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    Real Strategy Requires Cunning

NikephorosSonar

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I might not be able to, sadly. I certainly hope the UoB in my game will go down the Maximist/Mosley route, or failing that at least the Federationist - but by God if they go Autonomist I'll smash their sorry asses before you can say 1st People's Popular Militia of Penmynydd, Llangefni and Llanfairpwllgwyngyllgogerychwyrndrobwllllantysiliogogogoch!

You could always "rig" the events. Just go into the AI chance and put what you want at 100 (or as close as the game will allow) and everything at zero (or the same.)
 

99KingHigh

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Then no quotes until Babs takes over.

Obviously, the Socialist-Feminists are the most centrist group for you, Tanz.

No, it will obviously be an immensely swift victory. :p

This thread seems to have somehow slipped from my subscriptions, so I've spent the past few days catching up with my acquired reading deficit. Great stuff as ever, King. The journey to the oncoming civil war has indeed been most exciting to read about.

Welcome back, Blair. Just a reminder, we have a strict no Whig policy. Only Totalism allowed here. :p

Hurrah, great update. Now to the much trickier task of figuring out what to do with Germany.

Turn it into a paradise resort, perhaps? ;)

You could always "rig" the events. Just go into the AI chance and put what you want at 100 (or as close as the game will allow) and everything at zero (or the same.)

As a Jew, I approve. Rigging elections is our profession as old as time. :)
 

NikephorosSonar

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Welcome back, Blair. Just a reminder, we have a strict no Whig policy. Only Totalism allowed here. :p

*Insert rant about Whigs that I can't think about.*
 

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Obviously, the Socialist-Feminists are the most centrist group for you, Tanz.

Aren't the Federationists the closest thing the UoB has to a centre party? I mean, the Maximists want Totalist change; the Congregationalists want Feminist change; the Autonomists want Nationalist change; while the Federationists definitely want change, but aren't at all sure what kind of change they want. Sure sounds like a centre party if you ask me. :p
 

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Welcome back, Blair. Just a reminder, we have a strict no Whig policy. Only Totalism allowed here. :p

So Palmerstonian Whiggism, then? :p
 

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DensleyBlair

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Not sure Pam felt there needed to be total government interventionism in the economy.

I suppose that could be an issue... Gladstone wanted to nationalise the railways in the 1840s, so would that do?
 

99KingHigh

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Aren't the Federationists the closest thing the UoB has to a centre party? I mean, the Maximists want Totalist change; the Congregationalists want Feminist change; the Autonomists want Nationalist change; while the Federationists definitely want change, but aren't at all sure what kind of change they want. Sure sounds like a centre party if you ask me. :p

Yes, I suppose the Federationists are the closest thing to a centrist party. I keep referring to them as the "Socialist Conservatives" and I think that description fits their romantic hogwash about a Trade Unionist Britain with lots of rainbows and something about Jerusalem.

*Insert rant about Whigs that I can't think about.*

A fine rant, dear sir!

So Palmerstonian Whiggism, then? :p

Not sure Pam felt there needed to be total government interventionism in the economy.

I suppose that could be an issue... Gladstone wanted to nationalise the railways in the 1840s, so would that do?

Well, I suppose Gladstone is well on his way. First the railroads, then the post office, then the housing, then the corporations, then the businesses, then the people's privacy - and once that happens, we're nearly there!
 

99KingHigh

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kgRVknF.png


The fall of Berlin shocked the world; delegates from all nations were bewildered by the rapid fall of the German Lion, a beast that had once held hegemony over the entire world. Germany's decline after nearly two decades in control attracted mixed reactions across the board, drawing praise, skepticism, and unsure judgement from all rings of society. Although the fall of Berlin was definitively not the conclusion of the war, Franco-British buildup near Stettin threatened to strike the last blow. Von Rudenstedt's entrapped three corps in Holestien was the last major German force on the continent, and all other support was dependent on the German satellites in the Baltic. Perhaps the most articulate and famous response to the Germanic ruination came from Arkady Krakovetsky and Alexander Krasnoshchyokov, the joint General Secretaries of the Siberian Republican Congress. As former members of the democratic-socialist faction, the Socialist Revolutionary Party, the Siberian rulers were skeptical of both the German nation (due to its similarity to the incumbent Russian Tsardom) and Mosley's Totalist regime. Entangled in a war with the Australian-Japanese alliance[1], Arkday and Alexander described the fall of Germany as a "geopolitical reshaping," citing the possibility for a global restructuring around Asia or America. Arkady was especially confident in the reforms of Edgard Leuenroth, the internationalist Brazilian president who endorsed a version of universal democratic socialism. But Brazil's position was internally unstable, and other American alternatives proved far too authoritarian for the duo - the democratic-libertarian ideals of the Zapastistan revolution had been brought under heel by the more authoritarian Confederation of Mexican Workers, supported by President Vicente Toledando. With few alternatives, the Siberian rulers provided an optimistic review for distanced socialist regimes in the New World and the Indochinese peninsula. The published work, entitled "Tekushcheye Sostoyaniye" was promptly translated into English as "Present Condition" and distributed widely across Europe. When Mosley suggested to Blair that the doctrine be silenced, Orwell brushed off the concern and pressured Mosley to provide a silent endorsement. Little did Mosley know that Arkday and Alexander's work had touched the sentiment of the reluctant Totalist.

Several days after the fall of Berlin, King Edward hinted to several media outlets in New England that Russian intervention was becoming more and more possible and urged their unofficial allies to send a delegate to Riga. As speculative interest grew, Tsar Dimitri ordered the Chairman of the Committee of Ministers of the Russian Empire, Anton Denikin, to send a delegate to Riga. Denikin sent former Chairman and Foreign Minister, Count Vladmir Kokovstov (aged 86), to negotiate with the exiled Kaiser. But the Count and the Chairman both knew that intervention was a non-issue - Denikin had engineered an intensive economic and diplomatic plan of Autarky, determined to consolidate aristocratic and imperial control by satisfying the general public's needs through self-sufficiency. With sufficient resources and General Winter on their size, Dimitri and Denikin were unconcerned with international developments and planned to transform Russia into an isolated fortress. Thus, the emissary to Riga was nothing more than a kindly courtesy to an old family friend. As news filtered back to London that the Russians had no intention to intervene, Mosley prepared to gather his cabinet and began to make preparation for the reversal of war-time legislation. On October 10th, the General Secretary called together dozens of ministers, including the leaders of the dwindling opposition. Phil Piratin, the surreptitious Commissary for Foreign Affairs and Mosley's closest ally, was warned by Mosley that a new direction for Britain meant that the nation would need a change in leadership. The General Secretary was preparing for a political purge in his cabinet, and was determined to throw away the ministers who had served him since the election. Mosley promised Piratin a promotion to the Presidency of the Central Committee - in return, Piratin would resign as Commissary and establish an investigative bureau that would transcend the boundaries of the departments.

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JaAZ4dJ.jpg
Chairman Anton Denikin (left) and Foriegn Minister Count Vladmir Kokovstov (right)

Piratin established his investigative commission under the guise of a finance committee, aided by the Truth Ministry's Aneurin Bevan, the lead publisher for the Red Times. Bevan was appointed as a "non-bias" investigator into the workings of Violet Landsbury, the Commissary for the Home Department and daughter of George Lansbury. Violet was an adherent to the Totalist Manifesto, but was reluctant to reduce her ideological subscription to a political submissiveness for Mosley. She had championed the work of Blair's Ministry of Truth, and upon his request, had allowed the Ministry a semi-autonomy under both the Home Department and Christopher Hill's Secret Service Bureau. Despite some of her antagonism toward Mosley, she remained a competent authoritarian - ruthlessly persecuting vengeful Royalists or outspoken Federationalists. Piratin's commission sought proof of incompetence in the Home Department as Mosley's confidence in Lansbury waned. With little time to legitimize forgery, Bevan neglected the integrity of Lansbury and instead, investigated her appointees. Bevan searched for constitutional violations in the actions of the Home Department, carefully excluding any draconian measures directly imposed by Mosely. After several days of searching, Bevan's claims remained unsubstantiated, and returned to Piratin with empty hands. As all removals and employments had to be approved by the Congress of the Trade Unions[2], except in the event of misconduct or criminal participation, Lansbury's removal would have to pass through a substantial moderate presence in the legislature. Lacking the same emergency powers that Mosley had enjoyed during and immediately preceding the conflict, push back against executive power was expected.

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Aneurin "Nye" Bevan was a publisher for the Ministry of Truth and served as the chief editor for the state-run newspaper, the Red Times, an adapted version of the original Times.

But Bevan's investigation into the Home Department did produce vital results for Piratin. Notably hostile to each other, Bevan and Blair were in perpetual conflict over certain intricacies regarding the Ministry. The former was skeptical of Blair's "liberal Maximism," which he regarded as weak and vulnerable. Despite the objections of Minister Blair, Bevan scoured for evidence against Orwell. His bellicose attitude towards the "liberal" opened up an entirely unknown front against what Bevan percieved as "coarse opposition." Blair, unsuspecting foul play, submitted to the financial inquiries of Piratin and Bevan and provided all of the financial contents of his office to the commission as a gesture of goodwill and faith. But when Blair turned away, Bevan attacked - the publisher rifled through thousands of secret documents in order to find anything that could be construed as deleterious to the regime. Finally, Bevan discovered a closed speech that had been given to Blair's home constituency (actually represented by one of the few remaining Federationalists) - the speech, although supportive to Mosley, provided exactly what Bevan wanted. Within the speech was a dissonant line that read: "Power is a means, not an end. One establishes a dictatorship in order to safeguard a revolution; one does not make the revolution in order to establish the dictatorship." As democratic internationalist sentiment waned within Mosley's heart, the General Secretary had become persuaded that the international revolution would have to be launched and administered by the dictatorship, both during and after the conflict. Blair's clear declaration could be received as a push-back against Mosley's future regime, and that was exactly how Bevan chose to interpret the message. But Bevan's suspicions towards Blair were not saturated - he returned to Piratin with evidence from the speech and requested that Blair's residence be investigated. But Piratin refused outright, and denied that any useful evidence would be extant.

AQuNlAC.jpg

Piratin celebrates his first congressional victory in 1934, when he was twenty-seven years old.

Bevan refused to oblige by Piratin's strange demands, and circumvented the commission's authority for the General Secretary. Bevan told Mosley that he suspected that Blair harbored contemptuous feelings towards Oswald and his regime, and furthermore, that Piratin denied Bevan access to Blair's residence for further investigation. Mosley agreed that the situation was delicate, but nonetheless authorized the Redshirts to seek further evidence in Blair's residence - whenever Blair departed next from London. Convinced he would find indubitable evidence before the cabinet gathered, Bevan and several dozen Redshirts entered into Blair's residence and sought crass documentation of opposition. The contingency discovered several letters, all intended to have been dispelled at first opportunity, addressed from Piratin. The contents of the letter specified an elaborate legislative plan to evict Mosley from office, with aid from the liberal and moderate Maximists and the remaining influence of General Wintringham. Among the conspirators was the Central Committee President, Herbert Morrison, a former Federationist who (much like Attlee) had crossed benches after the election. A noted proponent of nationalization, Morrison's affinity to Clement Attlee[3] made him Mosley's first choice to lead the Central Committee after the success of the Five Year Plan. This discovery proved that three high-ranking party members, Morrison, Piratin, and Blair, were actively preparing to liberalize the party and depose Mosley through legal use of the constitution. Bevan was euphoric, and rushed to the Ruskin House to inform the General Secretary of the conspiracy. Mosley became enraged after receiving the news, swearing retribution against the traitors and pledged to fix the disheveled mess. When Mosley regained his composure, Bevan was awarded the gratitude of Britain's leader and told to remain in close contact with the General Secretary. After Bevan's meeting, Mosley made a brief phone call to Piratin, and told him to close his commission as the necessary information had been accumulated. Confused, yet satisfied, Piratin shut down his commission and returned to Mosley, who instructed him to declare the formal opening of the CTU, the Central Committee, and the Chairman's executive cabinet meeting.

eNCCRpV.jpg
Herbert Morrison, the President of the Central Committee of the Maximist (Maxist) Party of the Union of Britain, and a former Federationist.

The Congress of the Trade Unions had last convened a year before, when it conceded large portions of its precedential law-making powers to the Central Committee. The Committee's agenda was set by Mosley and his cabinet - dozens of acts were rubber-stamped by the Central Committee, never requiring legislative approval. But major economic decisions, cabinet alterations, and other high-profile reforms remained entrusted in the legislature. Despite these powers, Mosley did not feel threatened by the CTU or dissent within his own ranks. At the end of each session, Mosley's clout in the CTU had proved just as powerful as an executive veto or stamp of approval. Additionally, the nationalization of the Trade-Unions decreased pressure on CTU delegates to vote according to the Union's desires. Even the slim opposition, which existed only to justify Mosley's claims about "democratic institutions," voted near unanimously in favor of the agenda set by the General Secretary. But cabinet changes and vast institutional reforms remained a touchy subject for most delegates, in spite of Mosley's power. With threat of a legislative coup, the situation was all but secure; Mosley had to find a way to achieve his 'peace-time' cabinet changes while retaining the same political power he had enjoyed for the past three years. And so his plan was initiated.

The Congress of the Trade Unions (October 15th, 1938 - November 3rd, 1938)
Much in the same fashion as they had during the election of 1936, the delegates entered London with great pomp and circumstance. As tradition decreed, the delegates passed through the preserved ruins of Westminster and said a personal prayer[4] to those that suffered under the boot of that smoldering. As executive order decreed, the delegates then marched to admire a new statue of Mosley before embarking on the long walk to the legislative headquarters at One Brewer's Green. Meanwhile, the Central Committee and the Executive Cabinet gathered at Mosley's personal residence at 47, Hill Street. Mosley dressed his suspicions in pragmatic diligence, and relinquished his usual meeting participation for economic proposals from Attlee, who advanced a proposal that would drive the British national debt higher in order to keep the war-time industries of the nation open. Attlee argued that in order to compensate for higher taxes (to compensate for the industrial investments) in a nation already suffering from low wages, the state would have to undertake a massive reformation of the health care system in order to save British civilians the non-convertible pound sterling. This ancillary plan also would drive the debt higher, assuming the state was prepared to assume control of a healthcare system that had been neglected since the revolution. Attlee also believed that a second industrial investment into more manufacturing would provide work for the returning soldiers and amplify the agrarian incentive to move into the cities. Bevan, present at the meeting, suggested a polar alternative; the unprofitable industries produced during the war and planned during the Five-Year plan would be closed - the resulting income from the closures would be reinvested into the economy as tax cuts and wage increases. General Secretary Mosley, as the de jure Commissary for the Exchequer, endorsed Attlee's plan - Oswald was still unmoved in his drive to industrialize the British homeland to an unprecedented extent. President Morrison proposed Attlee's vast economic plan on the same table, and passed the resolution with the exception of the healthcare pledge. Following the meeting, Bevan and Mosley departed from Mayfair and headed towards One Brewer's Green. Presumably during the journey, Bevan demanded the position of Commissary for the Exchequer as compensation for his aid to the General Secretary. Without reluctance, Mosley agreed, but only on the condition that Bevan oblige by the industrialization plan. Bevan accepted without reluctance and returned to his residence while Mosley opened the Congress with a listless passion.

PLCMzxV.jpg
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Factional seat allocation: All delegates are nominally independent
Congregationalists: 55
Federationists : 19
Authonomists : 31
Liberal Maximists ("Bevinites"): 215
Moderate Maximists ("Clemenites"): 160
Traditionalist Maxmimists ("Totalists") : 135

Many were disturbed by Mosley's hands-off approach to the joint-meeting, but only Attlee, aware that his moderate political position could draw a vitriolic reaction from Mosley, hurried to the General Secretary's office. Attlee believed that his economic passions, parallel in belief to Mosley's, could secure a compatible relationship. His ambitions exceeded that of a Committee official or an economic planner - he wanted the Commissary for the Exchequer and his opposition was to be damned. Attlee proposed himself to Mosley in his usual silent conduct, adopting a persona of complacency yet reserved genius. Although the affairs of the following days are not specified by contemporary historians, we can assume that the commonality between Attlee and Mosley won the day as they prepared for the opening votes on October the 18th. According to appointment regulations, enshrined in the constitution, the Chairman would propose a list of prospective candidates for the position in question. The Congress, if it desired, could nominate a member if that particular member received 40%+1 approval of the Congress. During the morning, Mosley proposed Clement Attlee and Aneurin "Nye" Bevan to the position; the nomination of Attlee shocked Bevan, who was convinced he would have the sole endorsement of Mosley. In the legislative procedures, Bevan almost made a vocal protestation[5] before he was promptly dragged out by Redshirts. The affair ruined any chance of Bevan's victory before a moderate Congress. But Attlee would not pass through unchallenged; Congregationalists, Federationists, and many liberal Maximists nominated Barbara Castle, a Congregationalist representative who supported the interests of the urban workers promoting industrial revolution in the agrarian fields. She endorsed the recent economic plan, ignorant that her competitor was the drafter of the vast legislative plan. When Mosley leaked the information that Attlee had been writing the comprehensive economic proposal since the outbreak of war, Castle withdrew from the election. She would later make a deal with Mosley, agreeing that she would run against Mosley in the upcoming Congressional election for General Secretary in order to flaunt some variety of democratic process. Because actual elections were now entrusted into a leadership vote by the Congress, Mosley did not fear deposition from public mood, which was nonetheless silenced with extreme vigor. That same evening, Mosley resigned the Commissary for the Exchequer and officially appointed Clement Attlee.

FZrZnb7.png


According to Mosley's deal, Piratin was to resign his appointment as Commissary for Foreign Affairs. Mosley had promised Piratin the Presidency of the Central Committee in order to appease the liberal Maximist, Ernest Bevin. Ernest was a renown member of Congress and the most pronounced "liberal," opposing most of Mosley's violations on civil rights and the advancement of his own cult of personality. But Bevin's genius was concentrated in international affairs, where his opposition to Mosley would be most distanced. Additionally, the appointment of another former Federationist was orchestrated in order to appease the liberal Maximists, whom were now indebted to Mosley's appointment. Bevin's nomination was exchanged for complacency by the vast liberal Maximists - who did not nominate anymore candidates. However, centrists and hardliner Maximists were upset with this policy of appeasement, and nominated Ian Mikardoand and Leslie Solley as counter-balances against Mosley's political maneuver. Mikando and Solley were polar opposites; nominations in the chamber extended beyond party-lines, and as such, internationalists nominated Solley and isolationists nominate Mikardo. But the clout of Mosley remained worthy - at his demand Bevin was approved by a large majority and sworn into the the Commission by his predecessor. With Piratin and Bevan both excluded from the cabinet (with the latter expecting a promotion), Mosley's plot was well under way.

6hEuzKv.jpg
Ernest Bevin was one of the prominent liberal Maximist in the Congress of the Trade Unions and held nominal leadership over the Party's largest faction. He was appointed as Commissary for the Foreign Affairs in 1938.

On October 24th, Mosley asked for President Morrison's resignation - Morrison was to be tapped out of the Presidency and nominated by Mosley to the Home Department. His successor, Piratin, would be nominated for the Presidency after the Home Department election on the 27th in Congress. For those three short days, Mosley served as the Committee's incumbent, the official executive organ of lawmaking. Although some were concerned that Mosley would take advantage of this brief window, the General Secretary restrained from taking any serious action while Congress considered its own legislation. In fact, Mosley approved sixteen CTU bills without a word of opposition, quietly slipping into his role as the Machiavellian master. During the morning of the 27th, Mosley met with Rajani Palme Dutt, a senior hardliner Maximist and a devout Totalist. Following this brief meeting, the nominations for the Commissary for Foreign Affairs was opened. Per his deal with Morrison, Mosley nominated the ex-President to the aforementioned position and awaited Congressional nominees. When the moderate Federationists failed to nominate Violet Landsbury for a second term, Delegate Dutt proposed William Joyce to the Commissary. William Joyce was a passionate Totalist, and a committed opponent to opposition forces - his hatred of democracy was well known and his ideological love for Mosley was far from private. He had both the mercenary experience and the cruel commitment necessary to defeat all enemy elements within the Republic. His nomination was no mistake; Mosley had planned the congressional proposal and struck his first blow at the conspirators. When Mosley endorsed Joyce, Morrison was astounded by the betrayal. Immediately, Morrison realized his plot with Piratin, Blair, and Wintringham had been exposed and tried to escape from the room to warn the others - but according to regulation, he was forced to remain in the building until the Congress was out of session and the vote complete. Unsurprisingly, Joyce scored the nomination with a vast majority and was hurried off to the Home Department. His first order as Commissary for the Home Department, under edict from Mosley, was to sack Eric Blair.

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William Joyce, the ruthless Intelligence director and Totalist subscriber.

Blair's eviction from the Ministry of Truth, approved by Joyce and Christopher Hill, and Harrison's botched nomination, deprived the conspirators of much needed political clout. Unable to trade away positions at ease, Morrison and Blair were forced to take an uncomfortable path. Whereas their initial plan for Mosley's deposition was to deprive Mosley of his political power through cabinet control, executive power in the committee, and popular military support from Wintringham, Morrison and Blair were compelled to challenge Mosley for General Secretary and Chairman of the CTU leadership at the end of the appointment cycle. Although both the initial and contemporary tactics remained inside the law, the more direct challenge in Congress was expected to cause chaos, and would produce a far more unpredictable result. As the plot unraveled, Mosley prepared the Central Committee to elect its next President. Piratin, unaware of the developments in the Home Department and Congress, expected to be named Mosley's successor on his resignation. But Piratin's aspirations were denied when Mosley nominated, as his final executive command to the Committee, Rajani Dutt to the Presidency. Mortified, Piratin exploded in rage at the apparent betrayal, and was dragged out of the Committee. Only Wintringham, who's allegiance to the conspirators remained ambiguous, retained his post amid Mosley's purge. As such, Mosley believed that he had triumphed and delivered the final blow in a brilliant stroke that saw three of the most powerful liberal Maximists deposed from power. As Dutt assumed the responsibilities of President, Mosley's protege, Delegate Jack Jones, assumed Dutt's position as the leader of the traditional Maximists. Jones' leadership was astounding - at only 25 years old Jones was the youngest Congressmen and the youngest faction leader. Nominally the leader of the Maximist Party, Jones reinforced the ideals of Totalitarian Socialism that had been dwindling during the war months. A brilliant orator, Jones' rise to prowess was heavily subsidized by the General Secretary, who properly considered Jones as a candidate for Chairman of the CTU.

In the following days, Mosley and Dutt asserted their absolute control, demonstrating their power in the final department appointment. With Christopher Hill's resignation (for private reasons) on the 31st, the election of Ian Fleming to the Secret Service Bureau and the appointment of Anthony Blunt to the Ministry of Truth solidified Totalist dominance over the cabinet. As the final appointment drew to a close, and all of Congress convened for the electoral session - Piratin, Blair, and Morrison prepared to strike their blow. Only Annie Kennedy and Barbara Castle were expected to run a Congressional leadership campaign, but only because of Castle's agreement with Mosley. The two Congregationalists candidates were expected to take the entire opposition electorate, excluding perhaps the few remaining Federationists - still opposed to social reform and committed to idealistic Socialism. Dutt and Jones believed that the liberal Maximists would remain committed to Mosley as long as Ernest Bevin remained in the cabinet. Bevin endorsed Mosley without a second thought and expected his electorate to follow in loyalty. But Blair and Morrison had been working tirelessly to drum up support in Bevin's and Attlee's electorate: liberals and centrists who wanted to reform the politically repressive system that Mosley had constructed. Although Mosley supporters were refereed to as "Maximist Traditionalists," the liberal and centrist wing of the party was indeed the more ancient. Original Maximist doctrine called for a strong central government and full state control of the economy, not political repression and cults of personality. Many in the party believed that another silent endorsement for Mosley, in spite of Bevin, would allow the General Secretary to consolidate his power for decades to come. In this concerned electorate did the conspiracy find its support - a silent fraternity forever opposed to oppression that all Britain's loathe. This was the argument of Blair, Wintringham, Morrison, and Piratin - paranoia was their weapon of choice.

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Ian Fleming was the eccentric leader of the Secret Service Bureau - appointed with great specificity from former intelligence officers.
On November 3rd, eleven hours after International forces scored another victory in Holstein, Mosley called the Congress for its final session. As expected, Mosley and the Congregationalist's were nominated before the Congress, but there was general reluctance among the seated Congressmen to put forth the liberal Maximists. Finally, after much confusion, George Nicoll Barnes, a liberal Maximist, nominated Blair and Piratin before Mosley and the horrified Congress. Astounded by the act of internal betrayal, Mosley demanded that the nomination be retracted. But his outright anger quickly alienated the swing voters among the moderates, who were compelled to find sympathy among Barnes' opposition. As the Congress burst into unrest, Jones and Dutt scowled through the Maximist ranks, demanding that the Totalists and moderates hold their ground against a traitorous conspiracy. Meanwhile, Redshirts stormed into the Congress and intimidated the liberals as they marched to the protection of the podium, but even this show of force galvanized the liberals. Many chanted jeers at the fuming General Secretary, some dared to even pelt the Totalists with anything they could find. With a restoration of order beyond the realm of plausibility, an impatient Congress began to cast its votes without permission from the Chairman. Several rounds of chaotic voting, with improper counting and boisterous fervor, failed to produce a decisive result; some ballots declared Mosley the victor, others declared Blair and Piratin the new leaders - one notable ballot concluded that the Congregationalists had emerged triumphant, though this was swiftly discredited. As the hours drew onward, Mosley became furious; he climbed to the podium and shouted an enraged altercation at the "liberal traitors, Royalists among our ranks!" So fierce was the conflict in the Congressional building that at last, with his patience depleted, Mosley ordered (illegally) the Redshirts to evacuate the Congress.

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Redshirts storm through public gatherings to restore order in Congress.

As horrified Congressmen were thrown out to the streets, army tanks encircled the building and began to make arrests of "traitorous congressmen." General Bill Alexander, the famed Totalist officer and poster-boy for Mosley, evacuated the Totalists away from the building as an infuriated Mosley ordered the partisan traitors thrown in prison. General Alexander obliged to the demands of the General Secretary and incarcerated dozens if not hundreds of Congressmen, each one detained on executive decree. Although Piratin, Blair, and Morrison had not been present at the Congress, Mosley was swift to call for their apprehension as well. Alexander warned that in all likelihood, the conspirators had escaped from the boundaries of the city into the countryside, seeking public sympathy or drumming up political support in the local councils. While this prediction was true for Piratin and Morrison, Blair remained in the city, gathering with his coterie to prepare for his public return against Mosley. That same night, as London buzzed with fear, Mosley took to radio and television to execute his final solution to the affairs of the day. The General Secretary sought to enthrall his audience with vast proclamations of idealism and future glory, but the foundation of his message was conclusive and without discretion: the Constitution was no more. Mosley rules by his own laws, unrestrained to anyone and dutiful to only his own designs.
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[1] Prime Minister John Curtis led the Australasian Confederation with a hybrid ideology of left-wing nationalization and right-wing populism. This nationalistic approach attracted the attention of the Japanese, local Australian rivals, who joined with Australasia to secure the stability of the region.
[2] The Constitution of the Republic specifies in great detail the particular regulations and necessities that the Congress is empowered to act upon.
[3] In OTL, they didn't really love each other.
[4] Despite increasing animosity towards religion, personal prayers to spiritual beliefs remained highly prominent. Across the nation, most civilians retained their religious devotion in spite of state pressure.
[5] A vocal protestation without Congressional support would be equivocal to a death-sentence.






 
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DensleyBlair

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Another top-quality update, King. I imagine this promised civil war is finally nigh, and shall be most interested to see how it pans out when the tension breaks. Naturally, I'm rooting for Orwell.
 

NikephorosSonar

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I assume that Monty defects to the rebels, if so I hope his command is very successful.
 

500Artichoke

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And so it begins... Whatever nightmares this is going to unleash on the Isles (in the interval between other nightmares such as "that middling civil war issue we've been hearing about" and whatnot), at least it will, uh, be well-written and plausible?
 

99KingHigh

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And so it begins... Whatever nightmares this is going to unleash on the Isles (in the interval between other nightmares such as "that middling civil war issue we've been hearing about" and whatnot), at least it will, uh, be well-written and plausible?

Civil war anyone?

I assume that Monty defects to the rebels, if so I hope his command is very successful.

Another top-quality update, King. I imagine this promised civil war is finally nigh, and shall be most interested to see how it pans out when the tension breaks. Naturally, I'm rooting for Orwell.

Well, we've got a lot of guesses and a lot of estimates. Its all looking very exciting but no one has yet accurately guessed the upcoming events. (Though not to encourage guesses as that might spoil it...:p ))

Anyway, likely, we have two chapters until the full-blown introduction to the Civil War, however, the civil war will probably begin about halfway through the second update. So theoretically, only one more update until the actual conflict. I've already begun working on the next chapter and I've no idea when the next one will be released - but likely within the next couple of days.
 

99KingHigh

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Ab7US3N.jpg
Memorandum on the Republican Socialist Union of Britain (November 1938)
Commission (#4) - Requested by Vice-Chairman Charles Lindbergh of the Grand War Council
Delivered to: President-Chairman Huey P. Long of the American Union State, Councillor William B. Riley of the Bureau for Security Affairs, Councillor Joseph P. Kennedy of State Affairs, and Councillor Lawrence Dennis of the War Department.
Written and Edited by: Director-Councillor Gerald K. Smith of the Militiamen Investigative Directory
Status: Declassified (1976)

The contents of this report were organized from intelligence gathered by Agent CLASSIFIED. Agent CLASSIFIED has been stationed in the British Isles, and specifically CLASSIFIED since two years prior. Agent CLASSIFIED arrived in the Republican Socialist Union of Britain under orders from Ray Lyman Wilbur, Secretary of the Interior during the Hoover administration. When our nation of birth descended into conflict, Agent CLASSIFIED sent his correspondences of intelligence to my predecessor, Councillor William Riley. Further descriptions relating to the activities of the Repulican Socialist Union of Britain can be read in Commission #CLASSIFIED and Commission #2. Both of these reports discuss the economic procedures and casualty projections suffered by the Anglican people during their 'Five Year Plan.' This treasonous Communist initiative, directed by the current Commissary for the Exchequer, Clement Attlee, have been described by most democratic institutions as level-five war-crimes. For reference, crimes presently committed by the traitor, 'General Secretary' Jack Reed and his Communist renegades are registered as level-four war crimes. Due to the peculiar nature of this report, as well as the potential for security infringement, agent CLASSIFIED was returned to newly acquired Washington D.C and sent to his home in CLASSIFIED.

Mr. President and members of the Grand War Council, the current condition of the British people is egregious. At the present time, Anglican civilians lack both the civil and financial liberties that we proud Americans take for granted. All enterprise, once unionized with some levels of private ownership, has now been nationalized into a single ownership under the central government in London. Every provisional bushiness, from bars (oddly known as pubs) to automobile "shops" are owned directly by the government and thus all employee's are subsidized members of the central government. The largest present employer, unlike most countries, is the treasury department; this department, overseen by the Commissary for Exchequer, employs all people occupied in both the service and industrial industry. To speak of a service economy would be less appropriate, as most necessities and few luxuries are rationed out with the use of non-convertible "welfare-stamps," known as the pound sterling. The currency is placed on a fix rate by the central bank, which controls the currency supply and frequently deploys non-conventional monetary techniques to maintain the currency's value. The Central Bank's policies are theoretically carried out by the bank Chairman, but nominally, policies are determined again by the Commissary for the Exchequer.

Although the situation in the urban atmosphere is dreadful at best, some lucky members, by fate alone and with little merit or diligence, come upon a great deal of luxury and pleasure. This communist elite has thrived off beneficial connections to the dominant party, the Maximist faction. Enjoying the fruits of forced industrial progress, these unemployed children frolic with their meager worth and great ambition. Most aspired to be elected to the only remaining democratic institution, the Congress of the Trade Unions, an institution that was recently dissolved an account of a recent edict declared by General Secretary Oswald Mosley. Nevertheless, even before such an authoritarian move towards despotism, the CTU was twisted and bent by Maximist cheats and party members. When in CLASSIFIED, Agent CLASSIFIED described the electoral procedure in great detail and sent the report to our intelligence base in CLASSIFIED, Ireland. The report described a series of frauds; from voter intimidation to an obvious miscount that usually produced the desired result. In large metropolitan areas, secret police officers, known as red-shirts, will directly threaten voters and forcibly persuade them to vote in favor of the party. In the previous election, the Maximist faction received eighty-two percent of the seats and earned popular percentages way beyond realistic projections. But these deficiencies are fall far short of the real issues in the urban industrial environment. Lacking committed and benevolent private ownership, conjoined with a general deficiency in incentive, the labor situation remains precarious at best. Industrial production is maintained by enforcing rigorous standards by state officials, including corporal punishment that would exceed even the worst given to a negro during our chivalrous age of slavery. These abuses accumalate discontent among the masses, yet this discontent is not allowed to ferment. Redshirts and immune state officials often commit random acts of violence against the population to ensure obedience in work and continued productivity. In order to justify this violence, the central bank and treasury has maintained a high-standard of non-flexible wages to provide the best possible excuse for when dissidents protest against the government.

According to Agent CLASSIFIED, the urban worker is at a greater advantage when compared to the abhorrent conditions present in the agrarian countryside. In a previous commission written by Councillor Riley, the aforementioned agent accumulated statistics that concluded that total fatalities for the industrial Five Year Plan exceeded DECLASSIFIED500,000DECLASSIFIED(1981). From 1936 to the present day, the Central Committee of the Maxmist Party has spearheaded an industrialization of the countryside, turning serene individual farms into massive collectivized factories. The practical goal of this transformation is to turn food and resource production into an industrial affair, while the idealistic prospect is to destroy the distinction between rural and urban. In order to drive this procedure, in the last three years, tens of thousands of urban party officials have assumed command of these massive collectivized farms and sought to establish an advance administrative order for achieving success. But lack of incentive and inefficient bureaucratic procedure turned these romantic farms into failed enterprises; not until the European War of this present year has the agrarian farms turned into an economic benefit. When this renewed round of British nationalism subsides and the need to feed foreign armies declines, it is entirely probable that these agrarian factories will plunge back into a draconian system of forced production and abuse. Additionally, unconfirmed reports from a second CLASSIFIED, inform the Directory that many of the casualties and cause for the perpetual condition of these industries is the institutionalized warfare on "yeoman farmers." These capitalist innovators share common principle with our Founding Father's and have been ruthlessly persecuted by the state.

This class of white, charitable, middle-class farmers has fallen victim to the envious ambitions of the central authorities. With the intention of engineering class warfare, the mechanical beasts of the Syndicalist parties, servants to Mosley, have tried to antagonize the poorer classes with this sturdy class of private entrepreneurs. Yet even this endeavor has seemed to fail; many anti-Syndicalists among all classes have risked their lives to defend their Anglican brethren. These brave acts of resistance are commendable to the same struggle we find ourselves in at the present moment. The rebellious fervor of many rural defenders has now been repaid in blood - hundreds of thousands, if not millions, are currently locked away in massive industrial workshops to compensate for the lack of personal industry that the communist elite flaunt. These prisoners, the bottom-tier of this unequal society, are fed just enough to supplement productive labor and are seriously reprimanded if certain quota's are failed. Although we cannot estimate the full extent of the cruelties, due to CLASSIFIED, we sincerely believe that the British nation is abusing millions of innocent laborers and detaining them without due course of law. These injustices have only been aggravated by the recent centralization of power around General Secretary Mosley, who since November, has ruled purely on his own decree.

It is difficult, not to mention extremely dangerous, to estimate the number or percentage of Anglican citizens that hold their allegiance to the central authority. When CLASSIFIED was stationed in the urban constituency of CLASSIFIED, support for Mosley remained firm among the proletariat elite. However, many laborers maintain their commitment to social democracy, and reject the draconian measures implemented in the previous three years. These are the Socialist voters that committed themselves to Ramsay McDonald after the First War - they are misguided trade-unionists, but upstanding moral figures of traditionalist attitudes. The most firm opposition to the Communist regime is located in the shops and impoverished industrial areas, both of which can be considered "Royalist" territory. Although firmly in favor of Mosley's predecessors and their "Utopian Socialism," many have now abandoned this leftist leanings and have begun to whisper for a return to the old. Loyalty to the King of the British Empire, our former enemy and present friend, has enjoyed an unprecedented surge in support since the revolution of 1926. The blunders and financial failures of the previous administration demonstrated the incapacity of the Socialist system to function, while the present administration has alienated its own people through executing Totalist motions and leading the people into poverty at the benefit of the state. But in the countryside, support for the General Secretary remains all the more delicate. In the rare moments when collectivized farmers are allowed to speak without threat of surveillance, open declarations of Royalist sympathies are declared. We can assume, without threat of great error, that the vast majority of agrarian farmers remain loyal to the Empire - sooner would they welcome the return of the large British property owners than endure further harm by the reckless party elite.

In 1936, Oswald Mosley led his party to an overwhelming victory in the last "free" elections. Securing this majority by invoking damaged British pride and an unwavering revanchism, Mosley managed to secure the hearts of the populace through his commanding grasp of speech. But as the years have progressed, that former electorate has likely diminished into a small cabal of loyal elites. Public opinion matters not; so long as Mosley commands all aspects of society, including the armed forces, he can withstand the agitation of half his population. But this technique has likely done just that, and we can predict that a majority of British "civilians" are either discontent with the present administration or long for a return to Crown and Country. We have managed to accumulate this estimation by closely examining the recent rebellion in Dumfries. Although our commitment to a restoration is profound, our domestic conflict obviously consumes the great majority of our attention. However, Agent CLASSIFIED managed to infiltrate the political elite and become acquainted with a Mr. CLASSIFIED. Mr. CLASSIFIED is committed to a restoration and will take whatever steps necessary to ensure the weal of his people are protected from this cruel dictator. For so long as Mosley's decrees, Kangaroo Courts, and Labor camps are the occupation of the British nation, the American Union State must condemn this Syndicalist nation with the full extent of our commitment.

God Bless America.

~ Director-Councillor Gerald K. Smith of the Militiamen Investigative Directory



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Field Marshall Makhno ended his active participation in the war as the most popular man in France. Amédée Dunois owed his political success entirely to the martial prowess of the Ukrainian General; it therefore came as little surprise to anyone that if Dunois' was intending to save his political career, he would be compelled to join Makhno's faction, the Anarchiste. But thewas cause for concern among the diplomatic core about a defection to the Anarchiste. The party, more so than any other, enthusiastically endorsed greater regional freedom and a drastic cut in the legislative role of the CSP. The rise of compromise in French politics had made all contesting parties a plausible candidate to participate in government. The possibility for coalition leadership provoked discussion among the ideological simular parties. Boris Souverain's ruling Travailleurs held close political ties to the Anarchiste(s) and considered widening their compromise coalition to include Mahkno's popular faction. But this compromise coalition would be a serious step back for the internationalism that Faure and Mosley had negotiated. The Anarchiste's had openly condemned the constitutional revocation in the Union of Britain, and pledged to rebuke several internationalist agreements unless a constitutional rule of law was reestablished. From almost the minute that the Anarchiste published its manifesto, British diplomats were outraged and threatened to order a general military return from the mainland. Ernest Bevin demanded that Dunois respect the domestic regulations of the British nation instead of issuing an outright condemnation. With little progress through official diplomatic channels, Makhno held secret negotiations with General Montgomery. Although Makhno did not press any demands, the Field Marshall suggested that Montgomery relay an advisory commission to Mosley. The commission suggested that Mosley compensate for his constitutional revocation by enhancing regional and local authority. General Montgomery informed the Field Marshall that Mosley's entire political platform depended on an extensive centralized bureaucracy. But Makhno did not retract his advise and pressed Montgomery to at least inform the General Secretary that Makhno's suggestions should be considered. As expected, Mosley's response was lukewarm at best. But out of respect for the Field Marshall, if nothing else, he decided to summon the Autonomist leader, Niclas y Glais, to the Central Committee.

The constituency of Dumfriesshire represented an important part of Mosley's 1936 Scottish electorate. Dumfriesshire (also known as Dumfries) was a Royalist enclave for Protestants and Unionists since the constituency was established over a century earlier. Prior to the Revolution, the local populace fiercely supported the Scottish Unionist Party - electing several Liberal candidates that openly rejected the Home Rule proposals by Prime Minister David Lloyd George. Although Royalist to the bitter end, Dumfries adjusted its attitude during the Revolution and became one of the few Maximist enclaves in the far North. This adjustment reflected the staunch unionism of the Maximists; for nearly a decade they pledged their support to the opposition Maximist party and rebuked devolved coalitions between the Autonomists and the Federationists. When their loyalty was finally repaid in 1936, many locals were ecstatic. Despite royalist sympathies, local citizens were proud to be British and under the wing of a staunch Unionist. But between 1936 and 1938, Mosley's support in Dumfries diminished. The region's mix of agriculture and peaceful market towns was disrupted by the Five Year Plan as Redshirts from York implemented the radical reforms. The vast plan of industrialization and nationalization turned the isolated community into a hub of industrial activity, often at the expense of the community. Party members enforced atheistic policy and closed Protestant churches, turning the vast Gothic structures into rubble as preparations for factories became prioritized. Much like the rest of the British countryside, Dumfries' agricultural sector was devastated by the collectivization operation and dozens of its citizens were accused of yeomanry. But the population, despite all the abuses, endured the obstacles and maintained its support of Mosley as so long as his policy was British. The only further violation that could incur the wrath of the local population would have to affect Mosley's policy on Scotland or Wales.

Although officially a terrorist Royalist organization according to the Secret Service Bureau, the Grand Orange Lodge of Scotland remained the most influential community force in Southern Scotland. Dumfries served as the temporary headquarters for the Orange Order, which ensured that the local community maintained their Royalist sympathies in spite of their condition. As long as the Unionist sentiment was public, and the Royalist sentiment was private, Redshirt officials turned a blind eye to the Order's activities. Colonel Douglas MacInnes Shaw had been the Grand Master of the Order since the revolution and one of the few aristocrats to remain in the country. After his service in the First Weltkrieg, Shaw served as the Unionist M.P for West Renfrewshire before returning to Dumfries during the Revolution. While rest of the local population managed to adapt to the Syndicalist environment, Shaw remained a staunch reactionary and came in constant conflict with the Federationists' policies of decentralization, co-operativism, and isolationism. His anti-Syndicalism had become most pronounced before the revolution, when he withdrew his nomination for the seat of Paisley to give former Prime Minister, H.H Asquith, a fighting chance against the Labour nominee. Local Redshirt officials were well aware that Shaw's position was potentially dangerous to the cause. Instead of utilizing their more nominal "silencing" tactics, the Redhsirts struck a deal with Shaw. Shaw was instructed to ease the dissent among the angered locals, and in return, his personal security would be guaranteed. For so long as the Maxmists upheld their end of the bargain, and refrained from infringing upon the community's Unionist beliefs, Shaw and the regional Scots were satisfied.

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Banner of the Loyal Orange Institution.

From the 5th to the 8th of November, Mosley welcomed Niclas Y Glais into the Central Committee to discuss ways to restore civilian life to normalcy after the war [1]. The meetings were publicized by state media in order to comfort General Mahkno, General Montgomery, and hesitant syndicalist countries concerned over the extreme authoritarianism in the Isles. Although the public was generally receptive, the population of Dumfries was infuriated. Mosley's extension of friendship to an advocate of devolution and former ally of the Federationists tipped Scottish Unionists over the steep edge. From the moment state broadcasts began to televise convocations of Maximists and Autonomists, Scottish Unionists clashed with enthusiastic Autonomists across Southern Scotland. Redshirts, mostly from England, aided the Unionists in driving out the local Authonomists, clashing in streets with bats and homemade pikes. But as crowds across the Lowlands returned to their houses, the infuriated populace of Dumfries turned against the Redshirts. At first the altercation was an isolated incident, but as the day rolled on the crowds in the constituency returned to the streets to protest Mosley's betrayal. Gentry-born Colonel Shaw favored a proportional response to the betrayal. He led several dozen Orangemen to the nearest Redshirt police headquarters, most untrue to form, with the intention to negotiate. The HQ command was unwilling to negotiate a peaceful settlement and ordered Colonel Shaw to return to his residence or face legal imprisonment. Colonel Shaw responded with "What law?" and returned to his home. Tensions remained high as talks in London continued. The Maximists - according to their propaganda - were seeking to establish the pretenses for a healthier connection between region and central government. In spite of these claims, the Unionists remained unsatisfied. Scottish Unionists looked to the Grand Master to reestablish themselves as a revered northern force; Shaw responded by convening an illegal convention with obvious Royalist sympathies. The Colonel argued that their collective identity as Brits was being perverted by Mosley's dabbling in Autonomists policies (which would see them as Scottish) and Communist Internationalism (which would see them as "global workers.").

The Colonel's speech firmly cemented himself as the city's local leader, a leader who was determined to strike against Mosley and the Maximists. Orangemen and town civilians, dressed in traditional attire, marched to the Redshirt HQ with Union Jacks [2] and regal banners. When the Redshirts attempted to assert control by firing on the crowd, senior Orangemen ordered the crowd to storm the HQ and take the building. Overwhelmed, the Redshirts surrendered their HQ, but warned that retribution was only a matter of time. As one of the fist acts of open rebellion since the revolution, the people of Dumfries were inspired by their victory and sought to attract the attention of the central authority. Edward Archdale, an Irish-exile who had been a staunch Ulster Unionist, joined with Shaw and led the city partisans towards the armories around the area. Tens of thousands of partisans were armed in just a few hours and sent across Dumfries and Galloway. Small towns across the region either joined the partisans in their rebellion or called in aid from a 10,000 man strong infantry garrison scattered across the region. The town of Thornhill, 9 miles north of Dumfries, requested aid from several batallions in the nearby area. These soldiers and their officers, green and inexperienced, were driven out of Thornhill ruthlessly by the Orangemen. Thornhill was set alight by the Royalists, who occupied the large local train station to transport weapons and soldiers across the region. On November 7th, with Mosley still engaged in talks, Colonel Shaw occupied the regional Port William, a small fishing village that served as the import center for goods transported to Edinburgh. The alarming speed of the occupation forced the hand of the Central Committee, which was now confronted with an enemy occupation of 2,481 sq mi (6,426 km2) of British territory. With permission from Mosley, Wintringham ordered General Walter Kirke and the British Army [4] to Dumfries and Galloway with the intent to suppress the rebellion. Archadle sought to direct his agitators across the Northern border in order to incite further rebellion, but neighboring garrison divisions, not intending to follow the fate of the Dumfries divisions, prevented any successful incursion.

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Orangemen Royalist Partisans on the march towards Port William.

The British Army arrived on November 9th - as the central home defense and the largest single British Army, hope for a rebel victory was nothing but a dream. With six infantry divisions, and five tank attachments (and one artillery attachments), the Orange Dumfries Rebellion was defeated in under seven hours. Colonel Shaw was killed during the fighting and many of the dissidents were captured by General Kirke; most would be directed to forced labor camps to serve their sentence with work. Some few managed to escape across the sea into Ireland, where they were embraced as friends of the authoritarian Michael Collins and enemies of British Socialism. The Central Committee meanwhile appeared to be on the unenviable road to an advisory committee. Unable to set legislative agenda's without a legal framework, the CC committed itself to protecting Mosley's regime. The country had suffered serious damage in the previous days - Niclas had abandoned the meetings in his sincere hope to stop the rebellion, French emissary's were withholding important military information in protest, and further agitation was stirring. These developments played right into the hands of the deposed Eric Blair and the covert General Wintringham, who was upholding his farce of loyalty by repressing a copy-cat Royalist uprising in the conservative city of Bristol. The turmoil in Bristol was consuming the attention of the Central Committee - a concentrated population of over 300,000 people were caught in the middle of a battleground between Royalists and State officials. As England's sixth most populous city, even the Red Times was unable to keep the rebellion estranged from the general populace, who were now feeling dread as general uncertainty began to fix. Local East Bristol delegate, Stafford Cripps, and his Maximist supporters clashed with a local Royalist leader, Noel Ker Lindsay. The small dispute over industrial relations escalated into a conflict within one of the most ideologically divided cities in the Union. Whereas in previous decades, socialist support originated in the industrial areas, laborers were split between the two parties. Some were committed to the Socialist ideal and their respectable wages, while others deplored their sub-standard working conditions and lack of social programs previously provided by the Federationists and to a limited extent, Parliament. The Royalist party became diversified as these disgruntled laborers joined their ranks: ethnic minorities, royalists, moderate socialists, social-democrats, and trade unionists all banded together to form the "yellow-banner," a big-tent organization unified in its opposition to Oswald Mosley.

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Stafford Cripps (left) and his rival, Noel Ker Lindsay (right) of the Yellow-Banner.

Meanwhile, card holding party members and prosperous industrial laborers were conscripted into a series of local militia's's with unofficial protection from the Bristol Redshirts. As the conflict began to teeter on urban warfare, the local Maximists elected Stafford Cripps as their militia leader. Cripps was a moderate Maximist and a former delegate (all delegates were now 'former') to the defunct CTU - his legacy as the son of Charles Cripps reinforced the Syndicalist allegiance to Stafford. With the army committed to the North, the local garrison army was tasked with maintaining order in the city. The commanding officer, Mj. General Wolf, was never forced to evict the city, but his control of the city was loose at best. Yellowguards and Maxists fought over streets and shops, reducing much of the city to smoke and flame. Wolf tried to supplement Cripps' militias with what support he could provide, despite protestations from the Central Committee, which requested that Wolf deny the militia's de facto legitimacy. The situation did not allow for Wolf to retract his support for the militia's authority - much of the army's control was only asserted by Cripps' aid. As all eyes turned to Bristol to find a peaceful solution to end this violent surge, Blair and the conspirators made their move.

A Rainy November Day​

On November 3rd, Eric Blair was a candidate for leader of the Republic. On November 4th, Eric Blair was the most wanted man in the Republic. Thanks to the incompetence of Redshirt officers [3], Blair had managed to evade the attraction of intelligence agents. Despite amicable suggestions, Blair refused to leave London and opted to move from house to house, sheltered by political allies and angered plebeians. During this time of cat and mouse, Blair avoided attracting attention to General Wintringham and merely counted on his support when the time came. Blair instead moved to the residences of those individuals whose support he had relied on during the election. He often arrived unannounced at the mercy of the host to spare him from alarm. While in attendance, Blair asked his protectors if they knew anyone who would be willing to aid their cause. Once a conspiracy of four, the elaborate plot had in truth relied on support of dozens of high-ranking officials. Each official informed Blair that their commitment to his cause was unbreakable so long as his plot was rooted in its support for popular feeling, not sentimental ambition. Blair agreed on the surface, but he of all people knew that dependence on the popular will was fragile at best. "Guns and Tanks will win the day," Blair once said to an anonymous supporter. Wintringham's commitment to Blair remained unswayed by recent events - he provided accurate military reports to Mosley each day and continued to persecute partisanship to the best of his ability. His activity in upholding the farce was not his only occupation, nor was he idle in his endeavor to "save the Union." With the utmost caution to avoid suspicion, Wintringham reached his influential hands into the pockets of ideological officers and frugal generals. He provided cautious instructions, never revealing the grand operation or its endeavor, only the specific part that would be the employment of the specific general.

Unlike Blair, Morrison and Phiratin had fled to the countryside, seeking support from collectivized farmers should the conspiracy falter and transition into a state of war. Although their image was glorified by Blair in his secretive discussions, their actual participation in rallying the countryside was a feeble contribution. Both feared for their lives and preferred to lay-low until a more suitable political environment developed. Morrison briefly stayed in Bristol the week of his overthrow and encouraged liberal Maximists to avoid the conflict, but departed after an anonymous tip threatened his personal security. However, Morrison did send a personal correspondent to one of Blair's conspirators in London with instructions to await for the climax of the urban battle in Bristol. Morrison's advise was priceless to Blair - operations were fast-tracked to correspond with the violence in Bristol. For so long as Mosley was distracted by domestic chaos, his interest in hunting down the conspirators would become a secondary priority. As expected, Mosley's attention was consumed by Bristol. On General Alexander's advise, three infantry divisions were sent from Exeter to attempt to quell the uprising in Bristol. As Mosley and Alexander awaited the result of the suppression, Blair considered making his plan operation. Throughout the rainy night of the 14th, eleven days after his overthrow, Blair wrote in his diary that he was contemplating suicide. He believed that if his actions caused more harm to the public than good, than it would be his moral responsibility to prevent such casualty. However, Blair's belief in his own action was so firm that he rebuked this thought and pledged to salvage the people of Albion. He did however, swear that he would take his own life before falling prisoner to Mosley or his cronies. That same night, Blair received his sole correspondence from General Wintringham, with the total contents and operations of the following day inscribed on that particular letter.

At 9:30 AM on November 15th, General Secretary Mosley held his conventional war-time meeting with the leaders of the General Staff. As usual, Wintringham presided over the meeting as the Chief of the General Staff and was joined by recently arrived General Montgomery in conducting the European report. General Bill Alexander, the loyal lap-dog of Mosley, provided a report on the unrest in Bristol, and explained that further reinforcement by the approaching army divisions would suppress the rebellion to a satisfactory measure. Mosley asked what procedures should be taken during the occupation of Bristol - all of the sitting generals concluded that a crackdown on dissenters would satisfy the besieged population. Two hours later, Mosley left the war office with Admiral Fred Copeman. General Montgomery and Wintringham asked Alexander if he was willing to review Internationale organization tactics at Wintringham's residence. Alexander agreed and the three gentlemen, along with their adjutants, departed to Wintringham's residence in secrecy. When they arrived at the residence, Wintringham and several subordinates arrested Alexander while Montgomery thwarted off the state press by responding to a storm of questions about his wartime experience. Montgomery agreed to receive an interview and was taken to the state press offices - the press followed and departed from Wintringham's residence. One of Alexander's guards was executed when he attempted to flee the residence - a demonstration of strength on Wintringham's behalf. Meanwhile, an anonymous report suggested to Joyce that Blair had been spotted in Northern London. Joyce reported the tip to Mosley and swiftly rushed out to investigate the matter on his own, while Fleming assumed Joyce's responsibilities in the intelligence office.

By 13:00, three reserve infantry divisions had been activated on the order of the Chief of the General Staff. When Mosley inquired, Wintringham's adjutants hinted that the divisions had been called forward by Joyce in order to conduct a localized manhunt for Blair. Mosley became suspicious, as Joyce would not have requested such an order without an executive consultation. Simultaneously, the Central Committee was due to be in emergency session because of the Bristol crisis - but Mosley was not in attendance as he was investigating the strange circumstances. President Jones requested that the Committee pass a resolution to take a brief recess until the General Secretary could be in attendance. However, his resolution was countered by John Strachey, who proposed that the Committee dismiss for the rest of the day and reconvene the next. The rather odd resolution passed through the Committee with an unforeseen majority as all members were aware that the next day was Saturday, and thus not a day for Committee gathering. Several minutes later, Major General Soames of the Great London reserves broke the city limits and began marching towards South London. At around 15:11, Mosley was informed that 39,000 British soldiers under Mj. General Soames was intending to march on the capital. Mosley and Home Secretary Bevin attempted to contact the Central Committee, but the Committee had adjourned and the premises were effectively empty. Fifteen minutes later, Joyce made contact with the Ruskin House via residential telephone. Joyce informed the General Secretary that several officers had attempted to kidnap him when he arrived, and as such, he suspected that there was an active attempt to overthrow the government. He advised the General Secretary to call in reinforcements from Oxford, where several armies were spending the winter months. Furthermore, Mosley was advised to only take the word of General Alexander, as Wintringham's Federationist loyalties were far from secret. When Alexander's office secretary told Mosley that the General was unaccountably absent, the plot was unveiled.

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Infantry divisions of General Soames joined with tank attachments storm through central London on the way to Mosley's office.

Mosley, nervous for his power and life, placed a call to General Archibald Beauman and General Wilfrid Lindsell. Both commanders held authority over six divisions in Oxford, enough to overwhelm the impending threat. According to staff officers, General Soames would be forced to halt his advance and face a better-equipped and larger army from the North. When Wintringham received news that Beauman and Lindsell were marching to London, the General panicked. He withheld information of the Northern advance from Blair, who he was now openly speaking to through a secure telephone. As his adjutants began to fear for their lives, two officers promptly dragged Alexander into the restroom and shot him on the toilet. The execution was a preventative measure intending to protect their identity; if Alexander had been allowed to live during this twist of fate, all of their lives would have been forfeited. Wintringham promptly abandoned the residency and prepared an exit strategy. Meanwhile, Mosley and Fleming were preparing to flee the city just in case General Soames breached South London before the Oxford Armies could arrive. Several garrison brigades lined the Thames River with defenses, and were prepared to blow the crossing bridges if Soames attempted a direct attack across the river. As the secret service director, Fleming barricaded Mosley in a safe shelter beneath the House until the essential information could be extracted. At around 16:51, an unmarked official told Fleming that Soames had entrenched himself north of the river to prepare for an attack from north.

When Mosley exited the barricade, he was greeted by 450 unmarked soldiers. The four Redshirts that made up Mosley's personal security entourage demanded to know who was the garrison commander of this unmarked force. Upon further inquiry, three of the four Redshirts were executed and the final one was beaten down by Fleming, now a visible conspirator. Fleming and several of the other unmarked soldiers arrested Mosley and dragged him to the exterior of the House. There, awaiting to receive him, was T.E Lawrence.

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General Lawrence on the day following the Coup d'état.

General Lawrence informed the General Secretary that his official powers had been stripped on several accounts of constitutional violations and criminal incursions. RED soldiers had managed to (as they did in Germany) "blend in" with the crowd and take over the Ruskin House with little bloodshed or opposition. Mosley refused to cooperate with Lawrence - the General Secretary believed that the northern armies would liberate him and restore him to power. Sixteen minutes later, General Lawrence placed a call to General Beauman and Lindsell, invoking powers of executive authority. He ordered the two armies to return to base in Oxford and stand down their operational intent. The Generals complied with the demand and began their withdrawal to Oxford, content to not fight another day. Meanwhile, General Wintringham, stunned by the unplanned twist in fate, rushed to the Ruskin House to figure out what had happened. Lawrence informed the Chief of the General Staff that he had been contacted by a Mr. John Strachey, who had sheltered Comrade Blair. Strachey and Fleming had convinced General Lawrence that they needed his assistance, as the main operational plan lacked the numbers to perform with precision. With his true motives still uncertain, Lawrence explained that Mosley's leadership was fragile at best and this demonstration of power was sufficient to prove such a theory. He insisted that a transition to a democratic election was imperative to recalculate the path of the British nation. With permission from Wintringham and justification from the army, T.E Lawrence assumed the position of General Secretary and appointed Wintringham as the Chairman of the CTU; a legislative branch he obviously intended to reorganize. Lawrence was swift to establish order in the city. As the most popular man in the nation, he was now forced to endure the most unpopular position in the country: the General Secretary. Announcing his intention to restore the Constitution at the earliest possible time, Lawrence ordered martial law across the country and diverted the Oxford Armies to assert order in a nation gripped with chaos.

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The Conspirators: Tom Wintringham (far left), Ian Fleming (left), Bernard Montgomery (right), John Strachey with Oswald Mosley (far right.)



[1] The was not completed, but the British homeland in the conflict had run its course. The actual island was largely unaffected - sporadic bombings from German and Canadian planes were the only threat by November.
[2] The Union Jacks were, of course, made illegal by the Union of Britain as an act of treason.
[3] Most experienced Redshirts were away keeping order on the front in Germany, leaving inexperienced officers behind to lead the organization.





 

Metroid17

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Gripping stuff, but that's not much of a civil war! I imagine it all goes down hill from here :p

Also, is that beginning section meant to imply the Union State won the second American civil war? If so, that'd be a refreshingly rare result!
 
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LordTempest

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And so it begins.
 

Milites

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Very nicely written, it's like a combination of the Thermidorian reaction and a successful operation Valkyrie.

So Lawrence has got Mosley secured and seemingly taken control over the country, the Oxford armies have been turned around. It all seems to fit too nicely, I'm scared that someone will cock up and allow the Red Baronet to escape and gather further support.

Also, Monty saving the day by talking to the press and giving interviews about himself, who'd thought! :D
 

NikephorosSonar

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Do the RED even have an ideology anymore, or do they just follow Lawrence?