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thekonkoe

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Does no one else see this as a state or censored press in disguise? After all, the quota for distribution is set by a government commission. The Marxists have shown themselves to be against the syndicates, communes and unions time and again. Even the anarchists have given up trying to empower them. This would almost certainly be a state controlled press. While proponents claim that this will increase the power of the proletarian, true control is surrendered to those that dictate distribution. This is not democracy but dictatorship sold to the people as such. Also the example of expanding a small publication does not consider the case where a minority opinion is spread thin across our republic. How is any paper or pamphlet to be distributed to a couple thousand women and men when they are split between Cologne, Frankfurt, Brussels and Berlin?

Enewald is an extremist within the Anarchists that in most cases goes to far. But this scheme seems to be taken from one of his conspiracies. The M-L are either pandering far to willingly to their Militarist allies, or else showing troubling colors of their own.

To address those that say that the Anarchists are overly idealistic and would see the republic die, I have some questions of my own that I hope will not alienate you but rather have you examine your ways. The Anarchists have been derided for doubting the intentions of Lenin, told that we should let him rule rather than presume he will make himself king. Are the charges brought against us any different? Our enemies talk of the republic ending if we are given power, and we are relegated to be the perennial opposition. But the far bigger questions are, if we are to grow the state to save the revolution, even as we go against its precepts, then is it a revolution at all? If the revolution cannot survive without being thoroughly compromised is the world ready for it? In growing the bourgeois capitalism that has led inevitably to our revolution, Benjamin Franklin had words well suited to our predicament. The way forward then is as clear as now. "Those that would sacrifice liberty for security deserve neither." If we do not pursue the true revolution for fear of our state crumbling, truly the revolution is dead already.
 

Enewald

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Does no one else see this as a state or censored press in disguise? After all, the quota for distribution is set by a government commission. The Marxists have shown themselves to be against the syndicates, communes and unions time and again. Even the anarchists have given up trying to empower them. This would almost certainly be a state controlled press. While proponents claim that this will increase the power of the proletarian, true control is surrendered to those that dictate distribution. This is not democracy but dictatorship sold to the people as such. Also the example of expanding a small publication does not consider the case where a minority opinion is spread thin across our republic. How is any paper or pamphlet to be distributed to a couple thousand women and men when they are split between Cologne, Frankfurt, Brussels and Berlin?

Enewald is an extremist within the Anarchists that in most cases goes to far. But this scheme seems to be taken from one of his conspiracies. The M-L are either pandering far to willingly to their Militarist allies, or else showing troubling colors of their own.

To address those that say that the Anarchists are overly idealistic and would see the republic die, I have some questions of my own that I hope will not alienate you but rather have you examine your ways. The Anarchists have been derided for doubting the intentions of Lenin, told that we should let him rule rather than presume he will make himself king. Are the charges brought against us any different? Our enemies talk of the republic ending if we are given power, and we are relegated to be the perennial opposition. But the far bigger questions are, if we are to grow the state to save the revolution, even as we go against its precepts, then is it a revolution at all? If the revolution cannot survive without being thoroughly compromised is the world ready for it? In growing the bourgeois capitalism that has led inevitably to our revolution, Benjamin Franklin had words well suited to our predicament. The way forward then is as clear as now. "Those that would sacrifice liberty for security deserve neither." If we do not pursue the true revolution for fear of our state crumbling, truly the revolution is dead already.
A simplified version.
We live in a democracy, because we have so far invented nothing better.
We have parties with different goals, pushing the state towards some direction.
One party pulls in some direction, others in other directions.
If we let one party dominate the pulling, that would not be a free democracy, but a dictatorship like the states we have had in the past.
This democracy requires an opposition, and the more louder and efficient, the more the opposition whines, the healthier this democracy is.

State should leave the press prosper alone, no intervening.

The ideal of one party can never become true, but here we have many parties with different ideals, and the combination of those becomes reality in this story.
I can still cry for my anarchist utopia.
Crying and whining is my destiny.
 

LordTempest

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I think I'll just start ignoring Enewald from now on, since he's just posting demagoguery and worn-out phrases.
Indeed. No offence Enewald. :)
Tommy> In game terms, would that system correspond to free press, censored press or state press?
Censored, I'd think.
I wholeheartedly support the ideas put forward by Comrade Communard. I think freedom of expression is immensely important to keep a non-capitalist state vivid, innovative and democratic. Because of just that, private ownership of the press must be restricted, so that we don't get the caged "freedom of speech" of the more liberal capitalist nations.
I don't think many anarchists would accept anything less than a free (as in, free from regulation) press. Even proposing such an idea will anger many of the radicals and provide ammunition to the moderates, possibly causing a repeat of the UC's first victory a few years back.

Personally I quite like what Liberty and it's editor are proposing, but I don't consider press reform a pressing issue right now; we had that fight and we lost, we should take it on the chin and move to more pressing issues rather than acting like sore losers like the you-know-who do.

Oh and the konkoe, AFAIK Liberty is not owned or run by the Marxists, but by A Marxist. It's editorials represent the ideas of it's editor, rather than any party.
 

Communard

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Does no one else see this as a state or censored press in disguise? After all, the quota for distribution is set by a government commission. The Marxists have shown themselves to be against the syndicates, communes and unions time and again. Even the anarchists have given up trying to empower them. This would almost certainly be a state controlled press. While proponents claim that this will increase the power of the proletarian, true control is surrendered to those that dictate distribution. This is not democracy but dictatorship sold to the people as such. Also the example of expanding a small publication does not consider the case where a minority opinion is spread thin across our republic. How is any paper or pamphlet to be distributed to a couple thousand women and men when they are split between Cologne, Frankfurt, Brussels and Berlin?

Enewald is an extremist within the Anarchists that in most cases goes to far. But this scheme seems to be taken from one of his conspiracies. The M-L are either pandering far to willingly to their Militarist allies, or else showing troubling colors of their own.
I would first like to point out that I am not a Marxist-Leninist, having voted for the UF and Moderates in the past three elections. I have Marxist sympathies, it is true, but I am withholding them my vote in protest a their alliance with the Militarists and also at some of their own more worrying tendencies. This is not some statist plot but rather a way to make the press freer. I hope that it will recieve the support of Marxists, Anarchists and anyone in between. I had mentioned the possibility that the Unions coud oversee allocation if people were uneasy about an independent government commission doing so, perhaps that woud alleviate your concerns? Your other point is a logistical one. It could easily be solved by allowing the producers of a publication to decide where it is distributed. Ultimately what you have to remember is that, unless they could find a rich backer or someone in the Party to finance their operations, under the present system our little group would recieve no representation at all. Surely some is better than none?

Censored, I'd think.
I sincerely hope not, at present the press is censored by virtue of who can afford to print. My system removes this censorship.

I don't think many anarchists would accept anything less than a free (as in, free from regulation) press. Even proposing such an idea will anger many of the radicals and provide ammunition to the moderates, possibly causing a repeat of the UC's first victory a few years back.

Personally I quite like what Liberty and it's editor are proposing, but I don't consider press reform a pressing issue right now; we had that fight and we lost, we should take it on the chin and move to more pressing issues rather than acting like sore losers like the you-know-who do.
Acutally, comrade, I won that fight, as I was in favour of the private press. Private press is better than a state monopoly on the press, but it has flaws of its own, and flaws that I hope to address.

Oh and the konkoe, AFAIK Liberty is not owned or run by the Marxists, but by A Marxist. It's editorials represent the ideas of it's editor, rather than any party.
That is true, I believe in both maximum social reform and political freedom, which leaves me party-less for the moment.
 
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Raph

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Does no one else see this as a state or censored press in disguise? After all, the quota for distribution is set by a government commission. The Marxists have shown themselves to be against the syndicates, communes and unions time and again. Even the anarchists have given up trying to empower them. This would almost certainly be a state controlled press. While proponents claim that this will increase the power of the proletarian, true control is surrendered to those that dictate distribution. This is not democracy but dictatorship sold to the people as such. Also the example of expanding a small publication does not consider the case where a minority opinion is spread thin across our republic. How is any paper or pamphlet to be distributed to a couple thousand women and men when they are split between Cologne, Frankfurt, Brussels and Berlin?

Enewald is an extremist within the Anarchists that in most cases goes to far. But this scheme seems to be taken from one of his conspiracies. The M-L are either pandering far to willingly to their Militarist allies, or else showing troubling colors of their own.

To address those that say that the Anarchists are overly idealistic and would see the republic die, I have some questions of my own that I hope will not alienate you but rather have you examine your ways. The Anarchists have been derided for doubting the intentions of Lenin, told that we should let him rule rather than presume he will make himself king. Are the charges brought against us any different? Our enemies talk of the republic ending if we are given power, and we are relegated to be the perennial opposition. But the far bigger questions are, if we are to grow the state to save the revolution, even as we go against its precepts, then is it a revolution at all? If the revolution cannot survive without being thoroughly compromised is the world ready for it? In growing the bourgeois capitalism that has led inevitably to our revolution, Benjamin Franklin had words well suited to our predicament. The way forward then is as clear as now. "Those that would sacrifice liberty for security deserve neither." If we do not pursue the true revolution for fear of our state crumbling, truly the revolution is dead already.
Nice to see a though-out and well written argument from an anarchist for once. However, you show the obvious liberal, petty-bourgeoise nature of the anarchists. Unable to see past the individual freedoms and how they conflict with equal rights and democracy.

Who commands over distribution of an unregulated, private press? The wealthy and powerful, as is the case in the liberal so-called democracies; while those without means, the proletarians, have little say. The method proposed by Communard would instead institute a democratic regulation of the press while leaving room for plurality. It even includes provisions for giving the distribution to the unions, if fears are that the state would mis-use its responsibilities.

When it comes to your case for anarchism, in my opinion the criticism against them differs from the criticism against the marxist-leninists in one important way. The leftist critique of the anarchists is based on what you are openly proposing to do, not based on slander, rumours and fear-mongering. I seriously don't think a society of independent communes could defend themselves against monopoly capitalism and the imperial states backing it. I, however, do not call anarchists blood-thirsty hounds or something like that. The right-wing critique of Lenin isn't based on the programme put forward by the Marxists-Leninists, but is rather filled with speculations of unknown origins.

Finally, your quoting the liberal thinker Benjamin Franklin shows just the problem with the anarchists. They are more or less liberals with guns. To be unable to see the collective nature of the oppression of the endless millions of poor people around the world, and to be unable to accept collective solutions, like a public health care system, but instead wanting to let everyone fend for themselves, is nothing less than a classic liberal capitalist point of view. Further more, I'd like to point out that the revolutionary nature of the republic is primarily anti-capitalist rather than anti-statist. All factions agree that the state should be abolished. However, the left wants to abolish it in favour of a system of socialist democracy, while the consequences of abolishing the state and all its institutions at this point would be to abolish the state in favour of re-establishment of capitalism.

Only when capitalism is defeated can all state functions be abolished. When the threat of counter-revolution is defeated we can dismantle the People's Army; when the productive forces have developed to a level that hunger and poverty are extinct, we will be ready to abolish taxes, pensions, and unemployment subsidies. For now, the state must be the tool of the people to use to combat the sicknesses of capitalism and the violence of our enemies.

And, while the struggle still continues, we should definately be weary against the state loosing its proletarian nature, against the rise of new entrenched elites. However, as I've said before, the democratic freedoms of the republic have been expanded constantly since the establishment of the republic, and with the Worker's vote and the Assembly, we have strong checks and balances against a renewed dictatorship of the few.
 

LordTempest

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I sincerely hope not, at present the press is censored by virtue of who can afford to print. My system removes this censorship.
I was speaking in game terms, rather than story terms. The system you are proposing wouldn't be (literally) a censored press, but would be deemed such in game terms, kinda like how the Militarists aren't (literally) Fascists but have a Fascist Ideology in game terms.
 

winsingtonIII

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While proponents claim that this will increase the power of the proletarian, true control is surrendered to those that dictate distribution.
But this is going to be true in a private press as well. Whoever has the connections/money/power to publish a publication will be able to dictate what is in that publication. Those without sufficient resources to publish a widespread paper will be unable to make their voice heard as well. I'm not saying I necessarily agree with the new proposal (I need to examine it more first) but I think we need to acknowledge that this limitation already exists in a different fashion.

To address those that say that the Anarchists are overly idealistic and would see the republic die, I have some questions of my own that I hope will not alienate you but rather have you examine your ways. The Anarchists have been derided for doubting the intentions of Lenin, told that we should let him rule rather than presume he will make himself king. Are the charges brought against us any different? Our enemies talk of the republic ending if we are given power, and we are relegated to be the perennial opposition. But the far bigger questions are, if we are to grow the state to save the revolution, even as we go against its precepts, then is it a revolution at all? If the revolution cannot survive without being thoroughly compromised is the world ready for it?
Look, I have no problem with questioning authority and doubting Lenin, I am, for one, a bit disappointed and worried by the alliance with the militarists. My problem is with idealism without regard to the practical limitations of the current world. The ultimate goal of our endeavor is stateless, classless society. However, in our current situation, we can only fulfill the classless side of that goal. It is unfortunate, but if we were to abolish the state now, we would be overrun by capitalists, monarchists, and tyrants, which would quickly lead to the reintroduction classes. So, the ultimate question is, would you rather live in a classless society protected by a state, knowing full well that the ultimate goal is stateless, classless society once it is at all possible? Or would you rather live in absolutist Russia/Austria or bourgeois France? Because, unfortunately, those are the two options right now.
 

unmerged(140907)

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Does no one else see this as a state or censored press in disguise? After all, the quota for distribution is set by a government commission. The Marxists have shown themselves to be against the syndicates, communes and unions time and again. Even the anarchists have given up trying to empower them. This would almost certainly be a state controlled press. While proponents claim that this will increase the power of the proletarian, true control is surrendered to those that dictate distribution. This is not democracy but dictatorship sold to the people as such. Also the example of expanding a small publication does not consider the case where a minority opinion is spread thin across our republic. How is any paper or pamphlet to be distributed to a couple thousand women and men when they are split between Cologne, Frankfurt, Brussels and Berlin?

Enewald is an extremist within the Anarchists that in most cases goes to far. But this scheme seems to be taken from one of his conspiracies. The M-L are either pandering far to willingly to their Militarist allies, or else showing troubling colors of their own.

To address those that say that the Anarchists are overly idealistic and would see the republic die, I have some questions of my own that I hope will not alienate you but rather have you examine your ways. The Anarchists have been derided for doubting the intentions of Lenin, told that we should let him rule rather than presume he will make himself king. Are the charges brought against us any different? Our enemies talk of the republic ending if we are given power, and we are relegated to be the perennial opposition. But the far bigger questions are, if we are to grow the state to save the revolution, even as we go against its precepts, then is it a revolution at all? If the revolution cannot survive without being thoroughly compromised is the world ready for it? In growing the bourgeois capitalism that has led inevitably to our revolution, Benjamin Franklin had words well suited to our predicament. The way forward then is as clear as now. "Those that would sacrifice liberty for security deserve neither." If we do not pursue the true revolution for fear of our state crumbling, truly the revolution is dead already.
I cannot comment on the issue of press reform as recently put forth by Comrade Communard, the idea holds a lot of merit and I'd like to see the exact mechanics for how it would be managed ironed out. (OOC: That is if we need it anyway, it depends on whether or not Tommy makes it an issue.

As the thoughts have formed in my mind, my Comrades Raph and Winsington have put them to the pen. There are logical cases for claims that implementing the plans of the Anarchist faction would lead to the utter ruin of our Revolution. Without an organized army there is no way we could stand up to the reactionary forces of the Bourgeois. Without an organized state there is no way we can constructively work towards the quality of all men, and the final goal of a Communist globe. Lenin on the other hand has given no substantive logical evidence that his leadership will lead the Republic to ruin.

Perhaps most importantly, Lenin has legitimately won by the methods of our government as approved and supported by our revolution and the People. For that reason if no other, you owe him your respect, support, and loyalty. If the Anarchist faction should ever win the position of Chairman, know they will have my full support and ardent effort! But to do that, the Anarchists need to give us policies and initiatives a majority can support! Anything less than such support is Tyranny in its most obvious form.

You quote Franklin with, "Those that would sacrifice liberty for security deserve neither." But tell me Comrade. Where are the sacrifices? Since that glorious day that started this great Revolution, the People of this Republic have only moved upward, women enjoy equality, workers have a say in who leads them, the state works for the benefit of the people. Where is the loss of liberty? The presses are free and the greatest minds this country has to offer constantly debate and collaborate for the betterment of their peers. I admit, the growth of the state is dangerous. We walk a tightrope to our destination of utopia, one false step into paranoia, hysteria, chaos, or anarchy could destroy everything we've worked towards. But is this not Revolution my Comrade? This is the single greatest movement the human race will ever experience, the charge from survival in darkness to glorious life in the light of the virtues of society, equality, fraternity,and prosperity. I expect no less in terms of the dangers!
 

Tommy4ever

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The VSVR 1875-1880 (Part 1)



Quickly after settling into his new office Lenin pushed through the social reforms he had promised in order to bolster his popularity and satisfy his supporters. The maximum working day was decreased by two hours from 14 hours to 12 hours a day. This, admittedly, was still a rather high number of hours and it was not entirely common for this to be worked in the first place. However it did make a noticeable impact on the Republic as approximately 15% of people now had a shorter working day. The unemployment subsidy was increased – this news was greeted by jubilation from Bohemians and Silesians as despite several months passing since their annexation there remained thousands of unemployed workers (a problem that would largely cease to be an issue by the Summer of 1875). Therefore this move cemented a strong base of support for the Marxist-Leninists in these regions. Finally more stringent safety regulations were introduced for the Republic’s factories, again output was sacrificed for the well being of the workers and again the Marxist-Leninists saw their popularity spike upwards.

Lenin also granted the officer class the vote, it was decided that all members of the military would hence forth be classes as soldiers – this ended the division between the officers (disenfranchised) and the common soldiers (enfranchised). This was obviously a compromise with the Marxist’s Militarist allies but Lenin managed to convince Schlieffen to back down on his calls for votes for the petite bourgeoisie (very easily) and more importantly on the calls for the vote for farmers (a more difficult task).

The first major incident of Lenin’s term as Chairman occurred on March 3rd across the border in the Netherlands. The country was still licking its wounds from the mauling it had received in the Bohemian War which had ended barely one year previously and the state was highly unstable. The Monarchy had failed to re-establish a significant military presence in Europe (aside from the still impressive Dutch Fleet), had been ineffective in rebuilding the country’s economy, had lost much of its respect and was becoming increasingly reliant on exploiting the East Indies for all they were worth. In short the Kingdom was the worse for wear. On top of this there was a rebounding Communist party known as the League of Dutch Labour (ideologically the League supported an intriguing mixture of Anarchist and Marxist beliefs but was a chief proponent of the Vanguard Party championed by Lenin).



On March 3rd League Paramilitaries (armed with guns produced in the VSVR) launched a coup in Amsterdam. The King fled the city by ship along with much of the city’s ruling classes, effectively abandoning the capital to the Communists. With a virtually non-existent standing army the King’s forces were expected to simply give way to the inevitable. However Willem III refused to give in and landed in Gelre, with around 12,000 sailors he marched in land to this most anti-Communist province and started to raise troops to launch an attack on the West coast of the country which was heavily Communist. The resulting Civil War would last until November.

The colonies, quite shockingly, were not unanimous in their support for the Monarchists as the Caribbean colonies (perhaps influenced by the large Comintern presence in the region) declared for the Republicans whilst the East Indies were much more divided than one would assume. Obviously the Imperial Dutch forces in the region declared for the King but the Communist Republicans (assisted by Comintern bases in the Philippines) had managed to raise much of the local population into rebellion with promises of autonomy, equality and an end to exploitation. With the vast majority of his fleet focussed on Europe Willem could do nothing to cement himself overseas. In the Netherlands themselves he was initially very successful. He smashed a Republican Army near Utrecht in early June and subsequently recaptured Utrecht and Rotterdam, effectively forcing the Communists into Holland. However after 3 failed attempts to invade this most valuable of provinces things started to fall apart for Willem as his army suffered from desertion, rebellions occurred within the territory he held and the Communists better organised themselves. With arms, volunteers and military experts streaming in from the VSVR (their ships being protected by VSVR flags) the Communists quickly grew stronger and in September launched a massive counterattack.



On November 17th a massively outnumbered Monarchist Army surrendered at Groningen. Bucking a regicidal trend the Dutch did not take their opportunity to behead their Monarch but instead cut a deal. In return for the right to flee to London Willem agreed to surrender all claim to the Netherlands and to call upon the Monarchist troops in the East Indies to lay down their arms. With the Dutch Civil War at an end the Republic of the Netherlands and the East Indies was proclaimed. The Republic would consist of 3 main bodies – from Jakarta an East Indian Politburo ran internal affairs for the former colony, in Amsterdam a Dutch Politburo ran internal affairs for the European Netherlands whilst a second Republican Politburo acted as the unifying government for the entire Republic whilst also running internal affairs in the small Dutch territory in Africa and their lands in the Caribbean. Lenin was sceptical about the Dutch system of government and urged the Republic to simply divide its Empire in the same way that Spain did – however Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis, the Chairman of the Republic, ensured Lenin that the Republic would be stronger united.

One of Lenin’s great personal desires was to embark on a series of almighty projects that would show the world the wonders of socialism, the might of the VSVR and make them tremble. Everything the Republic had would have to be the biggest in the world, the most powerful in Europe and the most technologically advanced. This craze would later become known as Gigantomania.



One of the most important facets of Gigantomania was the massive expansion of the Red Army under Alfred Schlieffen. In barely two years between 1875 and March 1877 (when the Republic would enter its next war) the standing army swelled by an additional 50%. In 1875 it was 320,000 men strong, by March 1877 there were 480,000 men under arms. On top of this during the same period an additional 400,000 people were made ready for conscription. The Army was not just expanding rapidly, it was modernising too. In March 1875 the Politburo agreed to make the Red Army the first on earth to be outfitted with the recently invented Maxim Gun (first built in France just 6 months before). The Red Army was fast becoming the most formidable land army on the planet, now only France could match it and even that was arguable.



In Cologne the Statue of the Revolution was created. The colossal twin figures of a male worker and a female peasant joining together stood at an awesome 114 metres tall, making it the largest stature of earth. Just larger than the statue of Liberty which was unveiled in New York around the same time.



In Beyreuth the largest Opera House in the world was opened to the music of the Republic’s greatest composer – Richard Wagner. It was said that the Italian ambassador who attended the opening night of the People’s Opera House cried, believing that Italy’s time as the home of opera was now over.



In the North a huge Canal was carved out of the ground to connect the Baltic and North Seas. However its tactical use would be greatly limited by the time it finally opened in 1878 as by then the Republic would be at war and its fleet would be sunk.

Other, more practically useful, constructions included the Cologne Metro (the first underground railway on earth) and the Elbe Dam which provided power for the surrounding area. Gigantomania provided the Republic with some of its greatest achievements, but they were not nearly as popular within the Republic as one might expect. They were regarded as costly wastes of resources which could be better spent on the workers by some Marxists and as the ultimate symbols of Lenin’s arrogance and Monarchical desires by many Anarchists.



In 1876 the first members of a new Socialist project arrived in West Africa. Ignoring pre-existing French and British influences they set up several towns along the coastline from where they spread the gospel of the Republic to the people of Africa for the first time. This move would finally turn the British, whose relations with the Republic had blown hot and cold for years, firmly against the Republic.

By 1877 the Republic had already undergone several serious and damaging convulsions. Amongst the agreements made in the Marxist-Militarist coalition was the secret promise Lenin made to his allies to reign in the Anarchist press.

Following the publishing of several inflammatory pieces in the Anarchist Zeal (including caricatures of Lenin as a Pharaoh overseeing the construction of his works with Schlieffen whipping the proletarians at work and articles delving into Schlieffen’s Prussian past) Lenin proposed a motion to the Politburo which would establish a level of press censorship – preventing ‘’counter-revolutionary materials from publication’’. With only 4 alliance members on the Politburo (including the pro-liberty Necazian) Lenin was defeated. However this minor crisis of his authority gave him an opportunity to greatly change the way politics in the Republic worked as he went to the Constituent Assembly. Prior to this, struggling to find a true purpose, the Assembly had acted primarily as an advisory body (similar in that respect to the Senate of the ancient Roman Republic) with little actual power. Lenin put his law before the Assembly and won the vote (with just 51 members voting for). The Assembly was widely respected due to its direct election by the people and Lenin declared his act to be law, circumventing the Politburo. Lenin then returned to the Politburo to tokenly offer them a second opportunity to vote in favour, which they did, but in reality the shift of power from the Politburo to the Constituent Assembly, and thus into the hands of whichever faction led the Assembly, was clear.



But this action provoked outrage from the Anarchists, the Moderates and the Independents who made up around ½ of the Constituent Assembly and around the same portion of the Republic’s people.

In protest the Zeal published an entire paper which savagely attacked the alliance – it called Lenin a tyrant, a would be King and a traitor to everything Marx stood for. It included an interview from the much respected Engels in which the previous Chairman lambasted the law. Finally it called for a second revolution to topple the Marxist-Militarist coalition before it was too late. The paper was designed to contradict the new law and to challenge Lenin.

Lenin responded to this by having Schlieffen send Red Guards, popular figures amongst the people, to close down the Anarchist Zeal. The paper’s head offices were occupied, most of the printing equipment destroyed and two editors arrested whilst the Zeal was banned. Once again the original underground newspaper returned to its roots as a radical Anarchist news outlet calling for action against the state.

Cometh the hour, cometh the man. With everything he had once fought to achieve falling apart the once violently militant Party Secretary for the Ruhr, Kadon, stood up in front of around 40,000 workers of all political alignments in an address to the workers of the Ruhr and denounced the Chairman, calling for radical action against the government unless freedom of the press was restored. Protected by his position within the Politburo Lenin could not touch him as Kadon went about reforming the Young Anarchist movement as a powerful force amongst the Anarchists.

Just as the cissies of the late 1860s had been ignited by the clash of violent Anarchist street mobs with officials of the state in early 1877 the Republic seemed to be heading towards civil war once more after an Anarchist mob clashed with police in Berlin resulting in the deaths of some 12 police officers and 51 Young Anarchists.

Lenin turned to Schlieffen to save the situation. Schlieffen responded in typically forward style ‘’give me a war’’.



On March 24th 1877 the United Socialist People’s Republic declared war upon the one Imperialist power that had retained good relations with the Republic up to that point – the industrially rich Russian Empire. Lenin’s casus belli was his demands for Russia to retract its influence form Sweden and therefore allow the Swedish Monarchy to finally collapse (by this stage it only retained power thanks to Russian aid), and usher in another Communist Republic. By mid Summer the Republic was also at war with the British Empire as the British attempted to force the VSVR off of the African Continent. Although the wars were officially separate (there was no alliance between Russia and Britain) they are often combined together in the Republic as the Eastern War...
 

Tommy4ever

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Does anyone else feel that update feels very short considering its just over 2000 words long?

Hmm.

I'm must enjoy writing stuff too much - I'm the sort of wierdo who actually really enjoys writing essays, although strangely I've never liked creative writing outside of this formal history bookish format.

Anyway, interesting times indeed. Methinks it time to test out those Maxim Guns on some Russian hordes and British canivers. :cool:
 

thekonkoe

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Nice to see a though-out and well written argument from an anarchist for once. However, you show the obvious liberal, petty-bourgeoise nature of the anarchists. Unable to see past the individual freedoms and how they conflict with equal rights and democracy.
This is not necessarily petty-bourgeois or capitalist-liberal. It's a difference of priorities and of perspective within the context of the revolution. Even if statlessness
is a distant goal, how can we ever be prepared for it if we increase the restrictions imposed by the state. Individual freedom is a cornerstone of any future without states. Until classlessness has been achieved endeavors must be made to protect the weak to help ensure equal rights, but this must not be at the expense of others liberty. Hence aiding less able proletarians in spreading their publications is laudable, but why must we also stop others from broadcasting their views.

Who commands over distribution of an unregulated, private press? The wealthy and powerful, as is the case in the liberal so-called democracies; while those without means, the proletarians, have little say. The method proposed by Communard would instead institute a democratic regulation of the press while leaving room for plurality. It even includes provisions for giving the distribution to the unions, if fears are that the state would mis-use its responsibilities.
The so-called democratic regulation has an inherent flaw. It gives our discourse excessive inertia, and I believe actually hurts plurality in the long-run. Despite what has been said about the ability of small publications to grow, the fact remains that the strongest papers will have the widest distribution, fortifying them against competition and strengthening the ideologies they disseminate. This would likely lead to a feedback loop. Worse yet, this could harden the lines between Marxists and Anarchists as various groups, regions, etc. become increasingly homogeneous in opinion.

When it comes to your case for anarchism, in my opinion the criticism against them differs from the criticism against the marxist-leninists in one important way. The leftist critique of the anarchists is based on what you are openly proposing to do, not based on slander, rumours and fear-mongering. I seriously don't think a society of independent communes could defend themselves against monopoly capitalism and the imperial states backing it. I, however, do not call anarchists blood-thirsty hounds or something like that. The right-wing critique of Lenin isn't based on the programme put forward by the Marxists-Leninists, but is rather filled with speculations of unknown origins.

Finally, your quoting the liberal thinker Benjamin Franklin shows just the problem with the anarchists. They are more or less liberals with guns. To be unable to see the collective nature of the oppression of the endless millions of poor people around the world, and to be unable to accept collective solutions, like a public health care system, but instead wanting to let everyone fend for themselves, is nothing less than a classic liberal capitalist point of view. Further more, I'd like to point out that the revolutionary nature of the republic is primarily anti-capitalist rather than anti-statist. All factions agree that the state should be abolished. However, the left wants to abolish it in favour of a system of socialist democracy, while the consequences of abolishing the state and all its institutions at this point would be to abolish the state in favour of re-establishment of capitalism.
Despite you're qualms, Franklin and his ilk are crucial to the existence of our revolution. He and his fellows lived in a time before the revolution could even be conceived of. Furthermore, while the continued power of the capitalists and bourgeois is regrettable, we must not forget it is they who paved the way for the rise of the proletariat and the revolution. The Marxist abhorrence of all that is not socialist borders on religion. Socialism was not brought down with Marx from the Mount. It is inevitable, the latest in a long train of human conditions. Tribalism, feudalism, capitalism, those that came before are not evil, they have simply been superseded, knowledge may still be gleaned from them. Even the modern day bourgeois may contribute, for though they are in terrible error in their capitalism, their thoughts are still valid.

As for the priority of dismantling capitalism as opposed to dismantling the state, I believe you do not speak for many anarchists. The anarchists that died in Cologne in 1848 fought as much to liberate he workers from the state as they fought to empower them in their own factories. Concerns as to the danger of overly rapid dismantlement of the state are as valid as Anarchist fears of its expansion. I for one do not advocate its complete end today, but rather a halt on it expansion and a gradual removal of its more intrusive functions.

Only when capitalism is defeated can all state functions be abolished. When the threat of counter-revolution is defeated we can dismantle the People's Army; when the productive forces have developed to a level that hunger and poverty are extinct, we will be ready to abolish taxes, pensions, and unemployment subsidies. For now, the state must be the tool of the people to use to combat the sicknesses of capitalism and the violence of our enemies.

And, while the struggle still continues, we should definately be weary against the state loosing its proletarian nature, against the rise of new entrenched elites. However, as I've said before, the democratic freedoms of the republic have been expanded constantly since the establishment of the republic, and with the Worker's vote and the Assembly, we have strong checks and balances against a renewed dictatorship of the few.
Again this is a difference of priorities primarily. The Republic has long ago abandoned any pretense of simply waiting for the revolution. We have spread it by force to areas that were perhaps unprepared, and we propose to spread it to Africa which few if any would argue has progressed to readiness. Our role must then be reexamined. If we are not merely a union of those that have thrown off the shackles of older ways and embraced the revolution then what are we. Perhaps the role of the Republic is as you say to pave the way for the completion of the revolution. But lest we forget, the dismantlement of the state is as important if not more so to this final goal.

As for the checks and balances I agree they have made the republic safer. The great fear among the anarchists (if I may speak for them) is that the mechanisms of state are still be liable to be bent to the will of a particularly charismatic and populist leader. Given the power of the state such a man or woman would have prodigious power, that could be spent securing his/her position. Lenin could be such a man if he so chooses. We risk two great dangers in our system, the tyranny of the few, but also the tyranny of the majority which would likely be the wave that carries the few to power to the applause of the oppressed.

Sorry to everyone for the truly overlong post.
 

Communard

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I fear that my proposal must be put on the back burner while we deal with the tyrant Lenin. To stop people printing what they choose, to waste the peoples' money on petty size competition with the bourgouis powers, to shut down the newspaper of a major faction of the Party, to subvert the Politburo to get his laws passed...this is nothing short of treason. I had such high hopes for Lenin, and he has destroyed them all. We must put every energy to defeating Lenin and his Militarist lackeys in the next election. To this end I hope that the true Marxists, Moderates, independants and Anarchists will work together in a coalition to defeat the Leninists. Of course, if Lenin loses the election he may simply attempt to sieze power himself and begin a reign of terror, but then we shall only have to hope that he will be unsuccessful in his attempt.

On a happier note, my congratulations to our Dutch Comrades for seeing the light. The world will soon follow.

EDIT: I concur with everyone else by saying it was a great update :)
 
Last edited:

unmerged(140907)

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Top grade update there Tommy.
 

Communard

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Comrade Zimmerwald has asked me to post this for him, as he is currently unable to do so himself.

"Lenin has fallen into precisely the trap that the comrades of the Marxist-Leninist Minority warned against. He has, in the name of securing Militarist support for our social security programme, surrendered control of the political side of the Republic to that faction. All the major political decisions, the unnecessary confrontation with the Anarchists, the censoring even of Spark by the State, and the war with Russia were taken by the Commissary for Military Affairs. Lenin has shown his lack of political savvy in acquiescing to these decisions, as each will hurt the Marxist-Leninist faction. In the People's Party we will lose support, in terms of principles we have lost any claim to be able to fight opportunism.

"In light of this, the Marxist-Leninist Minority demands the replacement of Lenin as faction leader by Comrade Necazian. The latter will not bow so obsequiously to Schlieffen, and will assert our faction's rightful place as senior partner and political guide in our coalition. We demand also the creation of a Political Office, chaired by Comrade Lenin, which will assure that the Red Army is not dominated by members of any one faction."

--Comrade Zimmerwald

I also take the liberty of echoing these noble sentiments.
 

enf91

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Though I am a committed Anarchist, I do not oppose Lenin's method, though I do oppose his policy. He did ask the Assembly, which is made up (partially) of representatives elected by the people, to support his idea. And it was. This shows respect for the will of the people and the Party. So I can't complain about that. But putting a state in charge of distribution of newspapers is obstructive of liberty; after all, we are a collective! We do not need government distribution of printing materials, for we all collectively own the presses and can each use them to our wishes. Plus, this level of government censorship requires an agency, which is yet another thing that will have to be disestablished when we dissolve the government in the inevitable stateless future. We cannot progress towards anarchy if we keep regressing towards tyranny.
As to my fellow anarchists, let us not preach the immediate dissolution of the state, for it is not the time. Enemies who would enslave us all still abound. Let us unite on the general principles: that we should keep an army to defend the Republic and communist uprisings everywhere; that we should have as small a state as possible to both reduce interference in the lives of the people and reduce the shock when we dissolve the state later on; that we should not speak of "subverting the Politburo", for it is in the Assembly, the body that represents the Party and the people, that the true power should lie.
 

Communard

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Though I am a committed Anarchist, I do not oppose Lenin's method, though I do oppose his policy. He did ask the Assembly, which is made up (partially) of representatives elected by the people, to support his idea. And it was. This shows respect for the will of the people and the Party. So I can't complain about that.
It is not through any ideology that Lenin did this, if he could have gained the support of the Politburo at the expense of the assembly he would have done so. Do not confuse opportunism for ideology.

But putting a state in charge of distribution of newspapers is obstructive of liberty; after all, we are a collective! We do not need government distribution of printing materials, for we all collectively own the presses and can each use them to our wishes. Plus, this level of government censorship requires an agency, which is yet another thing that will have to be disestablished when we dissolve the government in the inevitable stateless future.
No, the presses were originally in state hands, and are now privately owned. They have never been a collective, in fact that is closer to my proposed system than to anything we have had previously.


We cannot progress towards anarchy if we keep regressing towards tyranny.
As to my fellow anarchists, let us not preach the immediate dissolution of the state, for it is not the time. Enemies who would enslave us all still abound. Let us unite on the general principles: that we should keep an army to defend the Republic and communist uprisings everywhere; that we should have as small a state as possible to both reduce interference in the lives of the people and reduce the shock when we dissolve the state later on; that we should not speak of "subverting the Politburo", for it is in the Assembly, the body that represents the Party and the people, that the true power should lie.
At last, the voice of reasonable anarchism! I disagree with you about the size of the state, but that is an argument for another day. Again, Lenin overstepped his legal limitations for his own ends. Who is the "true representative of the people" is irrelevant. Lenin has shown himself to be a ruthless man who will not stop at subversion to achieve his ends.
 

Enewald

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Lenin is the greatest danger to our republic. He is young, how is it that he even managed to gain this power!
Lenin is using the state as a mean for becoming the tsar of mankind, ruling in the name of proletariat.
I demand that the remaining free parties form a coalition and stop the Marxist rule.
How can it be for the good of the revolution to censor what free men want to say?
He was not even born as a citizen of it, how can he rule us and now he is using the army to keep himself on the throne.
Does the army serve the folk or Lenin?

I call for an Young Anarchist Uprising!
 

naggy

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