1709, by a frigate flotilla defending the spice trade), this plan largely succeeded without any major problems. Moreover, Henri’s assimilation of pirates into the French navy (going so far as to build the Admiralty and Naval School in St.Malo, the ‘city of pirates’) led to an all together different kind of navy than that seen in Britain or even the Dutch fleets.

whipping_post_550.jpg

Whipping was a common act in the British navy, due to its nature as an instituttion manned via forced conscription and the taking of felons from the streets

The navy in England, in Sweden, in the Netherlands, in Italy, is staffed by two methods; the taking of criminals to the galley, and the forced conscription of the coastal peasantry. This led to fleets run as despotisms, with public whippings and execution for treason being common sights in Britain. In France, the integration of the Breton pirates into the fleet led to a more democratic system. From the start, commoners were able to become first officers, and outside of battle decisions were discussed with the crew. This has become a major aspect of the culture of our navy, and the level of discipline and morale that came from this system allowed France to win what she had previously conquered. From 1693 to 1711, the budget nearly doubled, and the majority of this increase came from a tripling of her trade income.

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French budgets, 1693 and 1711

So my question then, is why do these ‘reformers’ who want a constitutional kingdom, who want democracy, who want to ‘make France modern’, why is it that they want to return us to the 17th century regarding our navy? Why do they seek to strip the most ‘constitutional monarchist’ organization in France? Why do they seek to attack the instrument which has brought the bourgeoisie into power in our country? The three colonies with the largest fleet presence were, not coincidentally, the three colonies which have not revolted. And they seek to destroy that? This is an egregious mistake, one which no true man of our nation can support.
 
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Sorry that the next section (on the formation of the Royal Guard) is taking so long, I've been writing an article for publication and hung up on job apps. It'll come in next week!
 

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Sorry that the next section (on the formation of the Royal Guard) is taking so long, I've been writing an article for publication and hung up on job apps. It'll come in next week!
No worries! We'll be here when you're ready!
 

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Thank you very much for your patience, guys!

lof23_zps2dc4bf4f.png


The Garde Royale and the Way Forward

From the Essais of L’Homme Nouveau, written 17--*​

I write to a new army. An army which, for the first time since Rome, constitutes itself on republican principles, on an idea of universal service in defense not of the interests of the interests of the Monarch, but in defense of the People.

And yet we still exist in the shadow of the army of the ancien regime. Many of our officers are of the old kind, and a fear of Caesarianism has cast any ambitious general as a potential Augustus. This discourse has gone so far as to touch on the massive ranks of veterans we now find ourselves with. The Federalists fear that these veterans, if allowed to stay in the army, might form a Praetorian Guard, or worse, a new Royal Guard, who would impose the Center’s will upon the provinces. Given that no man of the Royal Guard survived the Committee, there has been no challenging of this concept. But it is simply not true; the Royal Guard was a completely different force than anything a Republic could possibly field; it was a military unit so inextricably tied to the monarchy that one might say that now, at the end of the Era of Kings, that we shall never see another force like them on the Continent.

Mousquetaires_du_roi.jpg

Royal Guardsmen

One can say that the whole of Henri III’s reign was concerned with the prevention of conspiracies and peasant riots. This was behind his cooptation of nearly every force conceivable within the court, his doubling of military spending, and his expansion of the court to include almost every major noble family. Henri’s desire to both split from society and to integrate all of society within himself was physically represented in Versailles, the largest court in Europe, built in a style which synthesized neoclassicism with Baroque, with rooms for potentially hundreds of guests, completely separated from the now purely nominal capitol in Paris.

And though the Coup of Du Berry was the last time the nobility attempted to rise against the King, there were still conspiracies. The Rousillion Affair, in which the king’s friend Eugene de Savoie uncovered a plot to turn France’s defenses into a speculator’s paradise and nearly was killed for it was just the first. Scandal after scandal rocked the court in its early years. Between these came the Bread Revolt of 1707, the Recruitment Riots of 1715, and the Paris Uprising of 1726. All the more horrifying, some of the scandals involved the King’s bodyguard, who were truly acting as a praetorian guard and who often had greater loyalties to their officers than their liege.

Worse than this was the continued expansion of that ‘hive of wretchery’, Paris, right on Versaille’s front step. Even as Paris diminished in political importance, the nominal capitol exploded in the early 18th century, nearly tripling in size and doubling in population, with several areas which were once aristocratic estates turning into desolate slums.

mw06699.jpg

Jean des Moulins, known to the Parisian underclasses as Gracchus portrayed as a priest when he was attempting to escape the Royal Guard

These events all gave the king an idea of the necessity of a military force as separated from the Army as his Court was from the rest of the society. Thus the Royal Guard was conceived, with recruiting beginning shortly after the completion of Versailles in 1708. Recruited entirely from the provincial bourgeoisie, the Royal Guard was trained in separate facilities from the rest of the army and was governed by a separate officer corps made up initially of Henri’s sycophants and Eugen.

By 1710 the Royal Guard was comprised of a full brigade encompassing three regiments, who each had their own responsibilities and who in 1711 became the only military force allowed within fifty kilometers of the capitol. The three regiments were the King’s Guard, an infantry regiment who was always stationed in Versailles and directed to protect the King’s body, the Guard of the Law, a cavalry regiment who protected the byways around Paris and put down local peasant’s revolts, and the Parisian Guard, an artillery regiment who ‘protected’ Paris but in truth acted as the King’s private gang of ruffians, who maintained the king’s ‘guard houses’ which kept watch over the worse portions of Paris and beat up any suspected of political misgivings.

ParissesFaubourgs-defer-1717.jpg

Paris in 1701. When the Arrou and Despens factories were opened in the 1710s, southeast Paris would expand, enveloping several mansions.

In charge of them was the Captain of the Royal Guard, a man picked for his loyalty who sat on the Council (a part of an extensive process of stacking the council with ‘loyal men’).The first leader was Eugene himself, and after his departure from France Henri continued a policy of picking the best men the Army had to offer to serve him personally in Versailles.

This produced a brigade loyal in the smallest sense of the word, loyal not to their country, not to their fellow subjects, but to the King and the King only. We saw this in numerous horrors committed by the Guard just in the last decade, but they began in the 1710s during the Breaking of the Guilds and in the 1720s with the Execution of Gracchus the Elder.

With this description it is obvious why our veterans would not turn to a second Royal Guard. The Royal Guard was absolutely a product of the Ancien Regime, one would say that it was the culmination of that thought, moreso than Versailles. But more to the point, the Royal Guard took the most effective, best trained officers and the cream of the conscription crop and put them to use as defensive servants of the King. Such a formula is sure to lead to despotic and tyrannical behaviors, as we saw through their existence. Butt using our most battle hardened, best trained men on the frontline, or to spread the Republican ideal to the subjects of our foes would not lead to a praetorian force. Rather, it could create an army which at every level has republicanism in its heart, and liberty in its mouth.

*Editors note: There has been a long-going argument over when this essay was written. There are no records of it in the archives of the General Staff, though many reports were destroyed during the Restoration and during the Fire of 1836. The events Francois Neuf discussed here (the argument on the nature of the army) occurred several times during the course of the Revolution, although given the tone it was likely not written during the first Army Act of 1769. Thus it was likely written in the mid 1770s, dating to the first information we still have about the Voltigeurs.