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99KingHigh

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MtarrMi.png


On a frigid January morning, four men - Oswlad Mosely, George Valois, Benito Mussolini, and Lavrentiy Beria - gathered in a large Birmingham office. The quartet was joined by a sizable contingency of proteges and political hopefuls, most of them local synthesizers to the Commissary for the Exchequer. Among the notable crowd was Clive Staples Lewis, a glorified Syndicalist writer, who had made Mosely's acquaintance during the 1925 strikes. Later in his life, Lewis described the atmosphere in that office as: "apprehensive, at the least." Few more accurate depictions can be illustrated - the quartet had their own share of qualms - not eased by an abstruse language divide. Mussolini, for example, boasted quite the aggressive attitude, while Mosely, immersed in his own self-confidence, relegated his comrade's to mere listeners. The former, previously serving as the Chairman of the Marxist-Leninist National-Syndicalist Union, despised this degradation, and refused to cooperate until another member of the audience could be chosen to direct the meeting. After much deliberation, the noted Bolshevik, Nikolai Bukharin, was selected to lead the congregation.[1] Despite their disagreements, Mosely's Maximists, Valois's Sorelians, Mussolini's National Syndicalists, and Beria's Mencheviks, all concluded that the obligatory path for International Socialism would be under the auspices of a centralized system. The boundaries between civilian and state had to be destroyed in order to further the Syndicalist ideal, or else administrative weakness would encumber the revolution. Unified in their conclusion, the quartet published the "Totalist Charter," outlining the structural principles of Totalitarian Socialism - an ideology rooted in total state involvement in regards to internal, civilian, and foreign matters.

jnAY4vX.jpg
Oswald Mosely, the man that would drape Britain in Red.

The importance of the Totalist Charter cannot be understated. Across the World, its importance, as one might well guess, was strongest felt in the Syndicalist nations, specifically in developing countries that lacked tenacity. Mikhail Tukhachevsky, the famous Bolshevik General and Trotskyist, embraced Totalism as a means to facilitate the World Revolution. In Central America, Socialist sympathizers flooded the urban streets with copies of the Charter, while Autocratic nations, frantically attempted to suppress its distribution. President Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovich of Russia, ordered a multitude of charges regarding possession, disturbed by the immense popularity the charter amassed. Harsh penalties were introduced for individuals or families who circumvented these restrictions, and it was frequently reported that Okhrana was peeled for violators. In the Union of Britain, views on the Charter were violently divisive. Philip Snowden, Chairman of the Congress of Trade Unions, denounced the theory on the grounds that it was contrary to the "idealist structure of Britain" - but did not persecute the ideology any further. Other politicians, like Annie Kennedy, called for Mosely's exclusion from the Congress. As a sly to his opponents, Mosely authorized C.S Lewis to legally publish the Charter in the United States, accumulating substantial American wealth from the publication.

Changing Winds​

Often called the 'Asquith' of British Syndicalism, Phillip Snowden was the first among the "English Idealists" - a group of Socialist philosophers that aspired to create a egalitarian Utopian society. As one of the principle leaders of the Revolution, Snowden had championed the principles of decentralization, co-operativism, and isolationism. Accompanied by the eccentric trade unionist, Arthur Horner, Snowden managed to build the Union of Britain on regional authority, leading British policy away from the more radical measures deployed by the French. Together, they ruled the Union of Britain with a keen focus on isolated economic issues, remaining properly distanced from their Syndicalist brethren on the continent. Despite the technical ban on political parties, Snowden and Horner indirectly gathered support over their decade long rule, holding significant sway in the legislature through the influence of the Federationist faction. But by the mid-1930's, opposition had gained traction in the Congress, endangering the democratic socialism that had been engineered by the Idealists.

aKNOCx9.jpg
15TQTy2.jpg

Left: Phillip Snowden, Chairman of the Congress of the Trade Unions
Right: Arthur Horner, General Secretary of the Union of Britain


The Chairman and the General Secretary were often viewed as 'Socialist Conservatives' by those that believed the Proletariat Revolution had not been completed. The feminist Congregationalist faction, led by Annie Kennedy, was one of these critics, unsatisfied that the egalitarian 'utopia' had failed to liberate women from political constrictions. Snowden's lack of foresight and tendency towards inaction alienated him from female support, who by all accounts rallied behind Kennedy. Considered more vocal than the Chairman, Kennedy attempted to depict the 1936 Congressional elections as a second revolutionary struggle. She gave commanding speeches to the regional trade unions - demanding that Snowden's Federationalists open their gates to feminist progress. Horner, disturbed by the acerbic affronts, demanded that Kennedy restrain herself, much to the acquiescence of the Congress. When she refused, the revered Niclas y Glais, leader of the Authonomist faction, wrote a brief poem on Kennedy's petulance. Encouraged by Aneurin Bevan[2], the Globe published Niclas's verse, enraging the Congregationalist faction.

Such was the scene when the much anticipated annual Congress of the Trade Unions opened with a extravagant spectacle. Elected members from each faction, the Congregationalists, the Authonomists, the Federationists, and the Maximists, convened in One Brewer's Green, London. The procession was led by the esteemed General Secretary, followed by representatives numbering in the hundreds, marching together as 'independent socialists.' It is important to note that, due to the legal structure in Britain, political parties did not technically exist. Rather, delegates were elected by their relative constituency as independents, making the determination of political loyalties nigh impossible until the Congress convened. The anticipation to discover the political leanings of the nation was nearly unbearable, especially as rumors circulated that Snowden would resign.

And how did the average Briton, laboring away in the factory, fathom the ongoing in London? Did they watch with a restless eye? Did they eagerly crowd around the radio, desperate to catch a glimpse of news? No, they did none of these. In their opinion, the politicians were a world away. But one man stretched beyond - from the champagne Socialists to the beggar stroller - Oswald Mosely fermented into a household name. His charter had galvanized the people, sparking the long repressed hint of British Nationalism that had been purged during the Revolution. Few other leaders could hold a candle to the support that Mosely managed to amass in a matter of months - and none of them could even approach his reassuring equanimity and unparalleled commonality. The former aristocrat, 6th Baronet of Ancoats, was cast into the fire, and replaced by the charismatic commoner, Commissary Mosely or, Comrade Oswald. Totalism was setting Briton alight, while the population descended into euophria.

During the afternoon, on 6th September, Mosely took the stage. As the British people tuned on their radio's, Mosely's pragmatism was unleashed - the Commissary called for rapid economic centralization, expansion, and socialization. He 'ordered' the Congress to approve a vast range of industrial progressions, including a proposition that forced Trade Union's withdrawal from major economic decisions. Citing investigations carried out during his time as Commissary for the Exchequer, Mosely turned controversial radical reforms into factual statistics. The validity of these statements, while questionable, silenced irritated trade unionists, who were incapable to reciprocate a response. After Mosely stepped down from the podium, amid a thunderous applause, Federationalists accused the Maxists of encouraging draconian measures. Horner warned the Congress that pursuing these policies would send the isle down the destructive path that the French had endeavored down. Spurring fears of collectivization, Horner's rebuttal was viewed as adequate to obstruct Mosely's legislature - but his confidence in the present Federationalist support would prove disastrous - the bill passed the legislature by a startling super-majority.

aPNQSsS.jpg

Mosely gives his infamous fiery speech at the 1936 CTU.

None were more frightened by Mosely's success than the paci-isolationists, namely the Authonomists and Congregationalists. In the five days preceding the following debate, Kennedy and Niclas assembled a number of times, determined to expunge their former conflicts. Kennedy furnished a deal - she proposed a coalition agreement between the Authonomists and Congregationalists that would unify their stance on internal policy. Both were concerned that a hypothetical Mosely victory in the domestic sphere would endanger the democratic structure. The fear was great enough that, despite their previous animosity, the two political champions forged an "alliance of restraint." The allied factions extended their proposition to Snowden, who had taken a more passive approach to Mosely's rise. Snowden's disinterest would have disastrous results in Congress, when he rejected the pact on ideological grounds. The ensuing crisis did little to improve Snowden's diminishing popularity - the Syndicalist media ruthlessly attacked his indecisive response and immovable commitment to the 'status quo.'

xvKm543.jpg

Niclas y Glais, leader of the Authonomist faction.

And yet, despite all the efforts to unify against him, Mosely trumped his opponents once more. The groundwork was laid for a radical centralization, while the opposition could do nothing more but sit and watch. The Maxists had allowed the opposition to quarrel, but now, with the legislature beneath their grasp, Mosely launched a ruthless offensive against his opponents.

Alexander​

If there was a single man to champion Mosely's ideals, then it was Bill (William) Alexander, often called the "secret-epitome of Totalism." Alexander was born into the idealistic proletarian household - his father worked and died in a steel mill - leaving behind a young child whose mother could not sustain the family. Forced to work at an early age, Alexander never attended primary school, instead, he was tutored by educated workers at a local factory. They taught him basic skills, such as reading and writing, but also influenced the child in the political sphere, often citing their situation as "the undesirable plight of the workers." After his mother died, when he was 18, Alexander briefly moved to London. His short time in the city was overshadowed by international events - after just three months, he was drafted into the BEF and sent to France. For reasons that Alexander described, "the resolve of the working man," William survived the entire duration of the First Weltkrieg, despite his frequent service on the front-lines.

hlRd0nl.jpg

William Alexander, Chief of Republican County Militas​

Following the war, Alexander's deep animosity towards's Lloyd's government proved the catalyst for his entry into politics. In 1922, William joined the Independent Labour Party, often participating in strikes and acts of opposition. His active approach to politics quickly lead him into prominence - the ILP forged a small cult of personality around Alexander, who named him "the True British Worker." His reputation became the driving motor during the Revolution of 1925, when he rallied Republican militia's's and lead them to a string of victories against the Royalists. Labeled as the local military genius, the Supreme Commissary of the Republican Armed Forces, Tom Wintringham, appointed Alexander as the effective leader of the Union's Army. As the Chief of Republican County Milita's, Alexander concluded that his success in the 1925 Revolution could be exported to locations where the proletariat remained suppressed.

Alexander, an obvious internationalist, was privately critical towards the "British consensus of Isolationism." In his memoir's, Alexander made correlation's between the Royalist policy, splendid isolation, and the contemporary Syndicalist position. Despite his poor, often hostile opinion towards politicians, Alexander commanded considerable respect in the local constituencies. Of all the officers (excluding Wintringham), Alexander carried the greatest sway in military affairs, playing his part as a silent adviser to the Chairman. As fate would have it, Oswald Mosely would be the first politician to recognize the strategic importance that Alexander carried. He traveled frequently to the General's home, who received the Maxist with great endorsement, slowly drawing the prestigious commander into his ideological fold. Mosely manipulated Alexander and exploited his Trotskyist attitude toward International affairs, hinting at aspects included in the Totalist Charter. The General fell victim to Mosely's ploys - in 1935, Alexander agreed to support Mosely in his Totalist pursuit.

Beloved by his fellow citizens, Alexander would lead the Maxist contingency in the matter of military and foreign affairs, amassing a sizable entourage from his 'Totalist' proclamations. Reinforced by Mosely's excellent foreign track-record: including support for the CNT-FAI, the Combined Syndicates, the Bhartiya Commune, and the distribution of Wells "World Encyclopedia - the Maxists won easy victories over the opposition. Additionally, they were aided by a controversial Authonomists foreign policy, which outlined the path for international reconciliation - Mosely's policies reversed the isolationist political machine in a matter of weeks.

Melting Snow​

At the last day of the TUC congress, Chairman Phillip Snowden clumbed up to the podium and gave his final speech. He claimed that in the face of massive rifts within the TUC, coupled with bad health, the time had arrived for his official resignation. Snowden's resignation, was, at the time, the most beneficial solution - both for his own reputation, and his political successor, Horner - but nonetheless shocked the entire nation. Upon closer examination, Snowden's resignation may have been forced by Horner's supporters, whom believed that Phillip's resistance to compromise had endangered the integrity of democratic socialism. Posterity notes that this assumption may not be farcical - Mosely's domestic triumph in the Congress was a clear indicator that reform was required. In addition, Snowden's resignation paved a path for the General Secretary to accepted a coalition pact from Kennedy and Niclas. Together, they hoped, the Congress would elect Horner as Chairman and rid the Union of the Maxist Radicalism.

Despite their hopes, on the 16th of October, the Congress of Trade Unions elected Oswald Mosely as the Chairman of the CTU. In less then a month, Mosely transformed the Maxists holdings from a minimal position, to a super-majority. Niclas, Horner, and Tom Mann[3], all hoping to moderate Mosely's regime, petitioned for appointment to the position of General Secretary. Comrade Oswald chose none - he had an idea of his own.

YPWytbZ.jpg


[1]Bukharin was the only individual present that was comprehensible in English, French, Italian, and Georgian.

[2] Bevan is perhaps most famous for his Syndicalist propaganda pamphlet, "Guilty Men."

[3] Mann was a leading Trade Unionist with ties to the Feds. and Auths.
 
Last edited:

NikephorosSonar

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Never too many narrative AARs.
 

Tommy4ever

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Had this open for a couple of days, not realising I was going to be praised as your favourite Red :D.

Great start, I'd also recommend Meadow's AAR on the UoB (he really fleshes out a lot of the Union's history in the 1930s period). Looking forward to seeing where Oswald takes us.
 

LordTempest

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[2] Bevan is perhaps most famous for his Syndicalist propaganda pamphlet, "Guilty Men."

He wrote it in your AAR as well? :p

I get the feeling that I know who's going to be the new General Secretary, but then again perceptive readers might have guessed that already from the title. Part of me wants to ask you will you or won't you side with you-know-who when the time comes, but if I do that I'll spoil the AAR for everyone! For now I'll just stick to asking about your plans for the Republican Navy: will tre training exercises be held off the coast of Ireland or near the Azores this year? :)
 

NikephorosSonar

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Eric Blair is in the title image, but the wording makes it sound like Comrade Mosley will assume the role for himself, merging the offices.
 

99KingHigh

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I love the idea.!!!! On whose side will be Ian Fleming?

Guesses are always welcome. But I'll provide a subtle piece of insight - Fleming will be one of the most important persona's during the AAR. :)

Sounds interesting. Subbed!

Welcome aboard, comrade!

Well, this'll be fun. Horrifically brutal and probably ideologically-polarizing, like all civil wars, but looking to be a great read nonetheless. Drive 'em into the sea, whoever they are!

("Insurgent JFK," eh? That raises some questions about the outcome of the Second ACW. From the mention of Long, I guess... AUS with the "Share Our Wealth" program?)

Aye, I'll go more in depth as we march onward. I hope to paint a comprehensible picture of the international stage.

I feel an obligation to read along. Largely for the Orwell picture.

I would, of course, say more, but hell isn't the best setting in which to write at length. :D

Agreed, the furnace can be quite toasty. ;)

This is going to be fun, I can already tell that. Will follow for sure.


Hop on our magical mystery train! :D

Promising start. Looking forward to how this AAR will develop.

Much obliged, good sir.

Sounds fun. I'm in!

Come all ye young sailors! (and calculators)

Awesome! I've "inspired" someone to write a KR historybook AAR! Naturally I shall follow with great interest (once I get around to catching up on Dutchie's latest AAR at least!)

(Oh and BTW, have you checked out Meadow's classic history of the UoB?)

As a matter of fact, I have read Meadow's AAR - but this unforgiving tale will have to take a different path. Welcome!

Never too many narrative AARs.

Firmly agreed.

Had this open for a couple of days, not realising I was going to be praised as your favourite Red :D.

Great start, I'd also recommend Meadow's AAR on the UoB (he really fleshes out a lot of the Union's history in the 1930s period). Looking forward to seeing where Oswald takes us.

Hold that title in high esteem, Tommy, few will ever get get it! ;)

He wrote it in your AAR as well? :p

I get the feeling that I know who's going to be the new General Secretary, but then again perceptive readers might have guessed that already from the title. Part of me wants to ask you will you or won't you side with you-know-who when the time comes, but if I do that I'll spoil the AAR for everyone! For now I'll just stick to asking about your plans for the Republican Navy: will tre training exercises be held off the coast of Ireland or near the Azores this year? :)

Oooo...guesses. I shan't spill a word!

Eric Blair is in the title image, but the wording makes it sound like Comrade Mosley will assume the role for himself, merging the offices.

Take a bet against Tanz?



Well, I don't believe I've provided a formal greetings to my readers. So, for all those following this AAR, I'd like to introduce myself. As my signature states, my name is 99KingHigh, and I am the: Huey Long of the Jews, Master of Evil, Loyal Servant to McCarthy, Collector of Loans, Esteemed Banker, devious general, drunkard, and a terrible heartache to all Yellowish Liberals. I can't quite provide a better explanation, besides that I'm a devious young American Jew.

So, a few affairs of state. First off, I'd like to stress that all feedback is welcome, if not encouraged. I'm still working on my writing, and any so any criticism you could provide would be most appreciated.
Next, this AAR will formally begin during the latter months of 1938, which means we will have a few more prologue sections to plow through before the fun really begins. Until then, your predictions are most welcome. ;)
Finally, I'd offer my sincere thanks to all of the readers - and conclude this brief message with a clue:

"Power is a means, not an end. One establishes a dictatorship in order to safeguard a revolution; one does not make the revolution in order to establish the dictatorship."
 

Jackbollda

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The Viscount (rip) would have approved of this.

~Jack
 

Scrapknight

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This ought to be good. Count me in.

Between this and Tanzhang's British AAR, I'm itching to write a Kaiserreich AAR myself. It's a shame I really, really suck at DH. :p
 

unmerged(169228)

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Looks like Britain will get a taste of Totalism pretty soon from the Red Baronet. Wonder how the old boys in the Army will handle it.
 

Dr.Livingstone

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I just found this AAR. Subbed!
 

Zzzzz...

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"Power is a means, not an end. One establishes a dictatorship in order to safeguard a revolution; one does not make the revolution in order to establish the dictatorship."
It sounds like Britain would go Totalist (to achieve the domestic and international aims of the revolution) but the dictatorship will go out of control afterwards and the Great English Kerfuffle will start. :eek:
 

NikephorosSonar

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I'm pretty sure that it has to go Mosleyist for that event chain to have the possibility of getting off the ground. I always get my butt kicked by the Luftstreitkräfte and never build enough ships either so I've never gotten there though before rage-quitting.
 

LordTempest

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Ix-nay on the ecretsay venteay. ;)
 

Dofon

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I'm pretty sure that it has to go Mosleyist for that event chain to have the possibility of getting off the ground. I always get my butt kicked by the Luftstreitkräfte and never build enough ships either so I've never gotten there though before rage-quitting.

Naww, the Union military will be plenty pissed at a limp-wristed Autonomist or Congregationalist government too; they get the option to overthrow those too. However, Eric Blair has nothing to do with the overthrow in those cases.
Also, following the AAR! I'm excited to see how the narrative follows the action; i'd ask which side you are playing but I like the sense of a surprise. I want to further my UOB game now just to have my very own ECW battlescenario.
 

Milites

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Eagerly awaiting the development of this!
 

99KingHigh

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wVxgFU6.png


No British politician since Cromwell could claim the divisiveness that Chairman Mosley elicited upon his election. To the people, laboring away, his unyielding presence and astute intellect made him worthy of admiration. But in the political backrooms, Mosley was indecorous, often rash to his selected allies. As a result, the new Totalist leadership was particularly undersized - between the executive and the Maxist representatives, there was little middle ground, sparking concerns that the upcoming reforms would be implemented ineffectively. The opposition, a term that had dissipated into myth, reportedly sought to exploit these private weaknesses and expose them to the public. Yet Mosley was guarded by an elusive shadow, manipulating the minds of the populace through discreet methods. With the benefit of hindsight, it is facile to comprehend that the 1936 Maxist victory had its roots in the functions within the Ministry of Truth. Some areas, isolated from Mosley's charter, were forcefully introduced to the theory by selective media permission. Even when Snowden, still in power, received news of these ongoings, the Ministry of Truth (in Art) continued to print this rhetoric, despite vocal protestations from London. Historians of all political persuasions agree that the Ministry of Truth was a major if not principal factor in Mosley's 1936 election.

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Results of the 1936 Congressional Election.

The Pen

In some ways it could be argued – and rightly – that Comrade Eric Blair was the leading maestro in the Ministry of Truth. Contemporaries arrived at this conclusion due to the nature of the works that were censored (or destroyed). Nominally, Enid Bylton was the official minister, but behind the doors of the Senate House, Blair ruled the Department. To the Federationalists, Blair's authority was more agonizing than Mosley's, especially because he could not be technically dismissed as a Minister. Despite a concentrated moderate endeavor to halt the destruction of "Pre-Revolutionary Masterpieces," promiscuous edicts from a Mr. George Orwell prevented any impasse that the moderates attempted to impose. Tremendous palaces and cherished artworks were vaporized, all at the Ministry's command. With Maximism multiplying in strength, few people in Britain attempted to halt the destruction. Those that tried were often labeled Royalists by a kangaroo court in Cornwall; the judiciary never ruled in favor of the defendant, and so they sent the convicted Royalists to work in Mosley's new Industrial encampments. Workers and Union bosses across the country, stupefied by the sudden boost in the workforce, protested the forced labor as an affront to their own standard. Mosley responded with zeal, using tanks and soldiers to disperse the demonstrations - there was no hesitation to fire.

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Aftermath of the First Workers Strike of 1936.

And yet all these events, the Revolutionary purification and the forced diminution, were orchestrated by the elusive Eric Blair. Eric Arthur Blair was born on 25 June 1903, in Motihari, Bihar, in British India. His great-grandfather Charles Blair was a wealthy country gentleman in Dorset who married Lady Mary Fane, daughter of Thomas Fane, 8th Earl of Westmorland, and had income as an absentee landlord of plantations in Jamaica. His grandfather, Thomas, had lived as a clergymen, and though the gentility remained within the family, economic prosperity did not. Self-described as "lower-middle-upper class," Blair did not live the extravagant lifestyle that other British colonial aristocrats had enjoyed. Instead, his mother took him to England, where he was educated at a convent school. Because the family could not afford public education, Eric studied at the convent school until 1911, when his writing skills drew the attention of St Cyprian's administrators. Blair attended Eton College, but he neglected his work and was unable to receive a scholarship to University. Instead, on familial advice, Eric joined the Imperial Police, returning to the Raj for service.

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Eric Blair during his time in the Imperial Police.

Blair's time in the Imperial Service would last for only a few brief months - the Revolution in Britain would force his enlistment into the British Indian Army, in the service of which he fought during the Great Colonial Wars. With the Motherland crippled, supplies for the Army were scare - mutinies became an axom - thousands defected to the Bharitya Commune or simply fled the region. Lieutenant Blair, influenced by his fellow officers, departed the Imperial state in Delhi. Alongside four comrade's, the band of exiles served in the Commune as Intelligence officers - rooting out Imperial dissent within Bharityan lands. Famous for preventing the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi in 1929, Blair returned to England a revolutionary-hero, glorified by the militant Trade Unions. In 1930, content with his service, Blair returned to his long absentee writing. Under the alias 'George Orwell,' Eric published his first novel 'Down and Out in Paris and London' - a chilling description of the two cities beneath a capitalist elite. In the novel, Orwell furthered the cause of international democratic socialism as the necessary path forward, frequently attacking the CTU's isolationist policies.

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Eric Blair - George Orwell.

Following the publication of "Burmese Days," Chancellor Mosley approached Blair and befriended him, appealing to his Internationalist leanings. He offered the young writer a civil position, buried in the annals of the Ministry of Truth. From there, Blair manipulated his way into power, turning the corrupted, irreparable Ministry, into potent device for propaganda. Blair's tenacious, arguably eccentric approach to the repression of 'reactionary works' pressured Minister Blyton to step aside. Blyton did not attempt to recover her Ministry, instead, she lamented over the death of her husband, the renown Royalist, Lieutenant Colonel Hugh Alexander Pollock [DSO]. In her absence, Blair ascended to the de facto position, veiling his motions in mystique. Under Bylton's successor the Ministry elevated its role to the premier department within the Union. Behind closed doors, the Ministry encouraged Horner to extend the British hand to Socialist parties beyond the Channel, namely to the CNT-FAI and the Bharitya Commune. Additionally, Herbert George Wells' World Encyclopedia was proudly published and distributed across the world in a attempt to derange the Capitalist nations domestically.

The Wolf

Following Mosley's election, nearly three dozen candidates appealed to fill the role of General Secretary. Many sought the position not out of ideological agreement, but out of political ambition, while others, such as John Beckett, contested the position to further the Totalist Charter. Yet they were all in agreement about one thing - Arthur Horner had to be removed from office. Mosley was quick to support the motion, determined to remove the Conservative prerogatives that had been entrenched during the previous decade. He delivered frequent speeches to the TUC enjoining the legislature to support his Anti-Federationalist stratagem. Captivated by his charisma and inflamed ego, the remaining Federationalists were removed from the legislature on fradulent charges. Few, including Horner, managed to evade the coming storm, as the Maxist party augmented paranoia across the country. The mania was further intensified by Orwell's ministry, which framed Britain's isolation on Horner and Snowden - adopting the perception that the British detachment was a terrible affliction.

With the Conservatives purged from power, the other opposition factions quickly silenced themselves. Whereas Horner fled to the countryside, Niclas y Glas endeavored to appease Mosley. The Authonomists voted in favor of several Maxist acts- while the extra votes were unnecessary, the aura of unity pleased the Chairman. In fact, Oswald considered appointing Niclas to the Generals Secretary - but his occupation with larger forces, most profoundly, the Trade Unions, thwarted such an endeavor. Arguably the most powerful force in the Union, the Trade Federations blocked Secretariat appointments, amassing public support against Maxist Dr. Robert Forgan, and Albert Inkpin. Trodding in the footsteps of the protesting workers, the Unions refused to withdraw from their lodged political trenches. In the following days, angry young coal miners roused by the Unions, rallied in Emley, picketing the Maxist government. They expressed their detestation towards the current government, citing their questionable anti-Trade Union policies as a affront to their animation. Besieged by an wavering populace in London and marauding strikers in the west, it was no surprise that Eric Blair was invited to the Ruskin House. Within the hour, Mosley offered the Secretariat to Blair, who reluctantly accepted, albeit under the conditions that the Unions approved.
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The Trade and Labor Union Strike of 1936.


On October 15th, Mosley declared his nomination to the Congress of Trade Unions, calling on his Maxist majority to ratify the appointment. Blair's appointment divided the trade-unions between hard-line Federationalists and conciliatory workers. Due to their profound influence on the British factions, the Maxists were also indecisive in their response, unwilling to irritate the formidable prowess of the Unions. Instead, notable Union bosses demanded that Blair deliver a speech to the National Union of Teachers at Union College London, outlining his philosophical approach to leadership. Despite initial reluctance, Eric accepted the proposition after several forceful supplications from Mosley. Though clearly gifted with an expansive vocabulary and a prestigious education, Blair's speech: "On the Dictatorship" was didactic in tone, cumbersome in length, and, at times, tediously rigid. In his prognostication, Blair asserted the importance of International Democratic Socialism as the incontrovertible conclusion to world politics. Blair implied the role of the dictatorship to achieve this ambitious prospect. Blair famously declared: ""Power is a means, not an end. One establishes a dictatorship in order to safeguard a revolution; one does not make the revolution in order to establish the dictatorship." Wheras Blair endorsed Mosleyism and the Proletariat Dictatorship, he repudiated Totalism as a unnecessary and fanatical approach to the dictatorship. He remarked that if Totalism survived the decade, the change to democratic socialism would be impossible.

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Eric Blair in 1936, just a few weeks prior to the election.

The public reception to the speech, were at best, mixed. The workers made frequent comparisons between Blair and Trotsky, calling him, "the Socialist snob." While Union officials applauded the speech, hardline workers assailed him for his views on the dictatorship. All in all, the Unions were divided on their opinion - the National Union of Railwaymen suggested that Mosley appoint Unionist Tom Mann. With masterful grace, Oswald played the Union indecisiveness to his advantage - rousing the general populace to protest the exceeding Union role in the political sphere. On October 22nd, the protesting Union crowds were confronted by an angry mob of Maxist supporters. Union forces, led by Phil Piratin, engaged the Maxists at the Battle of Cable Street. Clive Staples Lewis led the Maxist supporters into the engagement, breaking up the rally of picketing workers. Popular opinion saw overwhelming support for the Maxist party in the following days; Mosley seized the advantage to amend the 'Constitutional' powers of the executive. Eleven days after the Battle of Cable Street, Chairman Mosley merged the positions of Chairman and General Secretary, concentrating executive powers in his own hands.

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Mosley is greeted by supporters and Redshirts after the Battle of Cable Street.

The Lion

If not for the success of the Arab Revolt, it is debatable whether the Royalist cause might have managed to survive. The ministrations of prominent Generals, such as Field Marshal Edmund Henry Hynman Allenby, kept the wavering morale of Lloyd George's Britain away from total collapse. Only when the continental frontier collapsed, did the Middle-Eastern front crumble, and British public opinion along with it. Yet Hashemite Arabia, sovereign in spite of Turkish invasion, perpetuated the last inches of British pride after the Revolution. The Royalists in Canada praised the officers for the success, while the Socialists praised the soldiers. In truth, however, the Arabian triumph was not engraved in the British political hierarchy, but rather, the feats of a single man: Thomas Edward Lawrence.

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T.E Lawrence, 1918,

Lawrence was born as the illegitimate son to Anglo-Irish aristocrat, Sir Thomas Chapman. In his early life, Lawrence and his best friend, Cyril Beeson, showed considerable interest in the archeological field. When they were merely 15, Lawerence and Cyril presented their findings to the Ashmolean Museum with a report including every notable monument and antique in Berkshire, Buckinghamshire and Oxfordshire. From 1907 to 1910 Lawrence studied History at Jesus College, Oxford. In the summer of 1909 Lawrence set out alone on a three-month walking tour of crusader castles in Ottoman Syria, in which he travelled 1,000 mi (1,600 km) on foot. Lawrence graduated with First Class Honours after submitting a thesis entitled The influence of the Crusades on European Military Architecture—to the end of the 12th century based on his field research with Beeson in France, notably in Châlus, and his solo research in the Middle East.

After he completed his degree in 1910, Lawrence launched a research project into Medieval pottery at Magdalen College, Oxford, which he abandoned after he was offered a archeological position in the Middle East. Lawrence was a polyglot whose published work demonstrates competence in French, Ancient Greek, and Arabic.

On completing his degree in 1910, Lawrence commenced postgraduate research in medieval pottery with a Senior Demy, a form of scholarship, at Magdalen College, Oxford, which he abandoned after he was offered the opportunity to become a practising archaeologist in the Middle East. Lawrence was a polyglot whose published work demonstrates competence in French, Ancient Greek, and Arabic. In December 1910 he traveled to Beirut, and than trekked to Byblos, where he studied Arabic. Afterwords, Lawrence joined D. G. Hogarth and R. Campbell Thompson of the British Museum in excavating Carchemish, near Jarablus. As the site lay near an important crossing on the Baghdad Railway, knowledge gathered there was of considerable importance to the military. While excavating ancient Mesopotamian sites, Lawrence met Gertrude Bell, who was to influence him during his time in the Middle East.

Lawrence continued making trips to the Middle East as a field archaeologist until the outbreak of World War I. In January 1914, Lawrence was conscripted by the British military as an archaeological smokescreen for a British military survey of the Negev Desert. Funded by the Palestine Exploration Fund, their objection was to search for an area referred in the Bible as the "Wilderness of Zin"; along the way, they undertook an archaeological survey of the Negev Desert. Because any Ottoman Army attacking Egypt would have to cross the desert, the Negev became a location of strategic importance.Lawrence subsequently published a report of the expedition's archaeological findings, but a more important result was an updated mapping of the area, with special attention to features of military relevance such as water sources. From March to May 1914, Lawrence worked again at Carchemish. Following the outbreak of hostilities in August 1914, Lawrence did not immediately enlist in the British Army; he held back until October, when he was commissioned on the General List; and immediately posted to the intelligence staff in Cairo.


The Arab Bureau of Britain's Foreign Office conceived a campaign of internal insurgency against the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East. The Bureau had long felt it likely that a campaign instigated and financed by outside powers, supporting the breakaway-minded tribes and regional challengers to the Turkish government's centralised rule of their empire, would pay great dividends in the diversion of effort that would be needed to meet such a challenge. The Arab Bureau had recognised the strategic value of what is today called the "asymmetry" of such conflict. The Ottoman authorities would have to devote from a hundred to a thousand times the resources to contain the threat of such an internal rebellion compared to the Allies' cost of sponsoring it. With his superior knowledge of Syria, the Levant, and Mesopotamia (not to mention his position as civilian army intelligence officer), on his official enlistment in 1914 Lawrence was posted to Cairo on the intelligence staff. The British government in Egypt sent Lawrence to negotiation with the Hashemite forces in the Hejaz in October 1916 - where he met and worked with Major Herbert Garland.

During 1916, Lawrence fought (and lead) Arab irregular troops under Emir Faisal, in extended operations against the Turks. Lawerence managed to obtain assistance from the Royal Navy to turn back an Ottoman attack on Yanbu in December. Following the battle, Lawerence made the historical contribution to the revolt by convincing the Arab leaders to co-ordinate their forces in support of British strategy. He persuaded the Arabs not to make a frontal assault on the Ottoman stronghold in Medina, but rather, to allow the Turkish army to tie up troops in the city garrison. The Arabs were then free to direct their troops to the Turks' weak point, the Hejaz railway. This battleplan expanded the front and tied up Ottoman troops, who were forced to protect the railway and repair constant damage. Through this plan, Lawrence proved himself an exceptional battle comander, developing close ties with Faisal.

In 1917, Lawrence orchestrated a combined action with the Arab irregulars and the forces of Auda Abu Tayi, targeting the strategically located town of Aqaba. After a swift surprise attack on 6 July, Aqaba fell to Lawrence and the Arab forces. Following the victory, Lawrence was promoted to major, to which Allenby commented: "I gave him a free hand. His cooperation was marked by the utmost loyalty, and I never had anything but praise for his work, which, indeed, was invaluable throughout the campaign. He was the mainspring of the Arab movement and knew their language, their manners and their mentality." In January 1918, the battle of Tafileh, an important region southeast of the Dead Sea, was fought using Arab regulars under the command of Jafar Pasha al-Askari. The battle was a defensive engagement that turned into an offensive rout, and was described in the official history of the war as a "brilliant feat of arms". Lawrence was awarded the Distinguished Service Order for his leadership at Tafileh, and was also promoted to Lieutenant Colonel. By the summer of 1918, the Turks, enraged by the revolt, were offering a substantial award for Lawrence's capture, amounting to £15,000. Nonetheless, no single Arab attempted to betray him.


Lawrence was involved in the build-up to the capture of Damasus in the final weeks of the war, using his previous successes to quicken the cities fall. Much to his disappointment, and contrary to instructions he had issued, he was not present at the city's formal surrender, arriving several hours after the city had fallen. In newly liberated Damascus—which he had envisaged as the capital of an Arab state—Lawrence was instrumental in establishing a provisional Arab government under Faisal. Faisal's rule as king, however, came to an abrupt end in 1919, when the British were forced to withdraw from the Middle-East due to European events. The Ottomans quickly recaptured much of the Syrian territory, but Lawrence's military impact was irrevocable. Hashemite Arabia would be established following a failed Ottoman invasion - often attributed to T.E.L's impact.

QT7XO3n.jpg

Arabian troops enter Damascus.

Lawrence would not leave the Middle-East for several years. During this time, his public image swell to enormous heights, thanks to the film, photographs, and reports of American war correspondent Lowell Thomas. While Lawrence's political views remained ambitious, he returned to England just prior to the Revolution. His return was received by thousands of British civilians, Royalists and Syndicalists alike, celebrated his return to the isle. General William Alexander famously commented on his return: "I think he rather be back in Arabia." Promoted to Colonel four years prior by Churchill (whose life would be described in A Study in Failure), Syndicalists were suspicious that Lawrence would attempt to flee the nation along with the Royalists. He did no such thing. Instead - Lawrence returned to his home in England, seemingly living his life far away from the politics of the world.
 
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Viden

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So, Blair was elected and shortly after Mosley merged his office with his own, firing Blair in the process?