Chapter 1 - Liberation
Part I. Builders of Syndicalism
Muhammed Ali Jinnah, Chief Minister of the Delhi Raj
The new regime in Calcutta found itself in an unenviable situation in early 1937. The Bhartiya Commune was technologically backward, economically stagnant and isolated both geographically and diplomatically. Resources flowed westward in return for Anglo-French aid but it was only a fraction of what President Huq and his cabinet knew was necessary to face the coming challenges. The aftershocks of Black Monday, originally lauded as the death knell of capitalism had unforeseen consequences on Calcutta's geopolitical situation. In Beijing the Emperor Pu Yi had begun a rapid industrialisation programme, shaking off his German advisers with an increasingly nationalistic approach. Berlin's weakening hold in the East had also emboldened the Japanese who seemed ready to strike at the remnants of European colonialism in the region. In a single year under military strongman Pyotr Wrangel, Russia had rebounded from its generation long slump pushing once more into Central Asia and the Caucasus. Financial pressures in the Delhi Raj had triggered free elections seeing the centre-left Home Rule Party under Muhammed Ali Jinnah come to power. Despite being an avowed social democrat Jinnah loathed the Commune even at its Gandhian zenith, seeing it as a “bandit republic” [1]. Backed by the military might of Ottawa and Algiers the new Chief Minister was a dangerous man providing a popular alternative for Indian unification to the peoples of the sub-continent.
Chairman Mosley. Totalism reinvigorated syndicalism in the 1930s while also destabilising peace in Europe and across the globe.
The rise of Totalism in Europe with the election of Mosley, Valois and Mussolini had further increased global tensions. Even amongst Bose and his followers there were fears that their Western colleagues might trigger a major war before Calcutta was ready to defend itself. Already soldiers were fighting under the banner of international syndicalism in Spain to overthrow the monarchy, while in America the elected government of Jack Reed had called on Paris for support against General MacArthur's attempted coup. In both instances the Entente and Germany had responded in kind. It seemed the world over all that was needed was a spark. South Asia had sparks of its own. In Burma the autocratic government of Queen Myat faced oblivion. Corrupt, reactionary and decadent the regime had few friends save her fellow monarchists in Siam. In October 1936 students at Rangoon University had begun protesting against Myat led by the young socialist Aung San. A confused response by the palace had emboldened the disenchanted in Burmese society. Soon the intellectuals were joined by peasant marches in the countryside against the ossified land system and strikes by oil workers along the Bhartiya border. Calcutta was slow to respond to the situation. Even now with the hawkish Patel at Foreign Affairs and Bose in command of the military the Commune was wary to antagonise her neighbours.
By 1937 the Bhartiya Liberation Army was modernising but was a questionable challenge for the Canadian-armed Raj or the Household Guard of the Nizam [2]. Reserve battalions trained with wooden rifles while support units like artillery, engineers and logistics were practically non-existent. The Air Corps was still being born, her modern fighters and bombers flown by British pilots or unmanned, awaiting students training at the new Mangala Air Academy. Even the popular image abroad of the BLA as a peasant 'horde' could not be said to be true. A decade of state-sanctioned pacifism, headless recruitment policies and poor infrastructure all meant that in raw numbers as well as equipment Calcutta could not claim superiority on the sub-continent. General MPT Acharya, commander in chief of BLA ground forces led the reform efforts. A veteran of the revolution who had fought alongside Bose, Acharya favoured light infantry tactics, focusing on motivated small units working in tandem to disrupt enemy supplies and communications before combining to overwhelm their position. Heavily influenced by the guerilla warfare of the 1920s, Acharya also took notes from the new French doctrines of guerre d'eclaire and Germany's 'stormtrooper' tactics during her 1918 offensives on the Western Front. Special assault companies, ideologically motivated and armed with grenades and machine-pistols would lead direct attacks, while mortar and machine-gun teams would provide mobile fire support.
(l-r) General MPT Acharya, Military Commissioner Bose inspects troops c.1937, Bren Carriers of the 2nd Cavalry Division on manoeuvres in East Bengal
On the strategic level this would escalate into fast moving rifle divisions acting in concert to seize objectives and isolate enemy units. A decade on from the revolution both the Delhi and Hyderabad militaries were known to retain their focus on firepower and traditional front lines, instilled by European advisers. Due to the nature of Indian geography and infrastructure Acharya saw such tactics as inherently flawed for fighting on the sub-continent. Taking advantage of Anglo-French aid the BLA began a massive expansion of its supply systems, medical corps and communications. At the same time Bose oversaw the reform of the general staff system, reorganising the scattered militias and regiments of the BLA into Fronts. Under the command of experienced generals like Pratap, Dange and Sen these armies would undergo rapid expansion, retraining and equipping with modern weapons. While Acharya's plans focused on fighting in the mountains and forests of the region, Bose ensured the expansion and modernisation of the cavalry as well. Clearly intended to battle the Raj on the open plains of the North-West, Bose expanded the force under General Nath Roy from two divisions to six. He also ensured a steady supply of trucks, motorcycles, armoured cars and early APCs such as the British Bren Carrier to mechanise them, in an effort to adapt guerre d'eclaire to Calcutta's goals and limitations [3].
For newly elected economics chief Bahadur Shastri these limitations were all too apparent. In his first report to President Huq he claimed “our agriculture is fifty years behind [Europe], our industry a hundred years”. Though ideologically opposed to the Totalists, the pragmatic Shastri nonetheless believed rigorous central planning was needed to bring the Commune up to speed in the short term. Shastri also advocated massively increased foreign trade to feed new industries. Valuable crops and resources like tea, rubber and coal were subjected to near military levels of discipline to ensure maximum exports under the auspices of the Economic Efficiency Directorate (ARDANID). Quickly moving beyond her Syndicalist colleagues in Western Europe and Latin America, by 1938 the Bhartiya Commune had implemented major trade deals with nations like Sweden, Greece, South Africa and Russia. Shastri proved a major voice in the establishment of the Phalanstere International too, which saw Anglo-French aid move beyond the military with thousands of technical specialists arriving to help in the development of new factories, schools, airfields, railways and port facilities.
(l-r) Shastri was crucial in the establishment of the Phalanstere in 1937, Students at Shapurji Saklatvala Technical College, Calcutta
By early 1939 ARDANID reported a 25% increase in industrial production, the vast majority contributing to war materials [4]. The Commune's ability to focus factories towards munitions was only made possible by the leaps and bounds in agriculture in the same period. While European tractors and irrigation systems helped Bhartiya farming, the genetics work of Dr. GV Chalam became the cause celebre of government efforts. A dedicated Syndicalist who walked with a limp gained during combat as a teenager, Chalam focused his zeal into battling the recurrent famines and droughts that plagued India. The young agronomist had quickly made a name for himself, becoming close friends with Julian Huxley, Britain's leading biologist and a champion of scientific cooperation within the International. Chalam created new strains of rice and wheat such as T141 and SR26B, resistant to rust and salt water, becoming a household name in rural communities where his creations were often the difference between success and starvation. Swiftly head hunted by ARDANID, Chalam oversaw the construction of seed depots and co-authored legislation banning “sub-optimal” strains, making his creations mandatory for Bhartiya farmers [5].
The young Dr. Chalam became a literal poster boy for the marvels of "Scientific Syndicalism"
August 1937 saw the final fall of the Burmese monarchy as disgruntled troops refused to fire on crowds of students, farmers and workers around the royal palace. The Commune's reforms still up in the air Huq watched as both a fearful Bangkok and a distracted Berlin refused to intervene. On September 1st President Cho of the provisional government offered an alliance and requested recognition from Calcutta. Sensing a fait accompli Huq and Patel agreed, including provisos guaranteeing access to Burmese petroleum. The event ruffled feathers, particularly in Delhi, the main regional investor in the Myat regime. In November when news spread of Nepali atrocities against Indian nationalists Jinnah acted swiftly to defend the rights of his countrymen and prove he was capable of decisive action. Threatened by the might of the New Raj, King Tribuhavan relented stating “let the people be with their people”, giving up the lowlands around Dehradun and Gorakhpur rather than face war. Predicting Jinnah would send troops to enforce a satellite state in Kathmandu, Huq ordered the BLA to advance into the similarly contested territories of Muzaffarpur and Gangtok before Delhi did. Unfortunately the King was unwilling to expand his new philosophical mindset to Syndicalists. 4th Corps under Major-General Chattopadhyaya moved towards Muzaffarpur expecting to face little more than delighted Indian peasants. Soon however rifle and machine gun fire rained down from the hills.
(l-r) The Battle of Muzaffarpur, BLA soldiers brave the chill mountain air on the road to Kathmandu, Dec. 1937
Chattopadhyaya would not lay claim to the province until December 18th after three weeks of brutal mountain warfare, finally shifting the Nepali die-hards thanks to the Bristol Blakes' of Wing Commander Addison and several days of clear weather. As 4th Corps continued its advance, the lack of winter clothing causing major issues, on December 30th Calcutta suddenly received the general surrender of the Nepali army against the express orders of the King, 34,000 men in total. Tribuhavan was executed in his palace by mutinous soldiers led by Field Marshal Kunwar Singh, who declared himself head of a “democratic syndicalist republic”. Having decade long connections with the Indian National Congress, Singh was the leader of a clandestine clique of left-wing officers known as the Parisada. Tribuhavan's capitulation to Jinnah and the prospect of Bhartiya invasion had finally motivated the group to act, leading to the abrupt collapse of the Himalayan kingdom. Accepting Singh's request for recognition and protection, Huq simultaneously ordered the BLA mobilised along its entire western frontier, fearful of retaliation from Delhi. It was not to come. Ottawa and Algiers made it clear they would not offer support, having more pressing concerns in North America and with the recent tribal uprisings in West Africa. Though furious, the Raj was unwilling to commit to full blown war with the Commune on its own, let alone an invasion of Nepal. Jinnah stewed as the Bhartiya Commune entered 1938 increasingly confident of its position.
[1] Jinnah was in many ways the star child of a British colonial education. He saw all extra-parliamentary efforts at reform including Gandhi's pacifist protests as uncouth and had a shockingly frank level of disdain for the “man in the street”. A chaotic, populist nationalist republic like the Commune would no doubt revolt him to his very core.
[2] The Princely Federation military is an uneven mess. While the Nizam of Hyderabad has a personal troop of shiny panzers at his disposal the average backwoods garrison is lucky to have a reliable supply of ammunition.
[3] Game speak: My land tactics are Deep Operations while my tech focus is on having a cutting edge army of bare bones infantry divisions plus a few HQs and the cavalry. Basically its a ground-up approach, get the base sorted then diversify from there. I hope this isn't seen as 'smart', I love to RP for AARs and see this as a sensible approach for a nation in the Commune's position.
[4] I.E blueprints for ancient tech, moving towards central planning and general good housekeeping.
[5] Chalam was a crucial figure in the Green Revolution that has allowed the population explosion of the past century. Here he is mixed with a few other big Indian agronomists, namely Basiswar Sen. He is Kaiserreich's Lysenko with the crucial difference that he isn't a quack.
