This really jabs at the heart of the argument and why we are even having it. First, in order to understand nazi ideology we must analyze what they say their ideology is.
The supreme irony in this is that ideology, at least in the sense you're using it here, is a Marxist concept, and the techniques of analysing ideology always, in some sense, derive from Marx. I realise that doesn't really mean very much, Marx is one of the most important figures of the human sciences. I'm bringing it up to point out that what you're proposing is a very bad approach to analysing ideology.
One of the most important Marxist realisations about ideology is that ideology isn't a neutral or "objective" description of our political position, it's a false view of reality (a false consciousness, as Marx called it) the deliberate intent of which is to obscure or hide the real, material factors which challenge our political positions. Thus, when we examine ideology, we have to do so critically. We have to adopt a position of scepticism towards
any ideological claims, and to always consider the material context and consequences of those claims. It's important, because if we don't do that, then we are doing the ideology which we're meant to be analysing.
So sure, we can cherry pick quotes where Hitler talks about being a socialist and from that declare that the Nazis were socialists, and that they share commonalities or collective interest with other socialists, or that national socialism is a natural outgrowth or extrapolation from other forms of socialism. But, as soon as we exercise even the barest shred of criticism, as soon as we start considering even the most basic material context, that claim utterly
disintegrates. Claiming that Hitler was a socialist may be nominally accurate, but it is
only nominally accurate. It conveys no actual meaning or significance as a statement except to imply the person saying it doesn't like socialism.
NOWHERE did I claim that nazism is marxist socialism, nor did I even claim nazsim is in fact fascism (they are two different ideologies sorry.) In fact just above I said:
I'm not going to accept this when, a few lines down, you are going to lecture me about "socialism" without clarifying whose socialism you are referring to.
Besides, fascism isn't an ideology. It's a doctrine, remember. Mussolini was pretty clear on that. The fascist state is an organic political reality which is above ideological limitations.
Of course, if we think critically, then fascism is clearly ideological. It's not hard to identify clear features of Italian fascist ideology. Umberto Eco wrote an incredibly famous essay devoted largely to listing the ideological features of fascism. Most of these features are shared, to some extent, with Nazism, but that's not why I called Nazism a form of fascism. The reason I did that is because they are connected in very material and quantiifable ways. One clearly inspired the other. They are ideologically compatible. They literally fought a war on the same side against socialists, who were their common enemy. Fascism wasn't confined to a single party in Italy, rather that party was itself part of a global movement which we also call fascism, and of which Nazism was one particular expression.
But when society shifted to think man has free will that carried with it a multitude of implications. If man has free will then god cannot be behind everything, therefore the king is not where he is because of god.
The free will versus divine will debate isn't really a feature of the Enlightenment though, it's a feature of the reformation, and it isn't really a straightforward debate either because belief in free will and divine will are not mutually exclusive. After all, to paraphrase an early humanist theological position, if God possesses omnipotent will and humans are made in the image of God, then humans must also possess will which is analogous to that of God. By far the most interesting thing about divine will as a concept is that it comes hand in hand with the idea that God is unknowable. That's why divine will as a concept was so important to the development of things like humanism, modernity and ultimately (a few centuries down the line) the enlightenment, because it created an epistemological skepticism around claims to religious authority.
AKA "Robespierre felt that he *was* the will of the people, and that anyone against him, or anyone who did not want to go along with the herd was against the "will of the people" and therefore terror was necessary to protect the people from such evil. Terror kept men honest, it kept society virtuous. That my friend is a socialist society. Source: (
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maximilien_Robespierre)
When Americans say that the right to bear arms is a safeguard against tyranny, what do you think that means? What do you imagine would be involved in using guns to prevent tyranny? What do you think Jefferson meant when he said "the tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants". For that matter, since we're talking about Nazis. What ultimately happened to the Nazi leadership at the end of the war?
Revolutionary terror is not a concept unique to the French revolution, it's a feature of every anti-authoritarian society during a state of emergency, instability or war. It is the basic idea that those who would make themselves tyrants should live in perpetual fear of retribution from the masses they would oppress. Robespierre wasn't a socialist, he was practically a walking stereotype of the radical Enlightenment. He was intensely pro-democracy, intensely nationalistic and intensely economically liberal.
Again what I can only imagine you mean by calling Robespierre, of all people, a socialist is that you don't like him, which I can understand. He's embarassing. He's a sad reminder of the tyrannical lengths to which a liberal society might go to protect its own freedom. But like it or not, that capacity for revolutionary terror is inherent to all liberal societies, otherwise they would not remain liberal societies for very long.