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Johannes I, part I
The Reign of Johannes I Roderlo, Grand Duke of Saxony: part I

From the beginning, it was clear that Johannes I wished to finish what his grandfather had started, the reunification of the old Duchy of Saxony. Between the beginning of his reign as Johannes III and the establishment of the Grand Duchy was only 3 years.

What stood between Johannes and the Grand Duchy were the last remaining independent bishops. The bishop of Cologne held on to Minden and the Archbishopric of Angria remained outside of the authority of Broenswiek. Pressing his claim on these lands, he demanded the bishops subjugate themselves to him or just to secede the land to him, both refused. In what is perhaps a continuing family history, like his father and grandfather, Johannes I was able to distinguish himself on the battlefield, personally capturing Archbishop Magnus and thus ending the conflict. Magnus swore fealty to Johannes and his brother, Karel, was sworn in as the new Bishop of Minden.

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We arrive at Christmas of 1398. The first important fact for this day is the marriage of Johannes. Whilst the bride his father had preferred was a Luxemburg princess from Bohemia, she had passed away before reaching the age of 16. Instead, that day he married a girl of Corsican origin, Violante di Cinarca. Her reputation had become quite well known throughout the Empire and parts of France. Quick witted, handsome, smart and devilishly clever, in certain ways she reflected Queen Cleopatra of antiquity, and a excellent choice of marriage for a young duke. The relationship with Bohemia was solid and marriage ties could be made trough one of his siblings. No, what Johannes was looking for was mainly somebody to bear the burden of state with. What was a age of decay and division would have to be overcome, territories would have to be forged together and rivals would have to be staved off. Where most rulers were often distrusting of their spouse, seeing them as a potential rival or enemy closest to them, the trust Johannes and Violante would build was something many other monarchs would be envious off, even though this trust was mostly only limited to matters of state.

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Broenswiek Cathedral

Festivities did not begin immediately afterwards, no. The marriage had been held in the morning, in a rather private setting. Besides the priest and the to be weds, there were very few people attending. The real festivities were set for that evening. Across every part of the Empire, and even just outside there, counts, dukes, barons, knights, bishops and burghers had travelled to Broenswiek. At the Christmas eve mass, Johannes was called forth, together with the Emperor and bishop of Munster. Emperor Sieghard requested requested Johannes to kneel, which he did. After that he spoke ”Do you, Johannes Roderlo, Duke of Brunswick, Saxony, Brabant and Gelre, Count of Holland, Zeeland, Henegouwen, Namen, Kleef and Zutphen, Lord of Friesland, Overlord of Sticht, Luik, Kamerijk, Angria and Minden, solemnly swear to carry out your duties, protect the people of your land and carry out His will?” To this he replied with “So truly help me, God almighty.” Sieghard handed over a crown to the bishop, who crowned Johannes. “Arise Grand Duke Johannes”

610 years after the baptism of Widukind, his heirs had restored his realm.

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This is really interesting turn of phrase:

the trust Johannes and Violante would build was something many other monarchs would be envious off, even though this trust was mostly only limited to matters of state.

It rather speaks to trust in matters of state, but not in the bedroom or of the heart. But also of a certain tolerance, to some extent, of each other even so otherwise the matters of state would quickly be riven between them as well.
 
Intermission: continental Germanic around the turn of the 15th century
Intermission: continental Germanic around the turn of the 15th century

Ever since the Germanic tribes moved south from Scandinavia have their languages been diverging. The first major division was into four major groups which had solidly settled themselves down in the century after the birth of Christ. These already begin to form the major divisions of the modern continental Germanic languages. Over in Scandinavia, North Germanic would form the base for old Norse, its divergence into the Swedish, Norwegian, Danish, Icelandic, Faroeëse and Gutnish languages. From these, it were the primary languages of Swedish, Norwegian and Danish that would become codified into modern Scandinavian, with the others either dying out shrinking to minority languages.

To the south, along the North Sea coast we find North Sea Germanic, or Ingvaeonic, the common ancestor of modern English, Frisian and Saxon. Though Saxon would find itself under a somewhat strong influence of the other two surviving branches, it is commonly agreed upon that Saxon finds itself more in common relation with these two languages. English also went trough a rather large transformation, mainly having to do with vocabulary, with at least half of it coming from French and Latin.

The other two surviving branches are Weser-Rhine Germanic, Istvaeonic, and Elbe Germanic, Irminonic. Istvaeonic would bring forth the Frankish dialects, spreading themselves over western Franconia and westwards through the Franks. Irminonic would eventually bring forth the languages of the Danubian region, and combined with Istvaeonic in the Silesia region. The last group we find at this time is the East Germanic group, which has died out over the course of history. When pressure came from the east, many of these tribes were the first to start migrating to and plundering the Roman Empire. In many parts of the empire these people became a ruling minority that would either find themselves conquered by another party or be assimilated. The last language of this group that remained were the Goths around the Crimean region, their language disappearing slowly into history, yet being recorded deep into the 18th century.

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The Germanic languages around the time of the birth of Christ

The landscape drastically changed with Migration Period. As mentioned, the East Germanics were hit hardest, their languages dying out eventually. The Ingvaeonic began their spread, Angels, Saxons, Jutes and Frisians began raiding and settling the land that would eventually become England, land of the Angels. The pressure increased from the east, Slavic tribes eventually settling as far west as the Elbe and driving out the Irmionic peoples there. These began migrating south. One of these tribes were the Lombards, who would drive the Romans/Byzantines out of Italy, laying the basis for the conquest by the Franks. And speaking of the Franks, they began migrating west, settling themselves in the regions formerly inhabited by the Belgea. From there their tongue would spread south and north, such that after centuries of rule Holland would speak Lower Frankish dialects and that in the south their language was spoken to the Somme and beyond. Their language would eventually form the basis for modern Dutch, the oldest form of that language being found in the Salic Laws. It even went as far that once Paris had a proper Dutch name, Parse.

As the Frankish Empire of Charlemagne was split, the successor East Frankish Kingdom, which under Otto Ludiolfinger would found the HRE, began giving pushback against the Slavic pagan tribes in the east, beginning the Ostsiedlung, sending settlers out east and assimilating the Slavic tribes there by converting them to Christianity and having them adopt Germanic traditions. Over the centuries, this would lead to a pushback which would go deep into Poland and the Baltic. For the turn of the 15 century, the most germanised areas were Brandenburg, Silesia and Prussia, with especially Pomerania “lagging behind” so to say.

At the refoundation of Saxony, we already find certain shifts taking place. In the east, the heartland of Brandenburg, and especially Berlin, is already beginning it’s shift towards a more Central Germanic tongue. Perhaps a legacy of the Wittelsbach rule? Or did it have more to do with the greater connections it had to the south, where Middle Germanic was spoken? In the north, we see that Lower Germanic is influencing English, Danish, Swedish and the Baltic Germanic tongues trough the means of the Hanseatic trade, perhaps stopping the middle germanic influences from spreading north. In the west, we see a tonal shift occuring in the Brabantian dialect which would eventually become one of the prominent shifts throgout the Dutch language. The central position Brabant took as the most important Dutch holding of the Roderlo’s increased their influence and accelerated the Brabantian Expansion, the shift in Dutch from “oe” to “uu” to “ui”.

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So is the Grand Duchy independent or a vassal of the Emperor?
 
So is the Grand Duchy independent or a vassal of the Emperor?
It's a vassal of the Emperor, and together with Bohemia one of the most powerful ones. Imperial politicking will pick up from this point forward
 
Johannes I, part II
The Reign of Johannes I Roderlo, Grand Duke of Saxony: part II

The first act of business for Johannes was setting up the new administrative divisions within the Grand Duchy. Saxony was divided into 5 quarters, where 4 would be administered by local nobles and church officials, with the 5th one acting more as a “ducal possession” and falling under the direct rule of Johannes. The Grand Duke would rule the quarter based around the cities of Broenswiek, Lümbord and Veern. East of that, encompassed by the Ducal quarter, the southern border and the Elve was the quarter ruled by a branch of the Wettin family ruling from Magdeburg. North of the royal quarter, locked between it, the Elve, the County of Oldenburg and the Frisian lands was the Bremian Quarter ruled by a succeeding line of relatively insignificant local nobles based in Stood. In the southwest was the Munsterite Quarter stretching along the southern border from Zutphen and Kleef to the Ducal Quarter. Here, the Archbishop of Munster would rule on the behest of the Grand Duke. The last remaining lands in the northwest were grouped into the Angrian Quarter where the Archbishop of Angria ruled over the lands.

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Holdings of Johannes I Roderlo at the time of the Saxon Restoration

For Johannes there was always the issue of family. In an empire with dynasties that had histories going back hundreds of years. If we look to the Habsburgs at this time, who were divided over the duchies of Tyrol, Styria-Aquileia and Austria, the holders of these titles were often cousins with healthy families. In a certain way, having no children was the better option since this would prevent the breaking up of the realm through gavelkind succession (a practice which Johannes “IJzervreter” had already abolished early in his reign) and perhaps lead to the unification of their lands. The Roderlo’s on the other hand were, in this time, often one generation away from the loss of all holdings and the dissolution of the dynasty. Combine this with the paranoid nature of Johannes and we find the seeds of the great strain on the relation with his wife. Many rumours did the round that Violante had not been faithful and that the child she was bearing wasn’t his. Fuelled by his paranoid nature, Johannes ordered his spymaster to investigate the matter, going as far to spend a good chunk of the yearly taxes on the matter. Yet, as far as history records it, we find no evidence of her wife actually cheating. What is known is that Violante was “not amused” with the paranoia of her husband. Yet, out of their marriage would come 3 boys and 2 girls. Later on, feeling that his wife didn’t satisfy him anymore, and still filled with suspicion, Johannes would cheat on his wife with a woman named Waltrud, who made quite the reputation at the court in Nijmegen, being famous for sleeping with many men. From here, we know of at least one illegitimate child, with a highly likely second one. The first one was actually admitted by Johannes, degrading his relationship with his wife further.

One of the great achievements Johannes made was the beginning of centralisation of tax collection together with his steward, Count Dameas of Oldenburg. Dameas had actually receives his title from Johannes and had been elevated to nobility. They had been childhood friends when Johannes had spent large parts of his education in the city of Arnhem. Dameas was a administrative genious. Within the western holdings of the Roderlo’s, tax collection was still done a holding by holding level, and each holding would eventually bring their earnings into the gold reserve of the Grand Duke. Problem with this was the many different ways and rules the holdings had which were often times contradictory and aimed at competition with the other duchies and counties now held in personal union. Even if these lands were in personal union with one another and were supposed to work together, often times this worked to increase rivalry between the nobility and burghers of the Netherlands. The “dynamic duo” of Johannes and Dameas worked tirelessly to bring tax collection more in hands of ducal or countal officials, ended many of the exceptions that made deciding what could be taxed hard and abolished practices aimed at competition with other provinces. Whilst there were still no centralized institutions like we would see later, at the end of Johannes’ reign the basis for common institutions was laid. Two events made sure no common institutions could be implemented. Dameas would rather suddenly die in 1407, having only ruled Oldenburg for 9 years. So short were his reign and his marriage even that his titles reverted back to Johannes, who granted them to his brother Jan who was in a matrilineal marriage with a noblewoman from the house Von Schauenburg, something which caused his sons a rather large headache down the line. But with the loss of Dameas Johannes lost one of his most capable administrators. The other event was the Flemish War.

In 1404, the Dampierre dynsty would die out, and with it the counties of Flanders and Atrecht passed on to the House Benserade, a dynasty based around the Anjou region of France. In Flanders the burghers cried out in outrage. Not many years before, the King of France had attempted to “place a yoke of slavery upon the Flemish people”. The Dampierres had been driven out and a governor answerable to the king only had been installed in this far away yet incredibly wealthy corner of the French kingdom. It was eventually through the efforts of the citizenry of the cities of Flanders that the French would be driven out and the old and fair feudal contract would be restored. The battles of the Golden Spurs and the Pevelenberg becoming part of the Flemish mytho’s.


Modern song about the Battle of the Golden Spurs

Peace had returned to Flanders, and the Dampierre’s had found their way into the hearts of the Flemish people. At first, the Flemish people had looked with reservation to this French dynasty. Yet, it was the king who had delivered the Dampierre’s the loyalty of Flanders on a golden platter. The county passing on to a proper French dynasty was a new shock to the Flemish people, who were itching for a fight again. In 1409 already, Ieper revolted, yet was put down. They had been 2 years too early, for in 1411 The Chaos would break out as the Kingdom of France descended into civil war spurred on by two fully separate noble rebellions. Johannes, seeing that it would be now or never, smelled his chance and pressed his claim, starting the Flemish War in 1411. The cities of northern Flanders threw open their gates. Ironically, it was at Ieper where he found severe resistance from the French garrison left behind to keep the city under control. At the same time, the army of the King of France was campaigning against his rebellious nobles around Reims. Johannes would press for a decisive battle. Ironically enough, it would take place near Chatillon, where one of the French commanders of the Battle of the Golden Spurs hailed from. Decisive it did become, decisively humiliating. Severely outnumbered, the French king decided to retreat. Johannes pressed forward with his cavalry and was promptly surrounded by the rear-guard of the French army. Here, he would exchange his own freedom for that of one of his companions, bishop Roelof of Utrecht. Whilst technically winning the battle, it was a pyrrhic one. He returned to campaigning where in Flanders. 1413 would finally grant him the decisive battle he aimed for on the field outside Terwaan. One of the revolts had been put down at that point, but the efforts of the French were just not enough. The Saxon army outnumbered the French one and was able to break through their line. Having surrounded the French king, the war ended right then and there, with Flanders passing onto Roderlo hands.

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The rest of Johannes’ reign was one further focussed on the realm itself. Whilst Catholicism found itself in another antipapacy at the time, the Pope in Rome had called for a Crusade for Jerusalem. The issue was that the feudal contract to the Holy Roman Emperor did not allow him to join because the main force behind the antipapacy in Trier was the Emperor himself. Seeking other ways to support the Pope, he made rather large contributions, in secret of course, to the crusader war chest. Evidence found centuries later indicates that Johannes had perhaps wanted to ship off one or more of his sons and brothers to the Holy Land. We do not have any names, but this could have either prevented or caused a whole lot of trouble depending on who he would have sent there. But perhaps we know of a candidate. His second son Hendrik was granted a title in Galicia during the long Wittelsbach struggle’s in Poland. It is likely Hendrik would have been the receiver of any title’s bestowed to the Roderlo’s had the Grand Duchy been able to provide troops.

In Imperial politics, Johannes played a important role as the chancellor of multiple emperors. If there was one thing Johannes was more capable at than the rule over his realm, it was the contact with other rulers. He often travelled to Poland and Denmark to prop up relations with nobles who were wavering in their support for the Wittelsbach’s in those kingdoms. In the Empire itself, it was him who was often the mediator between the many disputes of the different Wittelsbach branches and the Luxemburg dynasty ruling the Kingdom of Bohemia.

If we were to speak of Johannes and Imperial politics, we cannot forget about the one month emperorship of Gottfried “the Apostle”. In 1409, during a period of warfare and instability, the previous emperor had died. In the chaotic election that followed, the Duke of Alsace, Gottfried, was elected to the position of the emperorship. Many feared that with an emperor with such a weak personal domain, their own holdings would come under threat from foreign powers. Within the council of nobles the emperor maintained were also very upset by the severe limiting of their powers over the last few decades. Thus, many in the council bounded together around Johannes, who presented a ultimatum to the emperor 20 days after his election. Severely extend the powers of the council and abdicate. Unable to face the coalition of nobles, the emperor gave in, the crown passing back to a Wittelsbach. Although a short term gain, the issue’s the Roderlo’s had with Gottfried would create a massive crisis for Johannes’ son Diederik.

Beside the reforms of the system of taxation in the Netherlands, Johannes was known well for his extensive building projects all across the realm. Often times, money earned through taxation flowed back into the economy by the improvements made through the realm. Although primitive by todays standards, Johannes made improvements to the road network. This focussed mainly on supporting the main transportation network where it couldn’t reach, this means of transport being the many rivers flowing through the realm. Money flowed back into the economy in a more indirect way as well, namely the expansion of the armed forces. Recruitment was increased and barracks expanded, allowing more work for builders, craftsmen and blacksmith. And there was the greatest project of all, the Widukind Tower in Broenswiek. An absolute feat of medieval engineering, towering above ever building in the city at 60 meters. Once it became clear that the tower would be so massively high, the clergy went to complain, only for them to be dismissed by the Grand Duke, breaking with the family tradition of being relatively pious men. But it must not be said that Johannes I wasn’t a man who held to Christian virtues, being a especially kind man to those close and not so close to him.

His end came unexpectedly. Perhaps because of the more efficient system of taxation, Johannes faced many peasant revolt, and the Oldenburgian one would be the last. As always, the militarily gifted Grand Duke would lead his forces personally. Whilst marching along the western banks of the Weser, the army was ambushed by the peasants. Pressed between the peasants and the river, the army broke down into chaos. Whilst the force that had ambushed them was smaller, the complete surprise achieved was disastrous at first for the Saxon forces. Early on in the battle, Johannes went missing, his command being taken over by his 3rd son Diederik. In the end, the greater Saxon numbers allowed them to encircle the peasant force and either kill them or take them captive. Eventually, the dead body of Johannes was found in the reeds of the river Weser, with a large wound just beneath his ribs. A messenger road like hell back to Broenswiek, to announce to the eldest son of Johannes that he had become Grand Duke. The disastrous five year reign of Karel I had begun.

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Yes, definitely one of the major magnates.

I didn't expect the current Duke to pass so quickly (relatively speaking)
 
At this point I had decided to write the chapters a bit bigger. Johannes IJzervreter was more of a founding father so I wanted to give a tad bit more to him.
 
Karel I
The Reign of Karel I Roderlo, Grand Duke of Saxony

Karel I can best be described as a failed ruler. The only role he was really able to fill was that of diplomat due to his very social nature. He was a terrible administrator, a terrible military leader and subpar on other matters of state. His reign would see another drive for centralization, mostly to place on his administrators the burden he couldn’t bear himself, alienating many of the nobles and at the same time leading to the issues his brother Diederik would come to face. To the credit of Karel, he was very much capable of handling the tasks the Emperor had for him, once again taking up the position of prime diplomat.

It was perhaps uncharacteristic of him to deal with the nobles in the way he did considering his very diplomatic nature. The nature of the state at the time was that a lot of administrative work fell upon the Grand Duke, and thus, much of the competency of the duke. And if the duke is incompetent, the administration would suffer. The necessity to centralize angered many of the nobles. And where perhaps less severe measures might have been able to be negotiated by Karel, the simple fact was that to keep Karel on the throne, these measures were the minimum required. Immediately, voices rang out from the nobility to establish one of his brothers on the throne. In response, Karel had one of the leaders of these groups, the major of Emden, killed, immediately escalating the issue. To make matters more complicated, on the 8th of July 1430, the oldest of his two younger brothers passed away in his county in Galicia, leaving that possession to his duke, but making Diederik the heir to the Roderlo possessions. Already overburdened, needing aid, but more importantly having issues producing an heir, Karel began bringing Diederik as close to the day to day administration of the realm as he could without abdicating. Yet, this did not prevent the growing power of the Hanseatic League from properly establishing itself as a confederation between the 3 major cities of Lubeck, Hamborg and Breemn, letting Breemn effectively break away from Ducal power.

In 1430, a border issue between the bishops of Trier and Reims would escalate into a full war between the Holy Roman Empire and the Kingdom of France. Karel, hoping to fully establish himself as a power player in the cabinet of the emperor, prove himself in battle and gain a victory over the French like his father had, pledged full support for the emperor and mobilized all forces of the realm. (Once again, further degrading relations with the nobles.) In the end, he certainly gained what his father had.

The first battle was near Betun in Artesië. Severely outnumbered, the battle was a lost cause for the French knights. In the end, just over half of the French army was either killed or taken captive. The French started their retreat, and Karel, hungry for glory, gave pursuit across the north of France. At first, the chase was westwards, until after the French army had crossed the Seine, from where they turned south. It was thanks to a cavalry action lead by one of the nobles that eventually the retreating French were brought to a halt. The French, with no route of retreat and out of desperation, charged the centre of the Saxon lines, exactly where Karel had been preparing for combat. The battle turned into a frenzy, the French spurred on by desperation began physically pushing their way through the Saxon lines. In the end, Karel and the French commander Aulay de Paris met each other on the field. Karel had always been bad at personal combat, and him having developed his particular girth did not help him in this manner. Diederik, noticing from a small bit away, began hacking his way to his older brother, but it was already too late. Karel had found himself on the ground, where Aulay finished the job by driving a spear into his throat. Eventually, Diederik was able to force the French soldiers away, and secure the body of Karel from being destroyed by the soldiers fighting above it. In the end, Karel had received what his father had, he lived and died by the sword.

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Yes I think that does accurately describe a less than successful ruler.
 
Diederik I, part I
The Reign of Diederik I Roderlo, Grand Duke of Saxony, part I

Diederik was left with the mess left by his brother, but also the lingering issues of Johannes I’s reign. His first order of business was the loyalty of the nobles and a heir. The problem that had come into existence with the childless deaths of Karel I and Hendrik was that the heir had become a younger brother of his father, the Count of Oldenburg. Whilst normally such an arrangement would be no cause of worry, the problem was that his uncle was in a matrilineal marriage with a woman of the Von Schauenburgs of Holstein. This would mean that if the throne passed on to him, that it would lead to the loss of the title’s for the Roderlo’s. Next to that was the, at least somewhat, restoration of relations with the nobles. To kill two birds with one stone, Diederik decided to marry a girl of the Brabantian nobility. Problem was, that his father had already set him up with a girl of the English Plantagenets. Yet, in the time between the betrothal and Diederik coming of age the favours had massively shifted in the 50 years struggle over the English crown between them and the Hastings dynasty. At the time of the betrothal, the Plantagenets were in control over England and Ireland, with the Hastings being limited to Wales, Cornwall, Devon and the western parts of the Midlands. Warfare had changed that. The Plantagenets had been limited to Ireland, their holdings in Gascony and the last loyal counties in Westmorland, Cumberland and Lancashire. During the conflict, the girl in question was captured, which made sure the betrothal had never become a marriage. With great cost to his reputation, he broke the betrothal and married the Brabantian noblewoman.

Secondly came the issue of Jan of Oldenburg. If Diederik was able to produce an heir, Jan would still be a problem, the problem being that he was still a major pretender to the Saxon throne, and had become a rallying point for many nobles who hoped he would restore their power. Much like his older brother, he saw no way out but murder. Eventually, the plotters would make their move, in 1435, just after his wife had gotten pregnant for the first time (Diederik’s eldest child would be a daughter named Wilhelmina) the plan was set in motion. One of the servants was bribed and given a vial of poison, yet, after the deed was done, she admitted everything. The assassination eventually did not solve much of the problems, it was only until the birth of Diederik’s son Karel that the succession was really safe and for long after that nobles kept grouping around the new Count of Oldenburg, Alarich.

Yet, the greatest threat would not come from outside of the realm. In the summer of 1438, Holy Roman Emperor Aldrich von Wittelsbach would pass away, and once again, it was Gottfried von Hohenstauf who found himself elected to the position, and once again not undisputed. Yet, at this time the Empire found itself in a lot more stable position, allowing the rulership to hold for the moment. Using the pretext of the “traitorous behaviour” shown by the Roderlo’s in the past, he attempted to revoke the Duchy of Gelre from Diederik’s ownership. The Crisis of 1439 had begun.

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The Crisis of 1439 begins.

Absolute panic broke out. Those loyal to the Roderlo’s knew that this was it, if victory was not achieved, it would mean the end of Saxony, this time perhaps forever. Even the King of Bohemia, loyal ally of the Roderlo’s, did not join in their revolt. From documents at the time we can estimate that the forces the Emperor could mobilize were about 3 times larger than those of the Saxons. Yet, not all was lost, for Diederik held a couple of advantages. One, his realm was much more compact, meaning that a more cohesive army could be able to be brought together much faster, meaning that he would be able to intercept Imperial forces heading south for gathering. Two, his deep pockets. The large majority of the “Imperial” treasury of Emperor Aldrich had not passed on to Gottfried, it had actually passed on to the next Duke of Swabia. The economy of Saxony and her personal unions was stable, and despite the protests and peasant revolts, the taxes kept coming in. Immediately after the notice of revocation was received, a band of Lombard mercenaries was hired to help combat the Imperial troops. Third was the allies Diederik still had in the Empire. For whilst Siegmund of Bohemia had not joined the battle against the Emperor, he was still an ally, and also deeply dissatisfied with the second election of Gottfried. Another plot was hatched, and for Diederik, everything depended on it.

Whilst there were a few smaller battles in the Rhineland area, the real confrontation took place in the east, just across the Elve, near Havelberg. Whilst technically two separate battles by the rules of medieval warfare (those who were able to camp on the battlefield would win the battle), for the sake of strategy it must be counted as one. The first day of Havelberg was nothing short of a piece of strategic genius by Diederik and his fellow commanders. The field that had been chosen as the field for battle was flanked on both sides by rather large woodlands. And, more importantly, Diederik was aware of what the enemy though the size of his army was, much smaller than it actually was, mainly thanks to the Lombard mercenaries. Thus, the plan became simple, present in the open space what the enemy expected, have large reserves in the woods. Once the centre had become stuck enough in bloody combat, the reserves would advance through the woods, smash whatever screening units there were and crash into the flanks and rear of the enemy formation. The first day of Havelberg is actually quite important since it marks the first usage of gunpowder by the Saxon forces in the form of multiple signal fireworks which were used to give the order for the flanks to begin their attack. The whole thing was actually quite clever, since most of the fireworks were used the evening before as pure entertainment, in the hope of not making the Imperial forces suspicious when they would be used the next day. The plan worked like a charm, with the Imperial forces not even bothering to put up screening forces in the woods. Once the flanks hit the Imperial line, panic broke out, and whilst most forces got away, over 5000 men were still lost, yet at the cost of 2000 men. That evening, scouting forces came back to report in, reporting about a force of roughly 2000 men that had been meant as reinforcements for the Imperial army that had just lost the battle. The next morning, the Saxon army placed itself on the road the Imperials were approaching from. A soon as the reinforcements reached the roadblock, the trap was sprung. A casualty ratio of 100 to one was achieved that day and the full Imperial force of just over 2000 men was wiped away.

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Grand Duke Diederik I was victorious during the two day long Battle of Havelberg

In the meantime, Diederik had made all means available to have Emperor Gottfried murdered. It took months of preparation, outmost secrecy, and some of the most powerful men within the Empire, but an opening was found when Gottfried decided to travel north to lead the campaign himself with an army of 30.000 strong. He was the guest of the Duke of Hessen, a member of the conspiracy, who had a chip on his shoulder because the Emperor had decided to not return Marburg to him after the previous emperor had seized it from him. Gottfried was a very old man, had troubles going up and down stairs and was granted a room in the highest tower of the castle of Nassau. Gottfried had spent a small week traveling northwards, and arrived in Nassau a few hours after midday. A grand feast was held by the duke, making sure the emperor drank as much alcohol as he could and then some. That night, the personal guards Gottfried had brought along were exchanged for two guardsmen provided by the duke, who then proceeded to sabotage the railing of the outside stairs. The next day, still somewhat tipsy, the emperor grabbed a hold of the railing, only for it to give way and for Gottfried to follow it. With one muffled thud, the Crisis of 1439 came to an end, as Siegmund of Bohemia was elected emperor, and all allegations against Diederik were declared baseless.

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The problem had now become that the previous emperors had completely destroyed the diplomatic position of the HRE. France was a mortal enemy, although it had also been the Roderlo’s who helped along with that, though they had never been one to declare the feudal contract of Flanders null and void. In the east, the Wittelsbachs and Luxemburgs had been making war with Hungary and Poland for over a century, allowing most of Nitra and all of Poland to fall under their rule, upsetting the powers there so much that even the Teutons had turned against them. In the north, ever since crisis had beset the Kingdom of Denmark during the early 14th century, Sjealland had been sold, and the rump of the kingdom had fallen under Wittelsbach rule, only being recovered by the Estrids a few scant years before 1440. A massive coalition had formed against the HRE, and now the Luxemburgs had inherited the mess coming out of a civil war. The spark that set off the powder keg was the issue of Reims, pressed by the King of France. And once it went up, the fire wouldn’t let itself be put out easily.

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Europe had united against the Holy Roman Empire, and this time, to “return the favour” let’s say, it were the Roderlo’s who kept to the shadows for the immediate time as fighting broke out on all frontiers. Across the Alp, forces of rebelling Italian cities, counties and duchies began advancing on the Habsburg holdings in Aquileia. In the east, the armies of the Teutons, Lithuania and the Rus marched on Eastern Poland. Along the Danube, armies of the Hungarian Anjou attempted to take back Nitra and prop up their ever decreasing reputation in their kingdom. And in the north, Denmark, Sweden and the Stuarts of Scotland, Finland and Norway marched south the hopefully finally restore the Kingdom of Denmark after more than a century of humiliation.

To describe the war in full would take too long. To give a synopsys of the first two years: In the south, forces of the Emperor and the Habsburgs would see losses to the Italians but halting them in South Tyrol and a near Triest in a couple of battles. Altough halting them for now, the Italian were still too strong to push back. In the east, armies of the Crown of St. Stephen were able to sweep through Nitra and take Krakow. Kievan forces swept into Glicia, Lithuanians had come to the gates of Warsaw and the Teutons raided the whole of Pomerania before their column, burdened by loot, was beset upon by an Imperial army near Stettin. Overburdened with loot, much of the Teutonic force was destroyed. In the north, the Estrids had been able to retake their old capital after more than a century of exile, going on to take both Sleswig and Holsteen, although bogging down into prolonged combat with the forces of the peasant republic. In the west, hoping to not incur the wrath of the Roderlo’s, the Valois aimed to bypass the Netherlands, leaving Flanders alone, and instead going after Reims, Lorraine and the Upper Rhineland, besieging Trier by the end of 1442.

In January 1443, like his brother had years before, Diederik declared fully for the Emperor. In a winter battle outside of the walls of Trier, a combined force of Saxon and Bohemian soldiers broke the siege. The Bohemian forces transferred to Italy, where, in May, they would achieve a victory over the Italians allowing them to retake Treviso. In the west, Diederik was able to rally the nobles of the Rhineland and retake Lorraine. In the north, Saxon forces were able to make some gains together with the Von Schauenburgs against the Danes and Swedes, recapturing Holstein after their forces had been weakened by conflict with the peasant republics. In the east, the news was more mixed. Altough armies of the Emperor began besieging Danzig, Warsaw and much of Poland fell to the eastern forces. Knowing that they would not be able to keep up the fight, the Diarchy of Siegmund and Diederik sued for peace whilst in a position of relative strength. The Treaty of Rome (negotiations were held in the heart of Catholicism) would do many things. The most major point was the restoration of a politically independent Kingdom of Poland under the Wittelsbachs. Altough, this kingdom did revoke any claim it held to the region of Silesia, being recognized as an integral part to the Crown of St. Wenceslas. Bohemia was forced by the Anjou to return the lands considered integral to the Hungarian crown. In the north, the Kingdom of Denmark was made whole again by the transferral of Sjaelland and Sleswig back to the Danish crown, ending the almost 150 years of humiliation. In the west, Reims and parts of the County of Burgundy were handed back to the French monarchs. And, last, in the south, whilst not officially gaining independence from the Holy Roman Empire, several provisions gave very extensive liberties to the Italian regions of the Empire. It was certain that if an assertive Emperor would not do anything about the region, that it would soon slip from the Empire all together.

Siegmund owed a lot to Diederik, who had been able to deliver the Imperial crown to him and saved his empire in a time of possible existential threat. Now, it was time to repay the favour. Like his father, Diederik was a brilliant administrator and economist. Having travelled to the Bahri Sultanate and having made personal friends with Sultan Nuraddin II, he opened up direct access to the western end of the Silk Road. Not to forget that their friendship lasted for the rest of their days here on earth. And like his father, Diederik, whilst limited by a upset nobility, worked hard to establish a more centralized administration for his Dutch possessions. In an effort to solve the problem of the nobility, he looked towards England, where, since the 13th century, nobles and burghers had shared responsibility for the law-making process with the monarch. This had actually been on his mind for multiple years before the Crisis of 1439, yet, the Wittelsbachs and especially Gottfried “the Apostle” would not accept any move like Diederik had been preparing. But, with a period of crisis behind him, the reassured loyalty of the nobility through the protection of the realm and an Emperor who was a friend and indebted to him, he could move forward. On the 11th of November, 1444, the Pragmatic Sanction was declared with the backing of the Emperor. Holland, Zeeland, Flanders, Atrecht, Doornik, Henegouwen, Kamerijk, Namen, Luik, Brabant, Limburg and Nedersticht were unified into a perpetual personal union, with a parliament, the Staten Generaal, convening in Antwerp.

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And that's it! Since I want to play the second part in Emperor, I will have to wait a while before can continue on with the game. For once I'm able to actually finish a AAR, however short it may be.
 
Well a fine beginning to a larger tale, and a new realm formed ready for the centuries to come.
 
Well a fine beginning to a larger tale, and a new realm formed ready for the centuries to come.
Yeah. At first I was a bit disappointing I wasn't able to take a bit more land (rest of dejure Flanders, Rhineland) but it leaves something to do before I really head overseas in EU4
 
Nice finishing touches, but I must say that map looks like an absolute bordergore.:confused::eek:
Aha, yes. I've taken the liberty of roughly converting the 1444 map to one of Emperor and it's quite fun
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Red border is the HRE, countries encircled by the colour of another country are puppets/marches/personal unions
 
Aha, yes. I've taken the liberty of roughly converting the 1444 map to one of Emperor and it's quite fun
What is this "Emperor" you talk about? Are you converting to Imperator:Rome?
 
What is this "Emperor" you talk about? Are you converting to Imperator:Rome?
The new expansion and update for EU4. It includes new internal management, HRE mechanics, more provinces in Europe, new Catholic mechanics.
 
It's been a few days since Emperor has been out and the converter has been updated to handle EU4 1.30. I'm done with the map work I wanted done, and the only thing I want to do is to add in a few events to handle the dynastic mess in England, sort out the borders between the Roderlo's and France and set up some middle game content for Saxony. But, for now, a map of 1444 Europe

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Really must say that the folks maintaining the converter did a absolutely brilliant job
 
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