Part II: The Russo-Polish War
Attempts were made by the Poles to rouse the population in Volhynia, Podolia, Samogitia and Lithuania. Those uprising were of minor importance in the grand scheme of the war and proved to the Russian a good opportunity to crush the nationalistic uprisings. By this time new Russian forces arrived under the leadership of Grand Duke Mikhail arrived in Poland. Those new forces were greeted with numerous defeats at the hands of the Poles. The victories of the Polish army, however, where at this stage phyrric, as Polish casualties were starting to deplete their forces. Ignacy Prądzynski started a counter offensive against the Russian enemies in April, with the aim of recapturing Siedlice, which held a major Russian munitions depot.
Heavily outnumbered, Polish forces engaged Russian forced at the village of Iganie, several miles from Siedlice. Despite the odds against him Prądzynski attacked the Russian positions in the village, believing additional Polish troops were not far from his position. Polish infantry, under the support of the mounted artillery, captured the village and a Russian counter attack was repulsed. In total Polish losses were less as 300 dead and wounded, while Russian casualties were far higher with 3,000 dead or wounded and as close to 1,500 captured. The Polish commander in chief Jan Zygmunt Skrzynecki decided to pursuit the Russians and makes an attempt at capturing Siedlice with its valuable munitions depot.
Victorious Polish troops after the Battle of Iganie
Skrzynecki took personal command of the Polish forces around Siedlice, who numbered close to 25,000 men, and started preparations for the siege of the city. Nearly a month after the victory near Warsaw, the attack on the city of Siedlice started with an artillery barrage on the Russian defences and Polish troops attacking the city. After a few hours the Russian defences were broken and Polish troops entered the city and as heavy street fighting continued between the Russian troops and the Polish troops and the inhabitants of Siedlice, casualties rose rapidly. The fighting in and around Siedlice continued for several days, but the city was captured by the Polish troops, albeit at an extremely high cost of nearly 9,000 losses.
Meanwhile in Warsaw, the revolutionary government faced heavy criticism from the more radical elements, for its so called inactivity, lack of land reform and the failure to recognize the peasant’s rights to the land they worked. But the Sejm procrastinated and haggled over concessions towards the Russians. Despite victories on the field, enthusiasm of the peasantry waned and the inaptitude of the government became more apparent. Sick and tired of the revolutionary’s government actions, or rather, the lack thereof, the radical Joachim Lelewel united the radicals to overthrow the government and focus on the fight against Russia, as well as forcing through the land reforms, hoping to encourage the peasantry to pick up arms for the Polish cause.
The news of the continuing Russian defeats travelled fast and fuelled nationalism in- and outside of Russia. In Prussia and Austria Polish nationalist and radicals took up arms against their local rulers and several skirmishes took place in Galicia, most notably in Lwow and Poznan. Many Poles of lower classes left their hometowns in Germany and Austria to support the Polish cause. Both nations had previously closed their borders and increased the troop strength along the border. Under these circumstances, it was almost inevitable that Polish sympathizers would clash along the border with the troops stationed there, and in many places that was exactly what happened.
Clash between Polish volunteers and German troops near the Polish border
Ever more Russian troops were sent to subdue the Polish War of Independence, increasing from an initial 100,000 troops to more as 250,000. Despite the influx of volunteers, the Polish army never counted more as 95,000 men. Despite the odds being against them, the Polish offensive continued and the theatre of operations had moved from Congress Poland to Lithuania and Belarus. A string of defeats at the hands of the Polish, who were considered to be unprepared for war, had blown away the Russian hopes of crushing this ‘uprising’ and fuelled nationalism amongst the recently conquered people in Daghestan and other regions of Caucasia, as well as other ethnic groups, such as Ukrainians, Lithuanians and even Tatars.
The Polish cause was now rapidly growing to become an international question, rather then an internal problem of Russia. Various governments were already openly supporting the struggle for independence of Poland; amongst them were Saxony, Belgium, Sweden, Denmark, Greece, Spain and Portugal. Sounds for an intervention were voiced by the Great Powers, as the war was starting to take its toll on the stability of Russia and Central Europe. Even in Russia some prominent aristocratic families were starting to support an end to the war, as Russia’s prestige had taken a blow from the war. And by the end of 1832 the invitation of Sweden to end the conflict was accepted by both parties, as well as other Great Powers. All parties would meet in Stockholm on the 13th of January to discuss the future of Poland.
Attempts were made by the Poles to rouse the population in Volhynia, Podolia, Samogitia and Lithuania. Those uprising were of minor importance in the grand scheme of the war and proved to the Russian a good opportunity to crush the nationalistic uprisings. By this time new Russian forces arrived under the leadership of Grand Duke Mikhail arrived in Poland. Those new forces were greeted with numerous defeats at the hands of the Poles. The victories of the Polish army, however, where at this stage phyrric, as Polish casualties were starting to deplete their forces. Ignacy Prądzynski started a counter offensive against the Russian enemies in April, with the aim of recapturing Siedlice, which held a major Russian munitions depot.
Heavily outnumbered, Polish forces engaged Russian forced at the village of Iganie, several miles from Siedlice. Despite the odds against him Prądzynski attacked the Russian positions in the village, believing additional Polish troops were not far from his position. Polish infantry, under the support of the mounted artillery, captured the village and a Russian counter attack was repulsed. In total Polish losses were less as 300 dead and wounded, while Russian casualties were far higher with 3,000 dead or wounded and as close to 1,500 captured. The Polish commander in chief Jan Zygmunt Skrzynecki decided to pursuit the Russians and makes an attempt at capturing Siedlice with its valuable munitions depot.
Victorious Polish troops after the Battle of Iganie
Skrzynecki took personal command of the Polish forces around Siedlice, who numbered close to 25,000 men, and started preparations for the siege of the city. Nearly a month after the victory near Warsaw, the attack on the city of Siedlice started with an artillery barrage on the Russian defences and Polish troops attacking the city. After a few hours the Russian defences were broken and Polish troops entered the city and as heavy street fighting continued between the Russian troops and the Polish troops and the inhabitants of Siedlice, casualties rose rapidly. The fighting in and around Siedlice continued for several days, but the city was captured by the Polish troops, albeit at an extremely high cost of nearly 9,000 losses.
Meanwhile in Warsaw, the revolutionary government faced heavy criticism from the more radical elements, for its so called inactivity, lack of land reform and the failure to recognize the peasant’s rights to the land they worked. But the Sejm procrastinated and haggled over concessions towards the Russians. Despite victories on the field, enthusiasm of the peasantry waned and the inaptitude of the government became more apparent. Sick and tired of the revolutionary’s government actions, or rather, the lack thereof, the radical Joachim Lelewel united the radicals to overthrow the government and focus on the fight against Russia, as well as forcing through the land reforms, hoping to encourage the peasantry to pick up arms for the Polish cause.
The news of the continuing Russian defeats travelled fast and fuelled nationalism in- and outside of Russia. In Prussia and Austria Polish nationalist and radicals took up arms against their local rulers and several skirmishes took place in Galicia, most notably in Lwow and Poznan. Many Poles of lower classes left their hometowns in Germany and Austria to support the Polish cause. Both nations had previously closed their borders and increased the troop strength along the border. Under these circumstances, it was almost inevitable that Polish sympathizers would clash along the border with the troops stationed there, and in many places that was exactly what happened.
Clash between Polish volunteers and German troops near the Polish border
Ever more Russian troops were sent to subdue the Polish War of Independence, increasing from an initial 100,000 troops to more as 250,000. Despite the influx of volunteers, the Polish army never counted more as 95,000 men. Despite the odds being against them, the Polish offensive continued and the theatre of operations had moved from Congress Poland to Lithuania and Belarus. A string of defeats at the hands of the Polish, who were considered to be unprepared for war, had blown away the Russian hopes of crushing this ‘uprising’ and fuelled nationalism amongst the recently conquered people in Daghestan and other regions of Caucasia, as well as other ethnic groups, such as Ukrainians, Lithuanians and even Tatars.
The Polish cause was now rapidly growing to become an international question, rather then an internal problem of Russia. Various governments were already openly supporting the struggle for independence of Poland; amongst them were Saxony, Belgium, Sweden, Denmark, Greece, Spain and Portugal. Sounds for an intervention were voiced by the Great Powers, as the war was starting to take its toll on the stability of Russia and Central Europe. Even in Russia some prominent aristocratic families were starting to support an end to the war, as Russia’s prestige had taken a blow from the war. And by the end of 1832 the invitation of Sweden to end the conflict was accepted by both parties, as well as other Great Powers. All parties would meet in Stockholm on the 13th of January to discuss the future of Poland.
