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Idhrendur

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According to a show I saw, the whole "the world is flat" thing was something an early biographer of Columbus invented in order to inject drama into his story. He wanted to present Columbus as the little guy determined to prove to the big guys that they were wrong in thinking that the world is flat when in fact no one thought such thing. People knew the world was round, they just thought the world was smaller than it actually was because they weren't aware that a continent called North America existed between Europe and Asia. That's why he called Native Americans "Indians": because he thought he had landed in India instead of in the Caribbean.

I've been taught similarly, at least in regards to the world being flat. But I've also been taught that it was Columbus who incorrectly calculated the size of the world as smaller. That's why no-one else went west (and why he couldn't get funding from Portugal), because they knew it was impossible! Lucky for him, he ran into a continent (unluckily for the people living there).

Of course, if that's not quite right, I've no doubt our resident historian will set us straight!
 

volksmarschall

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I've been taught similarly, at least in regards to the world being flat. But I've also been taught that it was Columbus who incorrectly calculated the size of the world as smaller. That's why no-one else went west (and why he couldn't get funding from Portugal), because they knew it was impossible! Lucky for him, he ran into a continent (unluckily for the people living there).

Of course, if that's not quite right, I've no doubt our resident historian will set us straight!

Yeah, I just took care of that in post #200

Must've been writing at the same time! ;)


At that time Portugal had asserted itself as a dominant sea power so Columbus first approached the Portuguese monarch suggesting that he could reach India by sailing west rather than southeast (around Africa) as was the Portuguese plan. The Portuguese already knew that there were other lands that could be found by sailing west - they had already begun colonization of the Azores archipelago in the North Atlantic and there were reports of other lands much further out west by fisherman and other Portuguese explorers (Boxer, Charles Ralph (1969). The Portuguese Seaborne Empire 1415–1825. Hutchinson).

Portugal didn't fund Columbus, even though the Portuguese knew something could be found by sailing west (they already colonized the Azores), is because at the same time Columbus was proposing his voyage, news returned that Dias rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and expected to be in India by continuing their path of travel along the African coasts to reach India. Columbus didn't calculate anything about the size of the world, he just wasn't expecting a continent to be in between Europe and India via a westward trip, I guess, if you want to a stickler, he estimated the size of the world a bit smaller than it was, but it's not like he was mathematically deducing the earth's size or anything. He just managed to get the funds from Spain to travel West, and ended up landing in the Caribbean instead. Turns out, it was better deal for Spain than India anyway. We must remember, Europeans, ever since the time of the Greeks and Romans, who left us with their notes of merchant travels that reached China, were already familiar (somewhat) with the lands of the Far East. They knew how to get their via land, and knew what the people looked like. When Dias rounded South Africa, they knew they weren't far away from the sea route to India so for Portugal, a voyage west didn't make any sense.

As per EU4, the lands east of Iraq should be visible to the Europeans, they knew it was there and how to get there...they just hadn't mapped south of the Sahara or that landmass between Asia and Europe that separates the Atlantic and Pacific...
 
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volksmarschall

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Chapter 6: The Rise of the Arabs and the Abbasid (Islamic) Golden Age

Chapter 6: The Rise of the Arabs and the Abbasid (Islamic) Golden Age






The Abbasid Caliphate and Dependencies in the Middle East, ca. 872 C.E. with surrounding empires and kingdoms. Its noticeable rival in the region was the aforementioned Byzantine Empire to the north, centered in modern day Turkey and Greece.
The Abbasids had theoretically inherited an empire that stretched from the northern-most reaches of the Iberian Peninsula, the whole of North Africa and parts of Italy, Egypt, and much of the Middle East, with continued expansion east into the Indus Valley. At its height, the Abbasid Caliphate possessed many of the same territories once held by the Roman Empire, including her former nemesis’s territory – Persia. For these reasons, and for the reasons of Roman inheritance from court customs, laws, philosophy, and the other classics that I mentioned previously, the Islamic Empires always thought of themselves as being Roman.

On a purely philosophical and law-based perspective it would be fair to claim that they were, indeed, one of the heirs of the Roman tradition – the others being the successor kingdoms of Western Europe that I have yet to cover, the Roman Church (Catholic) and the Byzantine Empire, which we shall revisit after the conclusion of this chapter. Yet, despite close cultural and philosophical connections with the Romans, the Abbasids, due to the extent of their dominions, also experienced the problem that the Romans had experienced during the Crisis of the Third Century. The polity that stretched from the Iberian to the Indus was, de jure, part of a theoretically unified caliphate. But, as I already mentioned, the extinction of the Umayyads in the Middle East did not precipitate their collapse in the Iberian Peninsula and Morocco, and by the end of the eighth century Egypt was already granted a de facto independent status by the Abbasid Caliph, although again, all these Muslim rulers far beyond the reach and sway of the caliph in Damascus were still supposedly unified, especially in times of crisis. Thus, much like how Rome was split into the rule of four: two Augusti and two Caesars through the implementation of the Diocletian Tetrarchy, “Rule of Four,” the Abbasid Empire was split into a multitude of smaller kingdoms and principalities where the caliph had de jure rule, but the nobility and chiefs of a bygone era still had the real presence of political power and could undermine the interests of the caliph.

This was highlighted in the revolts against Caliph Al-Mu’tazz. Center in Southern Iraq and Palestine and Syria, powerful and scheming nobles, the emirs, had hoped to overthrow Al-Mu’tazz on the pretext that he had violated the Circle of Justice, that Persian political-philosophical principle that had now been incorporated into Islamic political theology. Emir Mu’nis of Galilee was among the leading conspirators, and had fortified his positions in preparation to march on Damascus and end the “tyranny” of Al-Mu’tazz. Naturally, the Caliph responded with his power of authority and unity over all the believers to end the campaigns of the usurpers.

The Abbasid armies gathered outside Damascus under the leadership of the Count Elbg, an Alan by ethnicity who had risen into the ranks of the nobility through shrewd practice and loyal service to the caliphate. In fact, the counts of the Middle East were a direct extension of the Roman inheritance, who had created a class of minor aristocrats known as the Count Thirds, who would become the basis for the future counts of the European nobility that I shall spend more time covering and elaborating upon in my section concerning the post-Roman West. Regardless, the fumes of war and revolt had begun. However, Mu’nis found himself initially isolated. His strong base of discontent, found in Iraq and Syria, were slow to materialize and join him. His attempt at usurpation ended just as quickly as it had begun. With the fall of Nazareth, the historic home of Jesus, Emir Mu’nis was captured, imprisoned, and beheaded.


Emir Mu'nis's rebellion had been crushed, but it sparked a wider struggle as nobles in the Abbasid Empire rose up, in fear that they would be targeted in a centralizing campaign that would restrict their titles, lands, and power.[1]
This move on part of Al-Mu’tazz seemed to have the opposite effect that he had intended. Emir Hussayn, the presiding noble over much of Syria, who was a co-conspirator with Mu’nis, feared that Mu’nis may have given away his name before his execution. Seeing himself as one to share the same fate as the prince of Galilee, he rose up while Al-Mu’tazz began to move against Samarra, a rebellious province that was also clamoring for its own independence. With the Abbasid forces moving on Samarra, in central Iraq, Emir Hussayn mobilized a strong army of some 3,000 soldiers and auxiliaries and planned to march on Damascus and overthrow, or at least, prod the Caliph into negotiations.

This failed, and two sides were marching toward battle. However, news was not fortunate for Hussayn. The Shiite rebellion in Northern Iraq had been crushed outside the city of Mosul, and the Abbasid armies were no longer to be split, but were quickly moving towards unification. This would be a great calamity for the emir and his forces, who, without the prospect of negotiations, and with the very real possibility of the Caliph’s forces uniting before battle – the hopes and prospects for Hussayn had grown extremely slim and dire. He decided to rapidly march into Iraq and counter the southern Abbasid armies before the northern forces could unite. Hoping to score a decisive victory in the south, he would use this victory to secure safe entitlement to this titles and position within the Abbasid realm.

At Al-Habbariyah, the Abbasid southern armies, about 4,000 strong, met the forces of Hussayn, around 3,000 strong. Initially, Elbg, commander of the Abbasid forces, attempted to negotiate a truce – at least to buy time until the additional 2,000 Abbasid soldiers from Northern Iraq and Samarra would arrive. Citing the Qur’an’s insistence that believers not fight fellow believers, he was nonetheless rebuffed as Hussayn expected the tactic to be nothing more than a stalling game by which the Abbasid general would strike anyways when he had superior forces. The resulting battle was a terrible.

It was a pitying sight to behold, a slaughter of believers that should never had happened. The Abbasids rode Hussayn and his men down, butchering them like cattle. While they offered the most fierce and stout of resistance, they were no match to the riders [horsemen] who flooded the field with their horses and cut down all who were in their path. The fields ran red with pulpy blood. It was as if God had turned the desert sand into the bloodstained Nile on the eve of Moses’ departure from Egypt. Never sine the slaughtering of the Prophet’s family at Karbala, had such destruction befallen among the community of believers.
-Annals of Al-Mu’tazz, The Rebellions.


The victory at the Battle of Al-Habbariyah marked a turning point in the Abbasid Civil Wars. At right, a tenth century icon depicts the glorious procession and triumph of Caliph Al-Mu'tazz after the victory at Al-Habbariyah. Above him, although not completely visible, is the famous double-headed eagle.
The battle had ended with a resounding Abbasid victory, and dealt the final blow against the rebels in Iraq and Syria. It was not long after that the final rebels had gathered, ironically enough, at Karbala, where they were once more, like Husayn and the Hashemites, slaughtered by the Sunnis (the Abbasids). However, the most magnificent and benevolent caliph had taken a lighter approach to dealing with the conspirators and rebels than he had done with Mu’nis. Realizing that he may had been responsible, in his actions, to foster the rebellions from fear of self-survival, he merely reprimanded and imprisoned Emir Hussayn, who would be released from his prison cell some 10 years later.

By 877, after three years of chaotic civil war that stretched from Palestine to Syria to Iraq, calm had been restored over the Abbasid realms. Soon after, to consolidate his victories, Al-Mu’tazz moved the imperial and religious residence from Damascus to Baghdad, where the city along the great rivers that gave birth to civilization would once more, give birth to the renaissance of the Islamic civilization. From his new position of power, Al-Mu’tazz would foster classical education, a revival in the arts, culture, literature, and architecture. In sum, after his victorious campaigns against prospective usurpers and rebels, he laid the foundations for the splendid Islamic Renaissance and Golden Age.

Furthermore, he had consolidated the rule of the Abbasids in its historic homelands: Iraq and Syria, the two tumultuous regions during the rebellions that would become the bedrock of the Abbasid Caliphate, the true areas in which the caliph wielded any power. For the coming centuries, Abbasid Iraq would had rivaled and surpassed any and all the splendor found in Europe, and could have easily had rivaled Rome, during her height of renaissance, over 600 years ago. While the world of Late Antiquity had seen great cultural renaissance, even in Europe after the fall of the empire in the west, to the extent that a central authority was so important in its development too – the Abbasid Golden Age stands out in Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages as an era of unprecedented learning, art, and building that would only be surpassed by the Italian Renaissance of the late fifteenth century.


A centralized Abbasid realm, ca. 877 C.E., on the eve of their Golden Age which would last for several hundred years, although many of its de jure territories were, for all intents and purpose, independent from Abbasid authority, like Egypt and much of North Africa and Arabia.

>>> Continue (next update in progress)

[1]It was a war to "Lower Crown Authority."
 
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Nathan Madien

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The Abbasid armies gathered outside Damascus under the leadership of the Count Elbg, an Alan by ethnicity who had risen into the ranks of the nobility through shrewd practice and loyal service to the caliphate.

What's an Alan? :blink:
 

ekorovin

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It was a pitying sight to behold, a slaughter of believers that should never had happened. The Abbasids rode Hussayn and his men down, butchering them like cattle. While they offered the most fierce and stout of resistance, they were no match to the riders [horsemen] who flooded the field with their horses and cut down all who were in their path. The fields ran red with pulpy blood. It was as if God had turned the desert sand into the bloodstained Nile on the eve of Moses’ departure from Egypt. Never sine the slaughtering of the Prophet’s family at Karbala, had such destruction befallen among the community of believers.
Ah, don't be so hard on yourself. Over 300 Ummayad princes were put to death after battle of Zab, not counting Shias in Kufa and Khorasani rebels, you really need to step up your blood-letting game to compile with Abbasid standards.
 

Tommy4ever

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I'm shocked at the inclusion of so many screenshots! :0

Nonetheless, another fine update :).
 

volksmarschall

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What's an Alan? :blink:

A tribe from the Steppe that eventually migrated more westward and southward overtime, they were skilled horsemen. They were Iranian in origin.

Ah, don't be so hard on yourself. Over 300 Ummayad princes were put to death after battle of Zab, not counting Shias in Kufa and Khorasani rebels, you really need to step up your blood-letting game to compile with Abbasid standards.

Hahaha! I think I have a lot to compete with on that note...at least I'm not going to replicate what the Mughals often did with their sons... :confused:

Insert picture of Alan Davies here. No, seriously, they talked about them once in QI.

Leave it to an English comedian to talk about the Alans on his show...

I'm shocked at the inclusion of so many screenshots! :0

Nonetheless, another fine update :).

From time to time, we all need to be reminded that this is still an AAR from a game I was playing! :)

You mean Umayyads? :p

No, I mean the Abbasids. I was talking about the final battle of the civil war, ironically fought at Karbala.

volksmarschall said:
It was not long after that the final rebels had gathered, ironically enough, at Karbala, where they were once more, like Husayn and the Hashemites, slaughtered by the Sunnis (the Abbasids).
The Abbasids are Sunni, so I paralleled the ironic end of the civil war at Karbala with the historical battle which truly cemented and caused the Sunni-Shi'a split, the Umayyads being the proto-Sunnis of course.
 

ekorovin

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Hahaha! I think I have a lot to compete with on that note...at least I'm not going to replicate what the Mughals often did with their sons... :
Still, Abbasids are the worst. As Yaqub al-Saffar (is he still around in your game, btw?) put it "Haven't you seen what they did to Abu Salama, Abu Muslim, the Barmakid family and Fadl ibn Sahl, despite everything which these men had done on the dynasty's behalf? Let no one ever trust them!"
 

volksmarschall

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Still, Abbasids are the worst. As Yaqub al-Saffar (is he still around in your game, btw?) put it "Haven't you seen what they did to Abu Salama, Abu Muslim, the Barmakid family and Fadl ibn Sahl, despite everything which these men had done on the dynasty's behalf? Let no one ever trust them!"

Or the martyrs of Cordoba and the massacre of the Jews at Granada (although that is more associated with the Umayyads in Spain and their successors), although a bit earlier than the game's beginning, and the latter after the planned time I'm going to end the AAR with the game. Although, when we get to the Iberia, I'm going to challenge the white-washing of Islamic tolerance on the peninsula. Sure, they were a lot better than the Christian kingdoms, but that doesn't mean, as the book The Ornament of the World would have everyone believe, Christians, Jews and Muslims held hands and sang kumbaya for some 700 years. :confused:

Yeah, I like to highlight the mostly tolerant views and relationships too, but I wouldn't just not even mention some of the less savory instances, Maria Rosa Menocal doesn't even mention any of these events in her book. Tsk Tsk Tsk
 

volksmarschall

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Peter Heather's Three Volume History of the Late Roman Empire


I'm going to take the time to briefly endorse in review, Peter Heather's three volume history of the late Roman Empire from its demise in the west to the rise of Charlemagne in the west. From 2005-2014, he has written these three books, in chronological order: The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians (far right, 2005), Empires and Barbarians: The Fall of Rome and the Birth of Europe (middle, 2009), and The Restoration of Rome: Barbarian Popes and Imperial Pretenders (left, 2014). These three books all serve as important references I am basing, not entirely however, the content when discussing the Roman Empire in Chapters 1 and 2, as well as some parts on Justinian (although I presented Justinian somewhat positively, Heather views Justinian negatively. I actually view Justinian very negatively in my own work, but I decided to present Justinian in the AAR in a manner I think most Byzantine historians, i.e., John Julius Norwich, Charles C.W. Oman, Lars Brownworth, and others have presented him -- I think somewhat disingenuously but I digress). They will also serve as references when I talk about Western Europe. At the end of the AAR, I will provide a fuller bibliography of references for the reader's interest.


His first book, The Fall of the Roman Empire, tries to answer the age-old question of why Rome fell? He takes the time to go back to the formation of the Roman Empire, its powerful and nearly invincible armies, and how much of the Roman Empire was already Romanized. Heather also goes to great lengths, combining modern scholarship and archaeology to show what I've already stated in passing, the Barbarians aren't really Barbarians (except for the Huns). The Germanic tribes were predominately sedentary, they lived in villages and towns (not like Romans in size and grandeur however), and practiced agriculture and animal raising. Ultimately, while he does stick a more conservative answer in which the Barbarians play a major role in the fall of Rome rather than Roman instability, but concludes that Roman imperialism and conquest eventually hardens the Barbarians (who aren't, or weren't, as many people think, this mythologized great warrior like Conan or the Barbarians as depicted in Gladiator) who become better warriors after 3 centuries of war with Rome. When the Barbarians are pushed into the Roman Empire for a multitude of reasons, the Romans lost their major advantage - military dominance over the Barbarians. They eventually hire Barbarians as their own generals and soldiers, and as the old story goes, they eventually marched on Rome.

Empires and Barbarians focuses more on the Barbarians than the Romans, as his first book did, and brings us to the Early Middle Ages, ca. 1000 C.E. Here, Heather takes a lot of time painstakingly countering the old "Dark Age" assumptions people have, especially about the Barbarians. Instead, Roman wealth extends beyond the borders of the empire and influences the economies and wealth of the Barbarian tribes through trade. However, for reasons like the Hunnic invasions and poor harvests and Barbarian wars among themselves, other Barbarian tribes are forced west and seek, essentially, asylum in the Roman Empire. They wish to be part of the Roman Empire, pay taxes, and share in the defense and glory of Rome. However, Rome either balks, or doesn't have a plan to counter what is essentially a wave of illegal immigration swarming across Roman borders. Heather also takes the time to counter the Late Antiquity theory that the Roman Empire transformed (this happens to be the position I hold, but hey, few historians ever write completely to the satisfaction of others, and I think he does a good job in presenting how this view might be faulty, even if I disagree with him -- he is in the minority with regards to this view, but it's still a very erudite attempt to counter some of the claims of Peter Brown, et al.).

The Restoration of Rome looks at three principle eras: Theodoric, Justinian, and Charlemagne, and how each attempts to restore the grandeur of the old Roman Empire. Ultimately, the attempts to restore Rome from the Barbarian successor kingdoms fail for several reasons: economically, Italy, for example, cannot sustain itself and then, out of the blue, "The bastard" Justinian (Heather's words) invades and lays waste to Italy. So revival in the west fails. Justinian fails, his disastrous wars lays the foundation for the crises the Byzantines face in the seventh and eighth century, in part, because Justinian losses his best forces in war and bankrupts the empire right on the eve of another war with the Sassanids and the birth of Islam who take advantage of Byzantium's delicate situation (this is why he views Justinian negatively, and the same reason I do). Also, his wars decimate Italy and the city of Rome itself, which was actually still doing very well under Theodoric (you can read Boethius as a primary source about the relative grandeur and prosperity under Theodoric). Charlemagne also attempts to restore the empire, but as we all know, the H.R.E. is an animal in its own right. Therefore, imperial restoration attempts fail, but the Popes who seek to restore Rome, in Heather's eyes, succeed, but in a different way. This is not an altogether shocking view among historians, most of whom would say that the Latin Catholic Church is the true embodiment and successor of the Roman legacy but in a different form. The political entities, namely the Barbarian kingdoms and the Byzantine Empire in the east, have their own problems (even if the Byzantines are the political continuation of the empire in the east, by the end of Justinian's reign, and by the time of Heraclius, it is almost unrecognizable to the old Roman tradition).

All three books are very scholarly, and among a sea of many books published on the Roman Empire, these three works by Heather will provide the reader with a good overview of the latest trends in Roman historiography.
 

volksmarschall

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I've expended the pre-written updates for this AAR, and therefore, due to a general exhaustion of writing, coupled with my final editing process on two papers I've written that need to be sent to journals for the reviewing process before being published, and being lost with a compendium of other books and articles that will likely be consuming a lot of time for the next year or so for an additional project, I'm putting this on permanent hold until I have both the time and motivation to start writing on this again. For all interested, I will post the bibliography of works that have been used in the process of writing this AAR (or would have been used).

Thanks for understanding!
 
Last edited:

Enewald

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I have only read his The Fall of the Roman Empire... quite many years ago. :p

Maybe I might devour the next two if I spot them somewhere cheap one day, and if I ever get tired of consuming Austrian economic literature. :D
 

GreatUberGeek

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It's impossible to get tired of Austrian economic literature. :p
Too bad that you had to put it on hold, volksmarschall, but understandable with all your AARs and outside work. :)
 

Tommy4ever

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I hope that it shall oneday return :).
 

Specialist290

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Ouch! Sad to see you're knocking off work for this, but glad to hear you're announcing a hiatus rather than just walking away into the shadows (which seems to happen to entirely too many good AARs that I've followed in the past).

Best of luck on your papers!
 

RossN

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I'll second that! I know I've raided this great thread for ideas for my own Byzantine AAR. :)

I hope this returns someday!
 

Dr.Livingstone

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I'm sorry to see this go, but I completely understand. Hope this returns at some point though.
 

Bah_meh

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It is indeed sad to see this go. Hopefully you will be able to return to this magnificent piece of work! I would also be extremely interested in seeing the bibliography.