Li Jishen smiled as he thought back on the year, it had been quite successful. On the first of January, Chinese armies sat opposite considerable Japanese forces in Manchuria. By the end of April, the Japanese army had been shattered as a coherent force in the north, the great majority of its entire strength simply gone. By the end of July, Chinese forces swam off the coast of southern Korea. November saw the final fall of the final two truly independent warlords—Tibet and Sinkiang—and the recovery of Taiwan. It was in December that the first steps were taken on the soil of Japan’s Home Islands. It was important now to make sure everything was in order with China itself and to do this, he requested reports from every minister.
He picked up the report from Wang JingWei, his foreign minister, first.
Firstly, to address the Yunnanese question. Long Yun has finally agreed to integrate Yunnan into China peacefully, but only once Tokyo has fallen. As for the other states with interests in the area that we should care about—the United Kingdom, France, the United States and the Soviet Union—their reactions to China’s sudden reunification are mixed. The United States will mostly likely leave us alone, as we are taking care of their Japanese problem for them. The British and French are nervous, but not overly so—and they have other problems to worry about, namely Germany. War has broken out in Europe again. The Soviet Union, however, is quite suspicious. Zhang Xueliang will be able to confirm when I say that they have quite a force stationed all along the Sino-Soviet borders. They obviously fear Chinese ambitions to reclaim Mongolia. I do not, however, believe that they will try to attack, they are also much focused on events in Europe even if they play no part.
Li Jishen grunted. Tokyo would be a difficult city to capture, as the Japanese were sure to rush any reinforcements they had directly to their capital. It would be a bloodbath, but Tokyo would have to fall anyway—Yunnan was just extra incentive. Li Jishen began reading the next report, from Chen Gongbo, the Chinese minister of armaments.
China currently has one hundred thirty five functioning factories, working at the efficiency of one hundred seventy eight. Of these ‘effective factories,’ one hundred are dedicated to our production lists—transports for soldiers as well as convoy ships to bring supplies to Japan and resources back to the major ports of China. We have thirteen dedicated to supplies, when the armed forces demand twenty-nine. However, we can afford this as a fair stockpile of supplies had been established earlier. The rest are divided between reinforcing our army and navy whenever needed, as well as investing into consumer goods to placate the people, who are still slightly unhappy about our use of force against Sinkiang and Tibet. However, we can still call up four million three hundred and thirty thousand men for the factories and the armed forces should we need to, and more are joining this pool every day, at a rate of just over two thousand. We are, however, not self-sufficient. Our factories use more rare materials than we have, though we make up for most of this through trade, and similarly with energy, though once we begin exploiting the power plants of Japan we should self-sufficient in energy. Admittedly, from our conquests we do have fair stockpiles of all these resources. We are, however, self-sufficient in metal—or will be, once we have Yunnan, as they are currently making up for our current daily metal shortage.
Li Jishen sighed. He didn’t like resource shortages, even if there were cushions of stockpiles and trade deals to soften those shortages. Next, it was Dai Li’s report, from the ministry of security.
I assume Chen Gongbo mentioned that the minor dissent over Sinkiang and Tibet are being handled. I expect that, once the transports finish, I can request that more industry focus on consumer goods so that the dissent falls quicker. Otherwise, there is little to report. The army will cover the external threats, and there is little in the way of internal threats, except perhaps in Korea. I suggest setting up a puppet government, though it would most likely not self-sufficient. However, this question requires greater examination.
Li Jishen smiled, it was a bit short but to the point. True, as well. On the whole, there were very few internal threats. Next, it was Zhang Xueliang’s report.
The Soviet Union has dedicated a good portion of their army to guarding our mutual border. It is impossible to get hard information on their units as we have no decryption technology as of yet, but there are at least forty-two divisions near our Sinkiang and Manchuria provinces and probably more along the lines of double that figure. Japan, however, has little army strength beyond their concentration in Hainan—probably no more than twenty divisions, mostly fortress divisions, in all the Home and Pacific Islands. Their navy is, however, nearly completely intact and their air force is still potent. As for the colonial powers, Britain and France, their combined military presence on our borders amounts to two divisions.
Li Jishen frowned, the Soviet certainly did seem somewhat worried about China’s ambitions northward. However, what Wang JingWei had written was also true, they were probably focused on European affairs and would not act rashly in the east. The last report was a from the combined Chinese chiefs of staffs: Jiang Baili, chief of staff; Gu Zhutong, chief of army; Bai Chongxi, chief of navy; Wang Shuming, chief of air force.
The army consists of one hundred five divisions, of which three are cavalry and the rest infantry. The cavalry is very obsolete, being only at the Great War standard, but the infantry is fairly modern, all of the divisions being at the 1939 standard. Yunnan has seventeen divisions, of which two are Great War era militia and the rest are infantry divided between Great War and 1936 standards. The navy consists of forty six Great War era destroyer squadrons and twelve transport squadrons. The air force consists of one Great War era interceptor squadron. Naval and aerial construction capabilities are awful—Great War destroyers, Great War heavy cruisers and transports, and Great War interceptors, respectively. China’s bombing capabilities are extremely limited, but perhaps we could steal both naval and aerial technology from the Japanese once they’ve been beaten. Our main goal at the moment is to distract the Japanese navy long enough to build up an appreciable strength on the Japanese Home Islands and win that campaign. After that, it is a matter of securing those far away islands in the Pacific and Japan shall be conclusively beaten.
Li Jishen leaned back in his chair. Those were the reports from his ministers. He sighed, he supposed everything was going as well as could be expected, all things considered.